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— QF 

HANOVER township; ^ 







In Luzerne County, Pennsylvania. 



Sugar Notch, Pa. 


wilkes-barre, pa. 
robert baur, printer and 

1885. - • ^». ", ' ;'• • * (^ 

J \ * • » . , . • • • * • • * • 

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year ISS-^, by 


In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C 

J. W. Raeder, Binder, 



^N presenting this book, especially to the descendants of the old 
( Hanover settlers, and to the public in general, I deem it proper to 
-„^ J say : I was born in the house of one of the old veterans of the 
Wyoming Massacre and the Revolutionary War. He was eighteen years 
old at the time of the massacre, 1778, and he died in 1845, nearly eighty-six 
years old. I was fifteen at the time of his death, and had always lived 
with him. Strangers as well as neighbors frequently came to his house to 
hear him relate the incidents of those times that "tried men's souls," in 
which he was an actor, and, with his father's family, a sufferer. This was 
Elisha Blackman. He resided in Wilkes-Barre from 1772 to 1791, after 
which he resided in Hanover till his death in 1845. I listened with my 
young ears, and frequently with bated breath, to his recital of Indian and 
Tory raids and murders, and the pursuit by some party of settlers hastily 
got together, and sometimes a meeting of these hostile parties and a des- 
perate fight ; and his stories of the early settlement, the building of the 
log cabin, dignified by the name of house, the construction of furniture, 
the clearing of the farm of woods and brush and the building of protect- 
ing shelter for domestic animals from wild animals — in short, the industry, 
frugality, hardship, suffering, exposure, perseverance, trials, troubles, 
arrests, expulsions, imprisonments, escapes, hunger, ho]3es, fears and final 
peace. It seemed fitting therefore that I — if no one else better quali- 
fied — should write out the plain and simple story of those times, that the 
descendants of those early patriots might j)reserve some faint idea of what 
their progenitors passed through, and how they discharged their responsi- 
bilities. It then seemed necessary that the history of the township should 
be continued down to the present time — and this book is the result. 

The endeavor has been made to write this history in the plainest Anglo- 
Saxon — the common, every-day speech of the people. Another endeavor 
has been made, viz: to leave out everything of a personal nature so far as 
the story could be told without mentioning names. I have come across 
several incidents while writing this book, where I have been sorely 
tempted to break over the second of these rules that I had set for myself, 
but I passed those incidents by and left that work for some other pen than 

Nearly all the local historians I have ever- read have expressed a desire 
to furnish genealogical tables of the old families, but they have all 


sluiiined or Hliirkod tlio task. I have attoniptod it in this hook, and have 
found it a very interesting work indeed; hut there is a greater Hahihty to 
make errors in this than in any other part of the work. I ahiiost fear the 
critieisnis that will he showered upon me for the mistakes I have made in 
this i)art of my work, T found it impossihle to ohtain a very great degree 
of eorreetness. Kven tlie families, or memhers of the families that I eould 
find, frequently did not know. The record, if one had heen kept, was in 
the possession of some other member or branch of the family, and the one 
incjuired of had no copy. The most of these tables, however, have been 
constructed from informafton obtained from members of the families, and 
any mistakes in these cases — and there are doubtless many — must be laid 
to the want of correct information on the part of that member of the 
family who gave the information. Sometimes there were two or three 
consulted, and not together or at the same time, and in these Ci\ses the 
information became mixed. In some cases there was not a single relative 
of the family to be found anywhere. By the word family, I do not mean 
the members of a household, but I mean all of the name, however far 
they may have to go back to meet a common ancestor — provided they 
meet at all. 

The main part of the special history of Hanover is taken up by descrip- 
tions of the work of these early settlers — their houses, tools, trades, imple- 
ments, farms, fences, crops, manufactures, methods, industry and persever- 
ance. The older generation, not yet wholly passed away, knows all about 
these things without being told by me, but those coining on after us know 
nothing about it, except by hearsay, and in another generation there will 
be no one living who can tell the story from having actually seen these 
things. To these and their successors my book is hereby dedicated. 

The facts recorded in the part especially devoted to Hanover are gener- 
ally new. They have rarely been culled from any other history. The 
original researches have generally been made by myself, but I must 
acknowledge my great indebtedness to Hon. Steuben Jenkins, of 
Wyoming, for information and documents furnished. His avssistance has 
been invaluable. He furnished the key to unlock hidden mines of the 
most valuable information to a historian of Hanover. It seems to me now 
that without the list of ancient transfers of land (transfers previous to the 
Wyoming Massacre) I should have remained ignorant of some of the 
most important facts contained in this book — always providing any of tlie 
facts contained in it are important. It is understood that Mr. Jenkins is 
gathering materials for a copious and searching history of Wyoming to 
its minute particulars; and from what I have seen of his accjuisitions in 
this respect, I have reason to think the work will be most thorough and 

The first part — the Hist<^ry of Wyoming — has been drawn most largely 
from the "History of Wyoming" by the Hon. Charles Miner. Frequent 
credits to that source will be found in the body of the work. He wrote his 
work previous to 1845 (the date of publication), and had special facilities 
for pr(X5uring correct information, as fifteen or twenty of the old veterans 



who participated in the events were living up to nearly that time and in 
the full possession of their faculties.' He conferred with them personally, 
as I myself know from being present at some of these conferences. His 
statements are, therefore, worthy of the most thorough reliance in matters 
thus procured, and are now, in most cases, the only source from which the 
information can be derived. I have also quoted from Dr. Egle's "History 
of Pennsylvania," 1883. * 

In documentary and record matters new materials are being constantly 
discovered. In this history I am the first to publish anything from the 
ancient Hanover records. The old Hanover Town Record is supposed to be 
the only book of the kind still in existence in Wyoming Valley. The 
authorities of Hanover placed it in the keeping of the Wyoming Historical 
and Geological Society in 1864, and it may be said, that they keep it with 
a little too strict care. 

Chapman's "History of Wyoming" has been drawn upon for informa- 
tion; also Gov. Hoyt's "Brief of Title of Seventeen Townships;" Col. 
H. B. Wright's "Sketches of Plymouth;" Col. Stone's "History of 
Wyoming;" Rev. Dr. Peck's "History of Wyoming;" Elias Johnson's 
(the English name of a Tuscarora Indian chief) " History of the Six 
Nations;" Stewart Pierce's "Annals of Luzerne;" "Historical Collections 
of Pennsylvania, 1843;" Goodrich's "History of the U.S.;" Hollister's 
" History of the Lackawanna Valley;" "Events in Indian History, 1842;" 
Henry's "History of the Lehigh Valley, I860;" Johnson's "Wyoming 
Memorial;" Mrs. Perkins' "Ancient Times," Bradford County, 1870; 
"Rupp's 30,000 Names" of Immigrants to Pennsylvania; the original 
census returns, Washington, D. C; ancient account books of Elisha 
Blackman, Sr., 1779 to 1804; Elisha Blackman, Jr., 1795 to 1820; modern 
account books to 1884; ancient deeds, letters, papers, assessment books, 
county records. Clerk of the Courts, Orphan's Court, Prothonotary's ofiice, 
Recorder's office, newspapers, and personal conferences with most of the 
older inhabitants of the township, and visits to and correspondence by 
mail with many former citizens, but not now residents of the township. 
The "old soldier" and "old settler" and "veteran" mentioned in the 
body of the work was Elisha Blackman^ Jr.^ of Hanover. 

Quotations have not been changed, even when the punctuations seemed 
to be all wrong. The orthography has been followed unless it was a mani- 
fest case of "misprint." The names of persons and places in the old 
histories, and written documents, seem to have been spelled according to 
the writer's notion of it at the moment, as they are not always spelled in 
the same way by the same writer. When any such matter has been intro- 
duced here the orthography has not been intentionally changed. Various 
errors have been made in printing which the proof-reader (myself), from 
inexperience probably, failed to discover until too late for correction. I 
have therefore introduced here a page of errata^ showing the true reading. 

November 19, 1885. . H. B. PLUMB. 


Page 31, 19tli line from top, in place of Alligewe read Alligeioi. 

a ' ' ..... .. .._. 




















































, 18th 


, 17th 


, 20th 


, 15th 























We qu tank 






' ' River es. 

" serpentine. 

*' with. 

" ever. 

* ' Wequetank. 

" Tedeuscung. 

" venison. 

'* Ezekiel. 

*' Ransom. 

** Ger shorn. 

"■ 1772. 

*' Alexander. 

'* 14. 

" said John. 

" Releg. 

* * ever. 

" {No. 28.) 

* ' dyeing. 

' * large. 

'' threshing. 

" bread. 

" $15. 

" Preston. 

" place o/ and. 

"■ Ashbel. 

'* Conestoga. 

*' Barkman. 

** Jones and their 
father John, all deceased, the father and brothers of Richard, etc. 
Page 285, 11th line from hot., in place of Honnis read Hannis. 
"■ 320, 19th " bottom, " 31.7 " 38.7. 

326, 4tii " bottom, " turnpike roads " roads. 
328, 7th '' top, omit the word "up." 

337, 2d line from bot., in place of removals read renewaU. 
354, 10— 11th" top, " perbbl. " /owr per bbl. 

370, 5th " top, " 1825 " 1855. 

370, 10th " bottom, " 150 " 1,500. 

378, over third column of figures from the left, in place of Luzerne 
and Lacl^awanna read Luzerne and Lycoming. 
Page 384, 9th line from top, in place of Windson read Windsor. 

first hundred" first two hundred. 







(No. 18) 


a large 





place and 




Jones, all. 

398, 5th 

399, 3d 
408, 13th 

427, 12th 

428, 1st 

429, 10th 
446, 14th 
446, 4th 
448, 11th 
469, 2d 





























^'HEOPOMPUS, a learned historian and orator, who flour- 
U ished in the time of Alexander the Great, 331 years before 
Christ, in a book entitled ' Thoumasia,' gives a sort of dialogue 
between Midas, the Phrygian, and Silenus. After much con- 
versation, Silenus said to Midas, that Europe, Asia and Africa were 
but islands surrounded by the sea; but that there was a continent 
situated beyond these, which was of immense dimensions, even 
without limits ; and that it was so luxuriant as to produce animals 
of prodigious magnitude, and men grew to double the height of 
themselves, and that they lived to a far greater age ; that they had 
many great cities, and their usages and laws were different from 
ours ; that in one city there were more than a million of inhabit- 
ants ; that gold and silver were there in vast quantities." 

This is all of Theopompus that can be said to refer to a country 
west of Europe and Africa. 

"Diodorus Siculus says that some 'Phoenicians were cast upon 
a most fertile island opposite to Africa. Of this he says they kept 
the most studied secrecy, which was doubtless occasioned by their 
jealousy of the advantage the discovery might be to the neighbor- 
ing nations, and which they wished to secure wholly to them- 
selves.' " Diodorus Siculus lived about one hundred years before 
Christ. Islands lying west of Africa are certainly mentioned by 
Homer and Horace. They were called Atlantides, and were sup- 
posed to be about 10,000 furlongs from Africa. Here existed the 
poets' fabled Elysian fields. Let Diodorus speak for himself: 
"After having passed the islands which lie beyond the Herculean 
Straits, we speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. 


Towards Africa, and to the west of it, is an immense island in the 
broad sea, many days' sail from Lybia. Its soil is very fertile, and 
its surface variegated with mountains and valleys. Its coasts are 
indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields are well cul- 
tivated ; delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants and trees." 
This corresponds ver>'' well, at all events, with the accounts given 
by the Spaniards of the Mexicans when first discovered. 

Plato's account has more weight than any other of the ancients. 
He lived about 400 years before Christ. Part of his account is as 
follows : "In those first times, the Atlantic was a most broad 
island, and there were extant most powerful kings in it, who, with 
joint forces, were appointed to occupy Asia and Europe ; and so a 
most grievous war was carried on, in which the Athenians, with 
the common consent of the Greeks, opposed themselves, and they 
became the conquerors. But that Atlantic island, by a flood and 
earthquake, was indeed suddenl}^ destroyed, and so that warlike peo- 
ple were swallowed up." "An island in the mouth of the sea, in the 
passage to those straits, called the Pillars of Hercules, did exist ; 
and that island was greater and larger than Lybia and Asia ; from 
which there was an easy passage over to other islands, and from those 
islands to that continent which is situated out of that region. Neptune 
settled in this island, from whose son. Atlas, its name was derived, 
and divided it among his ten sons. To the youngest fell the ex- 
tremity of the island, called Gadir, which, in the language of the 
country, signifies fertile, or abounding in sheep. The descendants 
of Neptune reigned here, from father to son, for a great number of 
generations in the order of primogeniture, during the space of 
9,000 years. They also possessed several other islands ; and, pass- 
ing into Europe and Africa, subdued all Lybia as far as Egypt, and 
all Europe to Asia Minor. At length the island sunk under; and 
for a long time afterwards the sea thereabouts was full of rocks and 

Aristotle, to whom it is attributed, says : "Some say that beyond 
the Pillars of Hercules, the Carthagenians have found a very fertile 
island, but without inhabitants, full of forests, navigable rivers, and 
fruit in abundance. It is several days' voyage from the main land. 
Some Carthagenians, charmed by the fertility of the country, 
thought to marry and settle there ; but some say the government 


of Carthage forbid the settlement upon pain of death, from the fear 
that it would increase in power so as to deprive the mother country 
of her possessions there/' 

The actual discovery of America we will not relate, except in 
the shortest style: That Columbus sailed with three small ships 
from Spain in 1492 ; that the same year by sailing continually 
westward he discovered the Bahama and West Indian islands ; that 
Spaniards settled them, and exterminated the natives; and, in 128 
years we come to the first settlement of the English in New 
England — 1620. 


In 1607 a congregation fled from England into Holland, and 
in 1608, were joined by others, and a church was established 
there, according, as they believed, to the principles of the 
primitive church of Christ. Their removal was attended with 
great difficulties. There was a large company of them at Boston 
in Lincolnshire, which hired a ship to meet them at a particular 
place convenient for taking aboard their goods, they to be there in 
readiness at a time agreed upon. The master of the ship did not 
call there for some time after the time agreed upon ; but finally he 
came and took them on board, and then betrayed them. He had 
plotted with officers of the government, who came and took them 
out of the ship, rifled and ransacked their clothing, searching 
them, both men and women, to their shirts for money and valua- 
bles, and after robbing them, carried them back to the town before 
the magistrates, and had them locked up. After a month's im- 
prisonment, the greater part were dismissed and sent to the places 
they came from, but sev^n of the principal men were still kept in 
prison and bound over to the assizes. The next spring there was 
another attempt made. 

These heard of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his own, 
belonging to Zealand. They made an arrangement with him. He 
was to take them in between Grindstone and Hull, where there 
was a large common, a good ways distant, the story goes, from any 
town. The people hired a small "bark" to take the women and 
children there, but went by land themselves. When the boat 


got there the day before the time fixed for the ship to be there, the 
sea was rouL^h, and the bark was run into a creek close by. The 
next day when the ship came the bark w'as aground, it being low 
water. The shipmaster saw how 'the matter stood, but sent his 
boats and brought on board the men, who had arrived and were 
walking about on the shore, but after he got the first boat-load on 
board, he saw a large company of armed men, both horse and foot, 
coming to arrest them, or, as the story goes, coming "to take 
them," *'for the country was raised." The Dutchman, having a fair 
wind, weighed anchor, hoisted sail and away. Some of the men 
on the beach escaped, but all the women and children were cap- 
tured. They were hurried from one place to another, women and 
children crying and suffering for food, till in the end the authorities 
did not know what to do with them. To imprison so many women 
and innocent children for no other cause than that they wanted to 
go to their hu.sbands and fathers seemed unreasonable, and now to 
send them home was impossible, for they had no homes to go to, 
having sold them. After bothering a good while with them the 
authorities were glad to get rid of them at any terms. Well, they 
were let go, and they got to Holland and established their Congre- 
gational church ; but after a few years they began to fear that their 
church would be lost by their connection with the Dutch. Some 
of the young men had taken Dutch wiv^es and some of the young 
women had taken Dutch husbands. These things cause grief to 
the pious forefathers, and turned their thoughts towards America. 

They concluded to settle in North Virginia and they sent to the 
Virginia Company in England to obtain a grant of land, and to 
obtain from the king liberty of conscience there. The king would 
only agree to "connive at" it, "provided they should conduct 
peaceably." They made an arrangemei>t with the Virginia Com- 
pany, and in 1620 sent a part of their people to prepare the way. 
Two ships were got ready, one named the Speedwell, of sixty tons, 
the other the Mayflower, of one hundred and eighty tons. They 
first went from Leyden to England, and* on the fifth of August, 
1620, they left Southampton for America ; but they were twice 
forced to return by reason of the bad state of the lesser ship. 
They finally dismissed the Speedwell and all embarked on the 


They sailed, and after two months and three days they fell in 
with the land of Cape Cod, on the 9th of November. Finding 
themselves further north than they intended to settle, they stood to 
the southward; but soon finding themselves nearly encompassed 
by dangerous shoals, the captain took advantage of their fears and 
bore up again for the cape; and, on the loth of November, anchored 
in Cape Cod harbor. 

Observing their latitude, they found themselves out of the limits 
of the Virginia Company ; upon which it was hinted by some that 
they should now be under no laws, and every servant would have as 
much authority as his master. But the wisdom that had conducted 
them hither was sufficient to provide against this evil ; therefore an 
instrument was drawn and signed, by which they unanimously 
formed themselves into a body politic. This instrument was ex- 
ecuted November i ith (old style) and signed by forty-one persons, 
that being the number of men qualified to act for themselves. Their 
whole number consisted of one hundred and one. 

It will always be interesting to know the first form of govern- 
ment, ever drawn up on earth by the people themselves for the 
government of themselves. As this is believed to be the first, it is 
here introduced, together with the names of the persons that signed 
it. This is found in Mr. Prince's New England Chronology: 

''In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are under- 
written, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord. King 
James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, 
King, defender of the faith, etc.: 

"Having undertaken, for the glory of God and the advance- 
ment of the Christian faith, and honor of our King and country, a 
voyage to plant the first colony, in the northern parts of Virginia, 
do, by these presents, solemnly, and mutually in the presence of 
God, and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves together 
into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, 
and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof, to 
enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, 
acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time as shall be 
thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the 
colony. Unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. 
In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at 



Capo Cod, the ilth of November, in the reign of our sovereign 
lord, King James, of England, France and Ireland, the XVIII, and 
of Scotland the LIV^'. Anno Domini 1620." 


Francis Katon* .... 3 

24. James Chilton § 3 

25. John Crackston § ... 2 

26. John Billington* .... 4 

27. Moses Fletcher § .... I 

28. John Goodman § . . . . i 

29. Digory Priest § . . . . i 

30. Thomas Williams § . . . i 

31. Gilbert Winslow . . . . i 
Edmund Margeson§ . . . i 

Peter Brown i 

Richard Britterige § . . . i 
George Soule {of Mr. ]]'in- 

s/o:l''s fajiiily) 

Richard Clark § . . . . i 

... I 

. . I 

... I 




botli of 

1. "Mr. John Car\er* .... 8 

2. William Bradford* ... 2 

3. Mr. Edward Winslow* . . 5 

4. Mr. Wm. Rrewster* . . 6 

5. Mr. Isaac Allerton* ... 6 

6. Capt. Miles Standish* . . 2 

7. John Alden i 

8. Mr. Samuel Fuller t • • 2 

9. Mr, Christopher Martin* § 4 

10. Mr. William MuUins* § . '5 

11. Mr. Wm. White* § . . . 5 

12. Mr. Richard Warren t \ I 

13. John I lowland [in Mr. 

Carver s fa mil]') . . . 

14. Mr. Stephen Hopkins* . . 8 

15. Edward Tilly* § .... 2 

16. John Tilly* ^ 4 

17. Francis Cook f • • • • 2 

18. Thomas Rogers § .... 2 

19. Thomas Tinker* § ... 3 

20. John Rigdale*§ 2 

21. PZdward Fuller* § ... 3 
22.' John Turner ^i 3 lOi 

The above names having this mark * at the end brought their 
wives with them. Those with this t did not. Those with this § 
died before the end of March. The figures at the end of the 
names denote the number in each family. John Carver was chosen 
governor for one year. 

The same day that this memorable instrument was signed, a 
party left the ship, and landed to explore the country and get 
wood, but returned without making any particular discovery. A 
few days after (Nov. 15) sixteen nien under Captain Miles Standish, 
were permitted to go in search of a convenient place of settlement. 
They saw five Indians, whom they followed all day, but could not 
overtake them. The next day they discovered several Indian 
graves, one of which they opened, and found some rude imple- 
ments of war, a mortar, and an earthen pot; all which they took 
care to replace, being unwilling to disturb the sepulchres of the 


37. Richard Gardiner 

38. John Allerton ^ . 

39. Thomas Eno^lish § 

40. Edward Dore}' ) 

41. Edward Leister j 

Mr. Hopkins fiinily 


dead. They found under a small mound of earth, a cellar curi- 
ously lined with bark, in which was stored a quantity of Indian 
corn. Of this they took as much as they could carry, and re- 
turned to the ship. 

Soon after, twenty-four others made a like excursion, and 
obtained a considerable quantity of corn, which, with that obtained 
before, was about ten bushels. Some beans were also found. This 
discovery gave them great encouragement, and perhaps prevented 
their further removal ; it also saved them from famine. 

After considerable discussion concerning a place of settlement, 
it was concluded to ''send a shallop to make further discovery in 
the bay. Accordingly Governor Carver with i8 or 20 men, set 
out on the 6th of December to explore the deep bay of Cape Cod. 
The weather was veiy cold, and the spray of the sea lighting on 
them, they were soon covered with ice, as it were, like coats of mail. 
At night, having got to the bottom of the bay, they discovered ten 
or twelve Indians about a league off, cutting up a grampus, who, 
on discovering the English ran away with what of the fish they 
had cut off. With some difficulty from shoals, they landed and 
erected a hut, and passed the first night. In the morning they 
divided their company ; some went by land and others in the vessel, 
to make further discovery of the bay, to which they gave the name 
of Grampus, because that fish was found there. They met again at 
night, and some lodged on board the shallop, and the rest as be- 
fore," in the hut. 

The next morning, December the 8th, as they were about to 
embark, they were furiously beset by Indians. Some of the com- 
pany having carried their guns down to the boat, the others dis- 
charged upon them as fast as they could ; but the Indians shouted 
and rushed on, until those had regained their arms, and then they 
were put to flight. One, however, more courageous than the rest, 
took a position behind a tree, and withstood several volleys of shot, 
discharging arrows himself at the same time. At length a shot 
glancing upon the side of the tree hurled the bark so about his 
head, that he thought it time to escape. Eighteen arrows were 
picked up after the battle, which they sent to their friends in Eng- 
land as curiosities. Some were headed with brass, and others with 
horn and bone. 


The company after leaving this place, narrowly escaped being 
cast away, but they got safe on an uninhabited island, where they 
passed the night. The next day, December 9th, they dried their 
clothes and repaired their vessel which had lost her mast, and met 
with other damage. The next day they rested, it being Sunday. 
The day following they found a place which they judged fit for set- 
tlement ; and after going on shore, and discovering good water, 
and where there had been corn-fields, returned to the ship. This 
was on the eleventh of December, 1620, and is the day celebrated 
as the "Forefathers' Day." This is old style ; to reduce it to 
new style, eleven days are to be added, making the 2 2d Decem- 
ber, the day we celebrate the landing on Plymouth Rock. 

On the 15th (26th) the ship came into the new harbor. The 
following two days the people went on shore, but returned at night 
to the ship. 

On the 23d, timber was begun to be prepared for building a 
common store-house. On the 25th the first house was begun. 

In January, 1 62 1, their store-house took fire and was nearly 
consumed. Most of the people were now sick, and Governor 
Carver and Mr. Bradford were confined in the store-house when it 
took fire. In ^larch an Indian came boldly into the town and 
saluted them with the words, "Welcome Englishmen ! Welcome 
Englishmen !" This was uttered in broken English, but was clearly 
understood. His name was Samoset, and he came form the east- 
ward, where he had been acquainted with some fishermen, and had 
learned some of their language. They treated him with kindness, 
and he informed them that a great Sachem, Massassoit, was coming 
to visit them ; and told them of one "Squanto" that was well ac- 
quainted with the English language. He left them, and soon after 
returned in company with Massassoit and Squanto. This Indian 
(Squanto) continued with the English as long as he lived, and was 
of infinite service to them. He showed them how to cultivate 
corn, and other American productions. 

About this time Governor Carver died, and Mr. William Brad- 
ford was chosen governor. The mortality that had commenced 
soon after their arrival, had carried off before the end of March 
forty-four of their number, leaving only fifty-seven European in- 


They had to build their log houses on the frozen ground, with 
nothing to effectually chink them ; and nothing to build a 
chimney with, except the dry stones. Their exposure, under the 
circumstances unavoidable, together with a lack of food, carried off 
nearly one-half of them in three months. The annals of the world 
do not furnish a parallel to the first peopling of New England. It 
is believed they did not bring forth degenerate sons to continue the 
work of peopling North America. 

They made a treaty with Massassoit which was never violated 
by either party during the whole life of Massassoit. At that first 
meeting and the making of their treaty, they arranged with Mas- 
sassoit to find the owners of the corn and beans they took before 
their first landing for settlement; and they paid for it. 

Massassoit was the father of '*King Philip," with whom the 
next generation had continual war until King Philip was killed. 



"From 1682 to 1776, Pennsylvania was the central point q{ 
immigration from Germany,^rance and Switzerland. Pennsylvania's 
liberal views, and~the illiberal course of the government of New 
York towards the Germans, induced many to come to this province. 

''In the first period of twenty years, from 1682 to 1702, com- 
paratively few Germans arrived ; not above two hundred families, — 
they located principally at Germantown. They were nearly all 
PlattdeutscJi, — Low Germans, from Cleves, a duchy in Westphalia, 
and arrived in 1683-5. Leaving their native country at that time, 
they providentially escaped the desolation of a French v/ar, which 
in 1689 laid waste the city of Worms, near which town they resided; 
ravaged the countries for miles round, where the flames went up 
from every market place, every hamlet, every parish church, every 
country seat, within the devoted provinces. * * * 

"Francis Daniel Pastorius, born at Sommerhausen, in Fran- 
conia, Germany, September 26, 165 1, arrived at Philadelphia in the 
ship 'America,' Captain Joseph Wasey, August 20, 1683, with his 
family. He was occompanied by a few German emigrants : 


Jacob Schumacher, George Westmiiller, 

Isaac Dilbeck, [his wife mid Thomas Gasper, 

tzuo children) Conrad Bacher, alias Rutter, 
Abraham Dilbeck, a?id one English maid, 

Jacob Dilbeck, Frances Simpson. 

* * "Pastorius located where he laid out Gerniaiitown, the 
same year in which he arrived in Pennsylvania. The land of the 
Germantown settlement was first taken up by him, the I2th of the 
loth month, (October) 1683. He commenced the town with thirteen 
families. In less than five years some fifty houses had been erected. 

"The period from 1702-1727, marks an era in the early German 
emigration. Between forty and fifty thousand left their native 
countr}' — 'their hearts where soft affections dwell.' The unpar- 
alleled ravages and desolations by the troops of Louis XIV, (of 
France) under Turenne, were the stern preludes to bloody persecu- 
tions. To escape the dreadful sufferings awaiting them, German 
ajid other Protestants emigrated to the English colonies in 

These are believed to have been the first emigrants from Ger- 
many to America, and are therefore the very first progenitors of 
the "Pennsylvania Dutch." As Hanover, from a very early time 
in its history, was indebted to the Pennsylvania Dutch for some of 
its best population ; and from about 1830, for at least one-half of its 
population, it has been thought proper to introduce an account of 
the immigration and settlement in Pennsylvania of the first of their 
ancestors. It will be seen, that like the Puritans of New England, 
they came for the sake of religious freedom, and to escape persecu- 
tion in their native country, as well as from the ravages of war, 
waged against their native country, by an ambitious and bigoted 
king of France. In that very war, he wrested two German 
provinces from Germany, Alsace and Lorraine, and annexed them 
to his own kingdom, and they were held by France until the 
French and German war of 1870. 


" The most formidable antagonists the Five Nations ever had to 
contend with, were the Delawares, as the English hav^e named 

♦Rupp's 30,000 names. 


them, (from Lord de la War,) but generally styled by their Indian 
neighbors Wapanachi, and by themselves Lenni Le?iape, or the 
Original People. The tradition is, that they and the Five Nations 
both emigrated from beyond the Mississippi, and, by uniting their 
forces, drove off or destroyed the primitive residents of the country 
on this side. Afterwards the Delawares divided themselves into 
three tribes, called the Turtle, the Turkey, and the Wolf or Monsey. 
Their settlements extended from the Hudson to the Potomac, and 
their descendants finally became so numerous, that nearly forty 
tribes honored them with the title of grand-father, which some of 
them continue to apply to the present day. 

'' The Delawares were the principal inhabitants of Pennsylvania 
when William Penn commenced his labors in that region, and the 
memory of Miqnon, their elder brother, as they called him, is still 
cherished in the legends of all that remains of the nation. That 
remnant exists chiefly on the western banks of the Mississippi, to 
Avhich ancient starting-place they have been gradually approxim- 
ating, stage by stage, ever since the arrival of the Europeans on the 
coast. Their principal intermediate settlements have been in Ohio, 
on the banks of the Muskingum, and other small riv^ers, whither a 
great number of the tribe removed about the year 1760. 

" The Delawares have never been without their great men, though 
unfortunately many of them have lived at such periods and such 
places as to make it impossible for history to do them justice. It 
is only within about a century or a century and a half, last past, 
during which they have been rapidly declining in power and dim- 
inishing in numbers, that a series of extraordinary events, impelling 
them into close contact with the whites, as well as with other 
Indians, has had the effect of bringing forward their extraordinary 

"Among the ancient Delaware worthies, whose career is too 
imperfectly known to us to be the subject of distinct sketches, we 
shall mention only the name of the illustrious Tamenend. This 
individual stands foremost in the list of all the great men of his 
nation in any age. He was a m^ighty warrior, an accomplished 
statesman, and a pure and high-minded patriot. In private life he 
was still more distinguished for his virtues than in public for his 
talents. His countrymen could only account for the perfections 


they ascribed to him, by supposing him to be favored with the 
special communications of the Great Spirit Ages have elapsed 
since his death, but his memory was so fresh among the Delawares 
of the last century, that when Colonel Morgan, of New Jersey, was 
sent as an agent among them by Congress during the revolution, 
they conferred on him the title of Tamenend, as the greatest mark 
of respect they could show for the manners and character of that 
gentleman, and he was known by his Indian appellation ever after- 

"About this time the old chieftain had so many admirers among 
the whites also, that they made him a saint and inserted his name 
in calendars, and celebrated his festival on the first of May yearly. 
On that day a numerous society of his votaries walked in procession 
through the streets of Philadelphia, their hats decorated with bucks' 
tails, and proceeded to a sylvan rendezvous out of town, which they 
called the Wigwam, where after a long talk or speech had been 
delivered, and the calumet of friendship passed around, the remain- 
der of the day was spent in high festivity. A dinner was prepared 
and Indian dances performed on the green." — Evaits in Indian 
History. — This was "Saint Tamany." 


'* There was a tradition among the oldest and most learned of 
the Delawares, that their nation originally came from the Western 
shores of North America, and having proceeded eastward in quest of 
a. better country, they came to the great river, Mississippi,"^ where 
they found a powerful nation of Indians in posession of the country, 
who had strong fortifications and other means of defense unknown 
to the Delawares. That this people refuse'd them permission to 
pass through their territories, upon' which the Delawares made war 
upon them, and cut them to pieces in many sanguinary battles; 
after which the remainder went down the river, and have not since 

*The name they gave to the river, supposed in this tradition to have been the Missis- 
sippi, was Namesi Sipu, or fish river. From the fact that the Indians residing along the 
hanks of this river at that time were called Alligewi, or Alligeni, it seems easy to assume 
that they were the Allegheny tribe of Indians, and the river was the Allegheny river, 
and nut the Mississippi. 


been heard of. At what period of time these important events 
transpired does not appear from the accounts transmitted to such of 
their posterity as remained upon the Susquehanna; and whether 
the tradition is founded in fact may be considered as doubtful. The 
Delawares, hke all other tribes, were proud of the prowess of their 
ancestors, and without doubt would consider it an honor to be 
thought the conquerors of a nation, who had constructed such 
extensive works as are indicated by those ruins so common in the 
western country. The question may naturally occur, what became 
of that people who descended th^ Mississippi, after their dispersion 
by the Delawares, and who were acquainted with the art of fortifi- 
cation ? It is not probable that they could have been the same with 
the Mexicans or Peruvians, since their traditions will not induce a 
belief of such an origin; and it may also be considered a little 
surprising that the Delawares, during a long course of bloody wars, 
should not have learned from their enemies some knowledge of an 
art so beneficial in a system of national defence. The tradition 
proceeds to relate that after the Delawares had dispersed these 
people, called the Alligewe or AUigeni, and taken posession of the 
country, a great portion of their nation concluded to remain in the 
conquered country, and another part removed toward the Atlantic, 
and took posession of the country extending from the Hudson 
River to the Potomac. The nation was divided in several distinct 
tribes, each of which had an appropriate name. One took 
posession of the country between the sea coast and the mountains. 
Another tribe called the Monceys, occupied the country extending 
from the Kittatinmmk or principal mountain, now called the Blue 
Mountain, to the heads of the Delaware and Susquehanna. This 
tribe had their principal settlement or council fire at a place called 
Minisink on a river called by the Mingoes the Makerisk-Kiskon, or 
Makeriskiton, being the same afterwards called De-la-war, or 
Delaware ; and a paht of the same tribe nearly at the same time, 
settled at Wyoming." 


About the time of the above tradition as to the Delawares — for 
tradition does not sufficiently determine the precise time — ''the 


Shawancsc Indians inhabited the country now composing Georgia 
and the Floridas, and were a very powerful and warlike nation ; but 
the surrounding tribes having confederated against them, they were 
subdued and driven from that territor)\ In this unfortunate 
condition they sent messengers to the Mohegans, a nation who 
resided on the east side of the Hudson River, requesting their 
influence in procuring from the Delawares, permission for them to 
come and reside under their protection. 

"At this time the Delawares were not upon the most friendly 
terms with the Mingoes, or Six Nations, who inhabited the country 
in the neighborhood of the Lakes, and who, by virtue of their confeder- 
ated power, exercised a dictatorial spirit over the surrounding tribes. 
The Delawares were therefore anxious to accumulate a force against 
these powerful neighbors, and very willingly accepted the proposition 
of the Shawanese. While these negotiations were progressing, the 
Shawanese had found a resting place near the mouth of the river 
Wabash, where they were building a town, when their messengers 
returned, accompanied by a deputation of the Mohegans, who 
informed them of the success of their application to the Delawares, 
and that a territory was already allotted for their reception. Upon 
receiving this intelligence, a national council was held to deliberate 
on the propriety of removing to the country of the Delawares. The 
assembly however were divided, a part having resolved to remain 
and fortify themselves in their new town; and the remainder consist- 
ing principally of the Pickaway tribe, under their Chief, Gachgaw- 
atschiqiia, removed from the Ohio, near the mouth of the Wabash 
in Illinois, and formed a settlement in the forks of the Delaware 
(Easton). They, however, brought with them that artless (is it not 
artful?) and warlike spirit which had rendered them so disagreeable 
to their southern neighbors; and as the character of a people can- 
not long be concealed, disturbances soon arose between them and 
that tribe of the Delawares who occupied the country lower down 
the river. These conflicts became at length so violent, that the 
Shawanese were compelled to leave the forks of the Delaware, and 
the whole tribe irrthat country removed to Wyoming Valley, which 
they found unoccupied, as the Monceys had been induced, by the 
threatening posture of affairs, to concentrate their forces around 
their principal settlement at Minisink. 


*' The Shawanese having arrived at Wyoming found themselves 
sole masters of the valley, and as there appeared no enemy to annoy 
them in their new abode, they built a town upon the west bank of the 
river, near the lower end of the valley, upon a large plain which 
still bears the name of the Shawanese Flats. In this situation the 
Shawanese enjoyed many years of repose. The women cultivated 
corn upon the plains, and the men traversed the surrounding moun- 
tains in pursuit of game. 

'.' While these changes were taking place among the Indian tribes, 
the Europeans were forming settlements in various places along the 
Atlantic coast, which they obtained sometimes by purchase, and at 
other times by conquest, and although they were beginning to extend 
them into the interior, yet the resistance made by the Indians was in 
most cases feeble, as there were few instances in which the different 
tribes united their forces for that purpose. There were, however, in 
the country of the Great Lakes, a people who conducted their wars 
upon a much more extensive system. These people were known by 
the general name of Mingoes. They consisted of the Onondagas, 
Senekas, Cayugas, Oneidas, Mohawks, and Tuscaroras, and their 
confederacy acquired the appellation of* The Six Nations;' (and also 
the Iroquois}) They were a powerful, warlike people, who held the 
surrounding nations in subjection, and claimed a jurisdiction extend- 
ing .from Connecticut River to the Ohio. They are described by a 
celebrated historian as 'a confederacy, who, by their union, courage 
and military skill, had reduced a great number of Indian tribes, and 
subdued a territory more extensive than the whole Kingdom of 
France.' This people claimed the country occupied by the Delawares 
and Shawanese and held these tribes or nations subject to their 
authority." — Chapman's Wyoming. 

Shawanee town, not occupied now by Indians, is a considerable 
town, situated in Illinois, on the Ohio River, a few miles below the 
mouth of the Wabash. 


"Their history is involved in much obscurity. Their language 
is Algonquin, and closely allied to the Kickapoo, and other dialects 
spoken by tribes who have lived for ages north of the Ohio. But 


they are known to ha^-e recently emigrated from the south, where 
they were surrounded by a family of tribes, Creeks, Cherokees, 
Chocktaws, etc., with whose language their own had no affinity. 
Their traditions assign to them a foreign origin, and a wild story 
has come down to them of a solemn procession in the midst of the 
ocean, and of a miraculous passage through the great deep. That 
they were closely connected with the Kickapoos, the actual identity 
of language furnishes irrefragable proof, and the incidents of the 
separation yet live in the oral history of each tribe. We "are 
strongly inclined to believe, that not long before the arri\al of the 
French upon these great lakes, the Kickapoos and Shawanese com- 
posed the tribe known as the Erie ; li\ing on the eastern shore of 
the lake, to which they have gixen their name. // is said that this 
tribe was cxtevininated by the victorious Iroquois. But it is more 
probable that a series of disasters divided them into two parties, 
one of which, under the name of Kickapoos, sought refuge from 
their enemies in the immense prairies between the Illinois and the Mis- 
sissippi ; and the other, under the name of Shawanese, fled into the 
Cherokee country, and thence farther south. Father Segard, in 
1632, called the Fries the 'Natiou du Chat', or the raccoon, on ac- 
count of the magnitude of these animals in their country ; and that 
is the soubriquet which, to this day, is applied by the Canadians to 
the Shawanese." 

"The Shawanese tribe was divided, a portion having their resi- 
dence on the Scioto, and a large number were permitted, or directed, 
to erect their wigwams on the extensive and luxuriant flats on the 
west side of the Susquehanna, now Plymouth, but more popularly 
designated Shawney." — Miner. 

"As early as 1608, the Shawnese had, in league with the Hurons, 
been engaged in war on the Canadian frontier with the Iroquois, the 
confederate tribes known as the Six Nations, and defeated, were 
obliged to leave their hunting grounds. They wandered south as 
far as Florida. Becoming there engaged in a war with the Spaniards, 
who then owned that territory, they migrated west in 1690 to the 
Wabash; and finally in 1697, upon the Conestoga Indians, who lived 
near the present cit)' of Lancaster in this State, becoming security 


to William Penn for their good behavior, they removed to Pequea 
Creek, below Lancaster. In 1701 William Penn made a treaty with 
the tribes upon the Susquehanna, and a portion of the Shawnee 
tribe, located within the present township of Plymouth. * * * 
When Count Zinzendorf, on his Christian mission, visited Plymouth 
in the autumn of 1742, he found the Shawnese, with their chief, 
Kakawatchie, and their principal wigwams situate on the west bank 
of the small stream emptying into the river above the old village, 
and between the main road and the river. * * * The Shawnee 
tribe at this time probably did not number over two hundred braves 
and warriors. They were subjects of the Six Nations, and com- 
pletely under their orders and control ; in fact a part of their own 
associates and tribe who had occupied this very ground, were 
obliged to surrender for the benefit of the fresh immigration from 
the Delaware, and make a new home upon the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny." — Sketches of Plymouth. 


The English settlements in Maryland, in their rapid increase, had 
difficulties with the Indians in that quarter, and ''a great number of 
the tribe called Nanticokes, who inhabited the eastern shore of 
the Chesapeake Bay, at a place they called Chesakawo?i, removed to 
Wyoming in May, 1748, with their chief sachem called White. 
Finding the principal part of the Valley in possession of the Shawa- 
nese and Delawares, the Naqticokes built their town at the lower 
end of the valley on the east bank of the river, just above the 
mouth of a small creek called 'Nanticoke Creek.' 

They did not stay here long, for, having a great animosity 
against the whites, they 'wished to get as far from them as possible, 
and in 1755, according to Chapman, they removed from the valley 
and began a settlement farther up the river at a place Chapman 
calls — Chemunk (Chemung). A part of them also migrated to 
a place he calls Chenenk (probably Chenango), where they were 
more immediately under the protection of the Six Nations. 

During the same year, 1755, the Nanticokes having established 
themselves, as they thought, permanently at Chenenk, and beijig un- 
willing that the bones of their fathers and brethren should remain in 


Mar>'land and be exposed to the operations of English agriculture 
and other disturbance, sent a deputation from their tribe who re- 
moved them from the place of their deposit, and carried them to 
Chenenk where they reinterred them with all the rites and cere- 
monies of savage sepulture. 

Afterwards we hear of them only once, as meeting with the 
other tribes in a gralid council of all the Indian tribes, in Easton in 
1758, by their deputies. 

The chief residence or Great Head of the Six Nations was at 
Onondaga, now understood to be Syracuse. Somewhere in this 
neighborhood was the residence of the Nanticokes. 


"The Five Nations were the Mohawks, the Oneidas, the Cayugas, 
the Onondagas and the Senecas. The Virginian Indians gave them 
the name of Massawomekes ; the Dutch called them Maquas, or 
jMakakuase; the French, Iroquois. Their appellation at home was 
Mingoes, and sometimes the Aganuschion, or United People. 

"When the French settled in Canada in 1603, they found the 
Iroquois living where Montreal now stands. They were at war 
with the Adirondacks — a powerful tribe residing three hundred 
miles above Trois Rivers — in consequence of the latter having 
treacherously murdered some of their young men. Previous to this 
date their habits had been more agricultural than warlike; but they 
soon perceived the necessity of adopting a different system. The 
Adirondacks drove them from their own country, and they retreated 
to the borders of the lakes, where they ha\'e ever since lived. This 
misfortune it was — ostensibl)', at least, a misfortune — which gave the 
earliest impulse to the subsequent glorious career of these Romans 
of the West. 

"Fortunately for them, their sachems were men of a genius and 
spirit which adversity served only to stimulate and renew. They, 
finding their countrymen discouraged by the discomfiture suffered 
on the banks of the St. Lawrence, induced them to turn their arms 
against a less formidable nation, called the Satanas, then dwelling 
with themselves near the lakes. That }. :op!e they subdued and ex- 
pelled from their territory. Encoura;;ed by success and strength- 


ened by discipline they next ventured to defend themselves against 
the inroads of their old conquerors on the north; and at length the 
Adirondacks were even driven back in their turn as far as the neigh- 
hood of what is now Quebec. 

**But a new emergency arose. The French made common cause 
with the nation just named against their enemies, and brought to the 
contest the important aids of civilized science and art. The Five 
Nations had now to set wisdom and wariness as well as courage 
and discipline, against an alliance so powerful. Their captains came 
forward again, and taught them the policy of fighting in small 
parties, and of making amends for inferior force by surprisal and 
stratagem. The result was, the Adirondacks were nearly extermin- 
ated, while the Iroquois, proudly exalting themselves on their over- 
throw, grew rapidly to be the leading tribe of the whole north, and 
finally of the whole continent. 

"The career of victory, which began with the fall of the Adiron- 
dacks, was destined to be extended beyond all precedent in the 
history of the Indian tribes. They exterminated the Fries or 
Erigas, once living on the south side of the lake of their name. 
They nearly destroyed the powerful Anderstez, and the Chouanons 
or Showanons. They drove back the Hurons and Ottawas among 
the Sioux of the upper Mississippi, where they separated themselves 
into bands, 'proclaiming, wherever they went, the terror of the 
Iroquois.' The Illinois on the west were also subdued, with the 
Miamies and the Shawanese. The Niperceneans of the St. Lawrence 
fled to Hudson's bay, to avoid their fury. 'The borders of the 
Outaouis (Outawas),' says a historian, Svhich were long thickly 
peopled, became almost deserted.' The Mohawk was a name of 
terror to the farthest tribes of New England ; and though but one 
of that formidable people should appear for a moment on the hills 
of Connecticut or Massachusetts, the villages below would be in an 
uproar of confusion and fear. Finally they conquered the tribes of 
Virginia west of the Alleghenies, and warred against the Catawbas, 
Cherokees, and most of the nations of the south. 

"The result of this series of conquests was, that the Five Nations 
finally became entitled, or at least laid claim to all the territory not 
sold to the English, from the mouth of Sorel River, on the south 
side of lakes Erie and Ontario, on both sides of the Ohio, until it 


falls into the Mississippi ; and on the north side of these lakes the 
whole tract between the Outawas River and Lake Huron."- Their 
territory was estimated at 1,200 miles in leni^th from north to south 
and about 800 miles wide. The Tu.scaroras, a tribe expelled from 
North Carolina in 17 12, was united with the Five Nations, making 
a sixth member, after which they were called the Six Nations by the 
Kni^lish. Before the Tuscaroras joined them they numbered about 
about 2,150 warriors. The Tuscaroras numbered about 200 war- 
riors. At the time of our revolutionary war (1776) the whole num- 
ber of the Six Nations actually engaged in the contest was 1,800." 
— Events in Indian History. 

The emigration of the Tuscaroras from North Carolina, is thus 
related by Elias Johnson, a Tuscarora chief, in 1881 : — 

" One bright sunny morning in June, 1713, was one of the darkest 
days that the Tuscaroras ever witnessed, when most of the nation 
took their pace to the north until they came within the bounds of 
the Oneida domain, about two miles west of Tamaqua, in the State 
of Pennsylvania, where they located and set out apple trees, which 
can be seen to this day; some of the trees will measure about two 
feet in diameter. Here they, dwelled for about two years." 

About 171 5 the Five Nations held a general council, where the 
Tuscaroras applied, through the Oneidas, to be admitted into the 
Iroquois confederacy to become the sixth nation, on the ground 
that they were of a common origin with the Five Nations. Their 
application was favorably considered, and finally granted unani- 
mously, and the Senecas adopted them as their children. The 
Senecas always address the Tuscaroras as "my sons," and the Tus- 
caroras address the Senecas as "my fathers." 

"Chaelevoix, long since described the Wyandots, as the nation 
of all Canada, the most remarkable for its defects and virtues. 
When Jacques Cartier ascended the St. Lawrence he found them 
established near Hockelega, now Montreal; and when Champlain 
entered the same river their war with the Iroquois had already com- 
menced, and that enterprising officer accompanied one of their 
parties in a hostile expedition against their enemies. The events of 
the war were most disastrous, and they were driven from tJieir country 
to the northern shore of Lake Huron. But distance afforded no 
security y and the Iroquois pursued them ivitJi relentless fury. Famine, 


disease and war made frightful havoc among them, and the account 
of their sufferings, given by the old Missionaries who witnessed and 
shared them, almost tasks the belief of the reader." ''They were 
literally hunted from their resting place, and the feeble remnant of 
this once powerful and haughty tribe owed their preservation to the 
protection of the Sioux, in whose country west of Lake Superior, 
they found safety and tranquility." — Miner. 

The Indians, in another place called Adirondacks, defeated in. 
many sanguinary battles and finally driv^en entirely from their 
country by the Iroquois, are pro'bably the same here called Wyandots. 

At all events the Six Nations were great conquerors, and by the 
right of the victor, owned all the lands or territory lying within the 
boundaries of Pennsylvania. And they claimed and exercised the 
right of disposing of it. They sold the lands of Wyoming to the 
Susquehanna company of Connecticut. 


The following is the account given by old Cannassatego, of the 
manner in which his country was made and peopled. 

Cannassatego was a great chief of the Six Nations. 

"When our good Mannitta raised Akanishionegy (the country of 
the Five Nations) out of the great waters, he said to his brethren, 
how fine a country is this ! I will make red men, the best of men, to 
enjoy it. Then with five handfuls of red seeds like the eggs of flies, 
did he strow the fertile fields of Onondaga. Little worms came out 
of the seeds, and penetrated the earth, when the spirit, who had 
never yet seen the light, entered into and united with them. Man- 
nitta watered the earth with his rain, the sun warmed it, the worms 
with spirits in them grew, putting forth little arms 'and legs and 
moved the light earth that covered them. After nine moons they 
came forth perfect boys and girls. Mannitta covered them with his 
mantle of warm purple cloud, and nourished them with milk from 
his finger ends. Nine summers did he nurse them, and nine sum- 
mers more did he instruct them how to live. In the mean time he 
had made for their use trees, plants and animals of various kinds. 
Akanishionegy was covered vvith woods and filled with creatures. 


Then he assembled his children together and said 'Ye are Five 
Nations, for ye sprang each from a different handful of the seed I 
sowed; but ye are all brethren, and I am your father for I made 
you all ; I liave nursed and brought you up; Mohocks, I have made 
you bold and valiant, and see, I give you corn for your food; 
Oneidas, I have made you patient of pain, and hunger; the nuts and 
fruits of the trees are \-ours ; Senecas, I ha\'e made \'ou industrious 
and acti\'e, beans do I give you for nourishment ; Cayugas, I have 
made \'ou strong, friendly and generous, ground nuts and every root 
shall refresh you ; Onondagas, I have made you wise, just and 
eloquent, squashes and grapes have I given you to eat, and tobacco 
to smoke in council. The beasts, birds and fishes, have I given 
to you all in common. As I have loved and taken care of you all, 
so do you love and take care of one another. Communicate freely 
to each other the good things I have given )'0u, and learn to imitate 
each others virtues. I have made you the best of people in the 
world, and I crive vou the best countr\-. You will defend it from the 
invasions of other nations, from the children of other Mannittas, and 
keep possession of it for yourselves while the sun and moon give 
light, and the waters run in the rivers. This you shall do if }-ou 
observe my words. Spirits I am now about to leave }'0u. The 
bodies I have given you will in time grow old and wear out, so that 
you will be wear}' of them. I cannot remain here always to give 
you new bodies. I have great affairs to mind in distant places, 
and I cannot again attend so long to the nursing of children. I 
have enabled you therefore, among yoursehes to produce new 
bodies to supply the place of the old ones, that ever)- one of you, 
when he parts with his old habitation may in due time find a new 
one, and never wander longer than he chooses under the earth, 
deprived of the light of the sun. Nourish and instruct your children 
as I have nourished and instructed you. Be just to all men, and 
kind to strangers that come among you, so shall you be happy and 
be loved by all; and I myself will sometimes visit and assist you.' 

** Saying this he wrapped himself in a bright cloud and went like 
a swift arrow to the sun, where his brethren rejoiced at his return. 
From there he often looked at Akanishionegy, and pointing, showed 
with pleasure to his brothers the country he had formed, and the 
nations he had produced to inhabit it." — Aliner. 



This is the Indian legend of the creation or origin of the Mingoes. 
Is it not fine? These Indians were full of flowery language, and 
some of them were very eloquent. Some of their speeches, have 
been preserved to us, but only one will be introduced in this work, 
and that only to show how the Six Nations domineered over the 
other tribes in their neighborhood, and how the Delawares came 
to be here in this valley when the white people came to settle here. 



YOMIXG is the name given to a beautiful valley, situate 
along the river Susquehanna, in the north-eastern part of 
the State of Pennsylvania, It is about three miles wide, and twenty- 
five miles long, and is formed by two ranges of mountains nearly 
parallel to each other, extending from the north-east to the south-west. 
These mountains contain many rocky precipices, and are covered with 
wood consisting principally of oak and pine. The average height of 
the eastern range is about one thousand feet ; that of the western about 
eight hundred. They are of a very irregular form having elevated 
points and deep hollows, or openings which are called ' Gaps.' The 
Susquehanna enters the valley through a gap in the western moun- 
tain called the * Lackawanna Gap,' and following in a sepentine 
course about twenty miles, leaves the valley through another opening 
in the same mountain, called the * Nanticoke Gap.' These openings 
are so wide only as to admit the passage of the river, and are in 
part faced with perpendicular bluffs of rocks, covered with a thick 
growth of pine and laurel, which have a very fine appearance \vhen 
viewed from the river, or from the road which runs along theirbases. 
The river is in most places about two hundred yards wide — from 
four to twenty feet deep, and flows with a very gentle current, except 
at the rapids, or when-swelled with rains or melting snows. Near the 
center of the valley it has a rapid palled the 'Wyoming Falls;' and 
another called the * Nanticoke Falls,' where it passes through the 
Nanticoke Gap. Several tributary streams fall into the river, after 
passing through rocky gaps, in the mountains on each side of the 
valley, forming beautiful cascades as they descend into the plain. 
Those on the north-west side are Toby's Creek, Moses' Creek, and 
Island Run. On the south-east side are Mill Creek, Laurel Run, 
Solomon's Creek and Nanticoke Creek, all of which are sufficient 

• WYOMING. 33 

for mills, and abound with fish. Along the river on both sides are 
level fertile plains, extending in some places nearly a mile and a 
half from the margin of the stream, where small hills commence, 
stretching to the mountains, the river sometimes washing the base 
of the hills on one side and sometimes on the other. The surface 
of the plain in some parts of the valley is elevated about ten feet 
higher than in other parts, forming a sudden offset or declivity from 
one to the other. These plains are called the upper and lower 
* Flats,' and spontaneously produce quantities of plums, grapes, many 
kinds of berries, and a great variety of wild flowers. 

** In many parts of the valley, and in the sides of the mountains, 
mineral coal of a very superior quality is found in great abundance ; 
it is of the species called anthracite, which burns without smoke and 
with very little flame, and constitutes the principal fuel of the 
inhabitants, as well as their most important article of exportation." 
— Chapman' s Wyomijig. 

This is a very good description of the valley as it is to-day, only 
that there is not much wood on the mountains, and there are no fish 
in the streams, 

Mr. Chapman also describes, " some remains of ancient fortifica- 
tions which appear to have been constructed by a race of people 
very different in their habits from those who occupied the place 
when first discovered by the whites. Most of these ruins have been 
so much obliterated by the operations of agriculture that their forms 
cannot now be distinctly ascertained. That which remains the most 
entire, was examined by the writer, (Chapman), during the summer 
of 1 8 17, and its dimensions carefully ascertained, although, from fre- 
quent plowing, its form had become almost destroyed. It is situated in 
the township of Kingston, upon a level plain on the north side of 
Toby's Creek, about one hundred and fifty feet from its bank, and 
about half a mile from its confluence with the Susquehanna. It is 
of an oval or elliptical form, having its longest diameter from the 
north-west to the south-east, at right angles to the creek, three hun- 
dred and thirty-seven feet, and its shortest diameter from the north- 
east to the south-west, two hundred and seventy-two feet. On the 
south-west side appears to have been a gateway about twelve feet 
wide, opening towards the great eddy of the river into which the 


creek falls. From present appearances it consisted probably of only 
one mound or rampart, which in heiy^ht and thickness appears to 
have been the same on all sides, and was constructed of earth, the 
plain on which it stands not abounding in stone. On the outside of 
the rampart is an entrenchment or ditch, formed probably by removing 
the earth of which it is composed, and which appears never to have 
been walled. The creek on which it stands is bounded bv a hiirh 
steep bank on that side, and at ordinary times is sufficiently deep to 
admit canoes to ascend from the river to the fortification. When 
the first settlers came to Wyoming this plain was covered with its 
native forest, consisting principally of oak and yellow pine, and the 
trees which grew in the rampart and in the entrenchment, are said 
to have been as large as those in any other part of the valley, one 
large oak particularly, upon being cut down, was ascertained to be 
seven hundred years old. The Indians had no tradition concerning 
these fortifications, neither did they appear to have any knowledge 
of the purpose for which they w^ere constructed. They were perhaps 
erected about the same time with those upon the waters of the 
Ohio, and probably by a similar people and for similar purposes." 

Mr. Miner also describes a fortification as nearly like the above 
in shape and size, as can be, on the east side of the river, on the edge 
of the upper flats, in Wilkes-Barre township, now Plains, called 
Jacob's Plains. 


A friend of the writer, in Wilkes-Barre, who many years ago 
lived for a considerable time in the vicinity of an Indian encamp- 
ment and town in the far West, has given him the substance of the 
following narrative, as to the growth of an Indian mound : — 

In the summer the Indians live in tents, or booths made of brush, 
near or on the bank of a river. They always live near a stream of 
water. This is the best spot on the river, not occupied by some 
other band of Indians, for fishing. Here they stay through the 
summer. In the fall they remove back from the river into the 
woods, if there are any woods near, but in all cases, to higher 
ground so as to be above the floods of the river. Having selected 
the place, they build their town there — as many w^igwams as there 
are families, and select a place near by for the burial of their dead. 


Each family intending to build a wigwam, digs a hole, or pit, in 
the ground eighteen inches or two feet deep; a pole is erected in 
the centre of the pit eight or ten feet high ; poles are placed around 
this, within the foot on the ground outside of the hole or pit, the 
tops leaning against the top of the center pole, where they are 
fastened with withes. The spaces between the poles are filled with 
smaller poles and sticks, and all covered over with grass and leaves ; 
after which the whole wigwam, excepting an opening at the bottom 
to crawl through into the interior, is covered up from bottom to top 
with earth. The earth is carried there in baskets, by the women 
from the surrounding plain, and is piled on until it is about eighteen 
inches thick over every part. 

These wigwams are placed in a circular row or ring around an 
open space, and the doorway or hole to enter by is placed on the 
side of each wigwam towards the central open space. The earth- 
covered wigwams touch each other all around the inclosed open 
space except one or perhaps two broad spaces between the wig- 
wams, to get into, or out of the town. The interior of the town or 
central space is used to store away corn or vegetables they have 
raised, in a wigwam or structure prepared for it, and for a council 

This town is always near some spring, or stream of fresh water, 
and their burial place is not far off These huts or wigwams will 
last till spring, when they are all abandoned and left standing, and 
the band goes to its summer tents at the river again. In the fall 
the band returns to the same old dirt-covered town. As their wig- 
wams have now mostly fallen down into the pits, they pull out the 
old decayed poles, level off the whole surface to a common level, 
dig new holes and erect new wigwams all over again. Fresh earth 
is carried to cover them over each time they are rebuilt, and that 
occurs every year. 

They have no fires inside of these wigwams. They have grass 
and leaves to lie and sit on, and such furs as they may have caught. 
The fires for cooking are built outside, in front of the entrance 
opening. There is no heat in their wigwams but the animal heat 
of their own bodies. The Indians invariably return to the same 
town in the fall and rebuild. They live in the same place from 
generation to generation, for hundreds of years, unless driven away 


by hostile neighbors. They love the place of the graves of their 
ancestors, and continually return to the same town, no matter how 
far they may have wandered away in search of fish or game. 

It can easily be imagined how a mound would grow in such a 
town, and how rapidly it would rise above the general level. There 
never appeared to be any design in forming the shape of the eleva- 
tion. Kach family built to suit itself The mound would grow in 
various directions by accident as the band increased in size. The 
earth was carried as short a distance as possible, and therefore 
made a broad ditch around the town. The wigwams were made to 
touch each other all around the town, and the children played upon 
them as well as around them. 

The above may account for the mound building and mound 
builders of the Ohio, Mississippi and Missouri, and other rivers of 
the West. But if it does, it will be seen that the mound builders 
were inferior instead of superior, to the Indians of our times. 


The Indians had no houses but lived in huts they called ivig- 
2ViUfis. These were built of poles, sticks, leaves, bark and some- 
times of skins, like a tent. They were generally arranged around 
in a small circle or cluster, and one wigwam sometimes contained 
several families. An Indian village contained generally from fifty 
to one hundred inhabitants, but sometimes they were more than 
twice as large. They knew but little of agriculture, though they 
sometimes raised corn, beans, peas, melons, tobacco, and a few other 
vegetables. The employment of the men was hunting, fishing and 
war. The work of agriculture, such as it was, was left to the 
squaws. They knew only enough of manufactures to make their 
wigwams, weapons of war, hunting and fishing, the simplest 
articles of dress and ornament, wampum, and a very few domestic 
utensils and implements of agriculture. Their food was chiefly 
flesh — though they .sometimes subsisted on parched corn, or on 
a mixture of corn and beans called succotash. In boiling suc- 
cotash, or meat, or soup, they used a basket made water tight. 
The ifigredients were introduced, with sufficient water, into which 
heated stones were dropped until it was cooked. The squaws 


usually cooked' the food. Their dress consisted, in the summer, of 
a slight covering about the waist, with ornaments for the ears, the 
nose, the wrists, and the ankles. In the winter they dressed in 
skins and furs, often untanned. In war and on ceremonial oc- 
casions they painted their faces with gaudy colors, giving them- 
selves a hideous appearance. They wore moccasins on their feet, 
and on state occasions they were highly ornamented. Their knives, 
and hatchets, and other implements and weapons were made of 
shells, or sharp stones, most frequently of stone, generally of flint. 
The bow and arrow and tomahawk were their chief weapons of war. 
They pounded their corn in large stones hollowed«out. The ground 
served as beds and tables and chairs to them. The thread for sew- 
ing, and cords for nets, etc., were made of the tendons of animals, 
and their fish-hooks of bones. Their wampum was a kind of bead 
made of clam shells, strung together in strings, or made into belts, 
and was used as money by them, and to convey intelligence to 
other tribes. They had some idea of a good spirit, their deity 
being called Manitou or Manitta. They had some idea of a future 
state of existence beyond the grave. They had no kind of relig- 
ious worship. Polygamy was practiced among them, and their 
wives were slaves. For medical treatment they held '^powwows',' 
the medicine man, being considered a sorcerer, charmed the disease 
away; but sometimes they gave a little herb tea, and warm or cold 
bathing, and sweats. When one died, they dug a hole in the 
ground, wrapped the body in skins or mats, with his implements of 
war and hunting, and laid it in the hole. Sometimes they buried 
them in a sitting posture — or some Indians did — with their faces to 
the east. They had no horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, dogs, nor 
domestic fowls. They loved display. They tattooed their faces, 
arms, necks and shoulders, and decorated themselves with the 
heads of wild animals, the claws and feathers of birds, and the 
bones of fishes and beasts. Their sports were jumping, dancing, 
target-shooting, ball-playing, and various games of chance in which 
they indulged with passionate delight. 

The Indians had very little beard naturally, and what they did 
have they pulled out by the roots. After the white people came 
the Indians bought wire of them, and would coil it into a spiral 
form, by winding it around a small stick, and with a piece of such 


spiral sprini^ three-quarters of an inch long or thereabouts, and 
about a half inch in diameter, they pulled their beards out. They 
laid it on the chin an.d moved it about slightly until the hairs got 
between the wires, when they squeezed it together endwise, thus 
catching the hair between the wires. Then they gave it a sudden 
jerk. Among some tribes they dressed skins for clothing and wig- 
wam co\ers, and wove mats for beds, from the bark of trees. 


"Wyoming" is a corruption of the name given totheir town bythe 
Delaware Indians. They called \\. MaugJiivanwaina. This name is 
a compound, — MaiigJnuau^ meaning large or extensive, and ivama^ 
signifying plains or meadows; so that it maybe translated "The 
Large Plains." The name, in the language of the Mingoes — tHe Six 
Nations — is Sgahontowaiio, "The Large Flats;" 'GaJionto, meaning, 
in their language a large piece of ground, or tract of land without 
trees. All the above information was given to Mr. Chapman by the 
Rev. John Heckewelder, the missionary to the Indians. 

"The early settlers finding it difficult to pronounce the word 
corectly, spoke it IVanivaume, — then Wiwaiufiie, — then IVtomtc, a7id 
lastly \ Vyoifihig. ' ' — CJiapniaii. 

We learn elsewhere that Skehaudowarma, was the Indian name 
of the river Susquehanna? and that its meaning, being translated, 
was muddy river, or " riley (roiley) river." 

The name, Wyoming, was long supposed to mean '' A Field of 
Bloodl' but Heckewelder, perfectly versed in the Indian language, 
set its meaning "at rest." 

AlaugJnvau-ivavia ^ was the name given by the Delaware Indians 
to their toicn built by themslves, on their first taking possession of 
the east side of the river in 1742. It was situated on the bank of 
the ri\er on the flats, on some rather cicvat od ground, below the 
mouth of a small creek, nearly opposite tho upper end of the island 
below Wilkes-Barre, about a half or threc-qiarters of a mile from 
Market Street. That was the name of their town, whatever the 
name of the valley of Wyoming iray hav^e been be'ore that. The 
plains or flats we know wee called Wyoming, or Wayomie by 
Connassatego when he ordere i the Dc!a\\arcs to come here. 


It would seem that the name the Six Nations gave the valley or 
the flats, Sgahoiitowano — was afterward given to the river — Skehan- 
dowdnna. It has been stated also that the word Susquehanna — 
Skehandowanna — being translated, meant '' crooked river!' 

, The creek that fell into the Susquehanna a half mile above 
Maughwauwama, is entirely unknown to the present generation, 
the sources of it having been cut off by the digging of the canal in 
1833, and its bed having been filled in nearly all the way from the 
canal to the river; but, at and near the river, there is quite a large 
depression where the creek once ran, and fell into the larger stream. 
This creek carried off the water — the surface drainage — from the 
region now known as " Woodville," (Moseytown,) and from all the 
back part of ancient Wilkes-Barre borough. This creek, or "small 
stream," emptied into the river at the place where the ice-pond now 
is, but its channel then was as deep as the river bed, and passed 
along the upper side and partly through the present ice-pond, and 
emptied into the river six or eight rods above the foot of Ross Street. 
This is about midway between Market Street and the island. 

It seems impossible now to point out the exact spot where that 
Indian town stood, but it was probably a half mile below the mouth 
of that creek on some ground that is seldom or never covered by 
the overflowing of the river. 

It is not probable that more than three hundred braves and 
warriors ever resided at Wayomick — Maughwauwama — at any one 
time. Their wigwams were built of poles, sticks, brush, leaves and 
grass. In 1758, the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania built ten log 
houses there for them at the earnest request of Tedeusung, their king. 
These were burnt when he was murdered, in 1763. Broken arrow- 
heads are found there occasionally yet. 

The Susquehanna river is supposed to have been meant by 
Captain John Smith, (of Pocahontas fame), of Virginia, in 1607-14, 
when he states that the Powhattans were terribly harassed by the 
^^ Sus-que-sah-hanoiighs ;'' meaning the Susquehanna Indians. If 
these were Susquehanna Indians and Shawanese, they must have 
been some of the Six Nations, because the Delawares did not reside 
here at that time, and there is a great probability that some of the 
Six Nations did. 


Mr. Jefifcrson, after describing the Powhattan confederacy, says: — 
■*' Westward of all these tribes, beyond the mountains, and extending 
to the great lakes, were the Massawauinecs, a most powerful confeder- 
ac}-, who harassed unremittingly the Powhattans and Manahoacs. 
These were probably the ancestors of tribes known at present as the 
Six Nations." This was written more than a hundred and sixty 
years after John Smith's time, but he was telling the same stoiy. 
Massawaumees is probably only another P^nglish pronunciation of 
the name of Maughwauwamas, but it had relation then only to the 
Indiarft of these plains, so called, and not to the Delaware town, for 
the time of Powhattan was more than a hundred years before the 
Delaware town was built. 

The Delawares were divided into three tribes, the Mousey, or 
Wolf tribe resided in the Lackawanna valley, at Capouse, with their 
chief called Capouse. The Wanamie, or Turtle tribe resided on the 
upper flats in Wilkes-Barre, (now Plains), abov^e Mill Creek, with 
their chief, called Jacob by the whites ; and the flats are known as 
Jacob's Plains. The third tribe was called Uualchitgo, or Turkey. 
They lived at Maughw^auwama, below Wilkes-Barre, where the 
greater number of the Delawares resided, with their chief Tedeusamg, 

The Mohicans were probably a branch of the Mohegans of New 
England, who at an early period settled on the head w^aters of the 
Delaware River. They came to Wyoming with the Delawares in 1742 
and with their chief, called Abram by the whites, built a village 
above Forty Fort, in Kingston, on the plain known as Abram's Plains. 

Ullauckquam, chief of the Nanticokes, known to the whites as 
Robert White, by an arrangement with the Six Nations, located with 
eighty of his people on the east side of the Susquehanna at the lower 
end of the valley near the site of the present town of Nanticoke, in 
1748. They removed to the country of the Six Nations in 1755. 

A portion of the Mousey tribe (wolves) lived in a village or town 
of theirs called Asserrughney, at the mouth of the Lackawanna in 
the forks, on the west side, with their chief called Backsiuosa.^ 

The Shawanese came into Pennsylvania in 1697-8. They (or a 
part of them), built their lodges on the west side of the river on the 
border of the Shawnee flats, where they resided with their chief or 
king, called Paxiuos. 

♦Hollister, p 84. 


The greater part of the Indian tribes which inhabited the regions 
bordering on the Atlantic, are utterly extinct. The Penobscots, 
Paiitnckets, Pequods, Pokanokets, Narragansets, Mohicans, Nipmitcks, 
so troublesome to the New England settlers, in New England, are 
gone, and the places which ''knew them once, shall know them no 
more forever." " , 

Of the Six Nations of New York, once so powerful, only a few 
remnants remain. The tribes of Virginia have perished, and those 
great bands or tribes, which had the title of nations — the Creeks, 
ChoctawSy ChickasawSy Catawbas and Cherokees, have been driven 
from their original homes, and are gradually losing their native 
characteristics, under the influence of civilization, on the plains and 
prairies of the " Far West." This region, called the Indian Territory, 
lying between Kansas on the north and Texas on the south, and 
Arkansas on the east, contains about sixty-eight thousand square 
miles — about one and a half times the size of Pennsylvania. It was 
set apart by our government for the permanent and exclusive resi- 
dence of the Indian tribes, sent there from the more eastern settled 
States. The whole number of inhabitants in 1870 was, Indians, 
59,367; Whites, 2,407; Negroes, 6,378. 

There were about 82,000 Indians in the Territory in 1884. 

The most numerous tribes are the Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws, 
Osages, and Seminoles. These occupying various designated por- 
tions of the territory, are not allowed to interfere with each other's 
grounds or grants. They have each their own laws, and are regarded 
as distinct nations. The Choctazvs, with whom the Chickasaws have 
become mixed, have a written constitution and laws, with executive 
and judicial officers, schools, churches and printing-offices. Agricul- 
ture is their chief employment. 

The Creeks and Cherokees have also made considerable advances 
in civilization, especially the latter. The other transported tribes, 
as the Seminoles, Senecas, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Shawanese, Qiiapaws, 
Delawares, and Kickapoos, are also improving under the efforts of 
missionaries and school teachers. 

The native tribes of the territory, as the Omahas, Otoes, Missouris, 
Poncas, Pawnees, and others are in a more savage state. Many of 
them still live chiefly by robbery and hunting. 


The New York Indians have eight small reservations covering 
about 87,000 acres. There were about 5,000 of these Indians in 
18S4 — Senccas, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, Tona- 
wandas, and St. Regis. About 800 of these are called civilized 

Pennsylvania had 184 civilized Indians in 1880. They are the 
remnants of Cornplanter's band — part of the Six Nations. 

The Mohawks removed to Canada after the revolutionary war, 
and still remain there. 

On the arrival of William Penn, the Proprietary of Pennsyl- 
vania, he purchased of the Delaware Indians the country along the 
Delaware River below the Blue Mountains, supposing those tribes 
to be the only original ow^ners; but having been informed of the 
claim of the Six Nations, he also negotiated a purchase of them. 
Some difficulty having arisen between the Proprietaries and the 
Delawares as to the limits or boundaries of the purchase, the Dela- 
wares refused to give up possession. This was called the " Walking 
Purchase," that they objected to. It was made in 1686, and was 
confirmed in 1737. One eminent person says: — "The walk was 
made from Wrightsvillc to Mauch Chunk, but little over sixty miles 
(in a day and a half), not much of a walk in these days. From there 
the line was drawn to the Delaware at the mouth of the Lackawaxcn, 
instead of the Water Gap. This is what made the dissatisfaction, 
and not the distance." — Hoyt. Another writer living on the line 
of march long afterwards, says: — "The Proprietaries, Thomas 
and John Penn, immediately after the treaty (Aug. 25, 1737) 
advertised for the most expert walkers, and from those who were 
presented, selected three men, Edward Marshall, Solomon Jennings, 
and James Yeates. The walk took place on the 19th and 20th of 
September, 1737. They started from WrigJitstcnvn at a marked 
spruce tree, at sunrise, and at sunset Edward Marshall arrived at a 
creek near the northern base of the Blue Mountains. About one 
mile from the resting place of Marshall, there was an Indian 
village called Meniolagemika, at which a large number of Indians 
collected in the e.\pectati(Mi that he would go no farther. But when 
they found that he intended to proceed in the morning (a day and a 
half), they were very angry, saying, they were cheated. * * * 
One old Indian, with indignation, thus exclaimed: — ' No sit down to 


smoke, no shoot squirrel, but ///;/, lun, Inn all day long.' The next 
morning at sunrise Marshall started again, and at noon arrived at 
the Tobihanna Creek, near the bank of which he struck his hatchet 
into a tree." "This line commenced near Wrightstown in Bucks 
county, and terminated at the Tobihanna Creek, all the way east of 
the Lehigh River after crossing it about a mile below Bethlehem. 
The course was nearly northwest from there. Marshall ran all the 
time, and the course was along an Indian path, that had been 
cleared of brush and all obstructions beforehand. At the end of 
the rim a line was drawn at right angles, and that line ran to the 
Delaware at the mouth of the Lackawaxen. 

As no accommodation appeared likely, a messenger was sent by 
the governor to the Six Nations, requesting them tO' send depu- 
ties to meet in council in Philadelphia with instructions as to the 
matter in dispute. Accordingly in the summer of 1742, the chiefs 
and principal warriors of the Six Nations to the number of 230 re- 
paired to Philadelphia, where they met the chiefs of the Delawares, 
and a general council was opened in presence of the officers of the 
Provincial government and a large concourse of citizens. 

The governor opened the conference through an interpreter, 
with a long talk, which set forth that the Proprietaries of Pennsyl- 
vania had purchased the lands in the forks of the Delaware, several 
years before, of the Delaware tribe of Indians who then possessed 
them. That they afterward received information that the same 
lands were claimed by the Six Nations, and a purchase was also 
made of them. That in both these purchases the Proprietaries 
had paid the stipulated price ; but the Delawares had nevertheless 
refused to give up possession ; and as the Six Nations claimed 
authority over their country, it had been thought best to hold a 
council of all the parties that justice might be done. The chiefs of 
the Six Nations were then informed that as they had on all occasions 
required the government of Pennsylvania to remove any whites that 
settled upon their lands, so now the government of Pennsylvania 
expected that the Six Nations would cause these Indians to remove 
from the lands which it had purchased. All the deeds and drafts 
of the lands were submitted for consideration of the council. After 
some deliberation among the different chiefs, Connassatego, a 
venerable chieftain, arose in the name of all the deputies, and in- 


formed the f^ox'ernor, "That they saw the Delawares had been an 
unruly people and were altogether in the wrong, and that they had 
concluded to remove them." And addressing himself to the Dela- 
wares in a violent manner, he said, "You deserve to be taken by 
the hair of your heads and shaken till you .recover your senses and 
become sober. We have seen a deed signed by nine of your chiefs 
above fifty years ago for this very land. But how came you to take 
upon yourselves to sell lands at all? We conquered you — we made 
women of you; you know you are women, and can no more sell 
lands than women. Nor is it fit that you should have the power of 
selling lands, since you would abuse it. You have been furnished 
with clothes, meat and drink by the goods paid you for it, and now 
you want it again like children as you are. But what makes you 
sell lands in the dark ? Did you ever tell us that you had sold this 
land ? Did we ever receive any part, ev^en the value of a pipe- 
shank for it? You have told us a blind story that you sent a mes- 
senger to us to inform us of the sale, but he never came amongst 
us, nor hav^e we ever heard anything about it. But we find you are 
none of our blood ; you act a dishonest part not only in this, but 
in other matters. Your ears are even open to slanderous reports 
about your brethren. For all these reasons we charge you to re- 
mov^e instantly; we don't give you liberty to think about it. You 
are women ; take the advice of a wise man and remove instantly. 
You may return to the other side of the Delaware where you came 
from, but we don't know whether, considering how you have de- 
meaned yourselves, you will be permitted to live there, or whether 
you have not swallowed that land down your throats as well as the 
lands on this side. We therefore assign you two places to go to, 
either to lVyo)ni>ig or SJianwkin. You may go to either of these 
places, and then we shall have you more under our eye, and shall 
see how you beha\'e. Don't deliberate, but remove away, and take 
this belt of wampum." 

He then commanded them to leave the council as he had busi- 
ness to do with the English. 

The authority of the Six Nations was too powerful to be dis- 
regarded, and the speech of Connassatego had its full effect; the 
Delawares immediately left the disputed country; some removed 
to Shamokin and some to Wyoming. 


On their arrival at Wyoming the Delawares found the valley in 
possession of the Shawanese; but as these Indians acknowledged 
the authority of the Six Nations, and knew that the removal of the 
Delawares was in consequence of their order, resistance was inex- 
pedient; and the Delawares having taken quiet possession of a part 
of the valley, built their town of Maughwauwama on the east bank 
of the river opposite the island below where Wilkes-Barre now 
stands. This was the origin of the Indian town of Wyoming. 
Here resided the greater part of the Delawares of the valley, with 
their king, Tadame. A smaller part lived with Chief Jacob, on the 
plains above Wilkes-Barre. Of course the Delawares came, then, 
in the summer of 1742. 

A large number of converted Indians had been compelled by 
persecution to fly from their homes in the eastern border of New 
York, and to be near their Moravian brethren, came to a place on the 
Lehigh where they, (the Moravians) had purchased land and made 
an establishment for them, about eighteen miles above Bethlehem, 
on the Warrior's Path, called Gnadenhiitten, or Huts of Mercy, in 
1746. It was about forty miles southerly from Wyoming. The 
settlement flourished for several years, and in 1752 numbered about 
five hundred persons ; when a deputation of Nanticokes and others 
from Wyoming came to visit them, numbering more than a hundred. 
In consequence of this visit or mission (and probable message) about 
eighty of the Christiaii Indians, under Tedeuscung, a Delaware chief, 
and Christian convert already of some note, accompanied the party 
back to the Susquehanna and established their lodges at Wyoming — 
Maughwauwama. The spring following, (1753), a second band of 
twenty-three persons, under Paxinos, a Shawnese chief, or king, 
accompanied by three Iroquois ambassadors, appeared at Gnaden- 
hiitten and desired the whole settlement to remove to Wyoming. 
These Christian Indians, composed of Delawares and Mohicans, were 
not disposed to yield obedience to this desire, and some of them 
peremptorily refused. This roused the chiefs to anger, and the 
Shawnese chief, Paxinos, delivered the Iroquois' message: — "The 
Great Head, that is, the council at Onondago, speak the truth and 
lie not. They rejoice that some believing Indians have removed to 
Wayomick; but now they lift up the remaining Mohicans and Dela- 
wares, and set them down also in Wayomick; for there a fire is 


kindled for them, and th-jro they may plant and think on God. But 
if they will not hear, the Great Head will come and clean their ears 
with a red hot poker." 

Paxinos then turned to the missionaries and earnestly requested 
them not to hinder the converts from removing to Wyoming. 

The "French and Indian War," was about breaking out, and the Six 
Nations had joined the French. On November 24, 1755, Gnaden- 
hiitten was attacked by the Indians and destroyed. Eleven persons 
belonging to the mission were burned alive. This was (9/^Gnaden- 
hiitten. The Indian houses had been removed that year, 1755, 
across the Lehigh to new land, and that place was called New 
Gnadenhiitten, — where Weisport now stands — and the Indian con- 
verts were living there and were not hurt; but they all fled to 
Bethlehem, and the place was abandoned forever by the Moravians 
and their converts. The next year, in January, Benjamin Franklin 
was sent therewith about five hundred troops and built Fort Allen, 
on the site of New Gnadenhiitten. 

The Gnadenhiitten Indians after the burning of Old Gnadenhiitten 
lived at Bethlehem till 1757-8, when Nain was completed; and they 
liv^ed there until they became too numerous and they had to szuaj-m. 
To provide for this young swarm, in 1760, another station was built 
at Wequetank. Nain was in the neighborhood of Nazareth. Where 
Wequetank was is not now known. The murders of 1763 in North- 
ampton county and in Wyoming, caused the Scotch-Irish settlers 
in Northampton county to become so threatening towards the 
Moravian Indians at Nain and Wequetank, that they were removed 
by the Pennsylvania government to Philadelphia. The Moravian 
or Christian Indians, of Wyoming and Wyalusing, also fled to Phila- 
delphia. Peace being concluded with the hostile Indians in 1764, 
the Moravian Indians returned to Bethlehem, Nain and Wyalusing, 
in 1765. The Scotch-Irish had destroyed Wequtank. — Watson's 

0\\ the death of Tadame, the Delaware chief who was treacher- 
ously murdered, but by whom or for what cause there is no record, 
Tedeuscung was elected king of the Delawares, at Wyoming. This 
was in 1755 or 1756. — Miner. 

In Henry's History of the Lehigh Valley, is found the follow- 
ing: — "Count Zinzendorf visited Tatamy, in 1742, at his house near 


Stockertowrij and says, he was a man of a mild disposition, who lived 
much as the 'white people.' He was shot near Bethlehem in 1757, 
by a boy fifteen years old. Tatamy's house was about seven miles 
up*the Bushkill from Easton. Tatamy was the principal chief of 
all the Indians within a hundred miles." 

This is probably our Tadaine, and he was 7iot murdered at 
Wyoming — Maughwauwama — but at Bethlehem; but for what 
cause is still left unrecorded; and also whether he was shot by a 
white person or an Indian. 

On the death of Tadame Ta-da-me, Tat-a-my, Tad-e-iny, or Pat- 
e-mi, for the name takes all these shapes, Tadeuscund, — Tedeuscung, 
Teedyiisciing, for this name takes all these and -many more shapes, — 
who had been converted to Christianity at Gnadenhutten, and 
baptized there and given the name of Gideon, was elected king of 
the Delawares. This was probably in 1757. 



{^^ OON after the arrival of the Delawares in Wyoming, 1742, 
^^ and during the same season, Count Zinzendorf, of Saxony> 
' ~*- arrived in the valley on a religious mission to the Indians.' 
Either he or Conrad Weiser was the first white person that ever 
visited Wyoming; probably Weiser had been here before him, but 
there is no record of it. Zinzendorf was the revivor of the ancient 
church of the United Brethren, and had given protection in his 
dominions to the persecuted Protestants who had emigrated from 
Moravia, thence taking the nam.e of Moravians, and who two years 
before, had made their first settlement in Pennsylvania. 

"Upon his arrival in America, Count Zinzendorf manifested a 
great anxiety to have the gospel preached to the Indians and 
although he had heard much of the ferocity of the Shawanese, 
formed a resolution to visit them. With this view he repaired to 
TulpeJiockcn, the residence of Conrad Weiser, a celebrated interpreter 
and Indian agent for the government, whom he wished to engage 
in the cause, and to accompany him to the Shawanese town. Weiser 
was too much occupied in business to go immediately to Wyoming, 
but he furnished the Count with letters to a missionary named 
Mack, and the latter, accompanied by his wife, who could speak the 
Indian language, proceeded immediately with Zinzendorf on the 
projected mission." 

John Martin Mack, the Moravian missionary, at Gnadenhi'itten, 
was born in Wiirtcmberg, Germany, 17 15. Some time after arriving 
in this country, he married Jeannette, a daughter of a Mohawk 
chief She spoke that language, as well as that of the Delaware 
and Shawanese tribes. This knowledge of the Indian tongue of the 
Shawanese tribe accounts for the presence of Jeannette, in the 
missionary expedition of Zinzendorf. 


"The Shawanese appeared to be alarmed on the arrival of the 
strangers, who pitched their tent on the banks of the river a little 
below the town, and a council of the chiefs having assembled, the 
declared purpose of Zinzendorf was deliberately considered. 

"To these unlettered children of the wilderness, it appeared alto- 
gether improbable that a stranger should have braved the dangers of 
a boisterous ocean three thousand miles broad, for the sole purpose 
of instructing them in the means of obtaining happiness after death, 
and that, too, without requiring any compensation for his trouble and 
expense; and as they had observed the anxiety of the whites to 
purchase land of the Indians, they naturally concluded that the real 
object of Zinzendorf was either to procure from them the lands at 
Wyoming for his own use, to search for hidden treasure, or to 
examine the country with a view to a future conquest. 

" It was accordingly resolved to assassinate him, and to do it 
privately, lest a knowledge of the transaction should produce a war 
with the English, who were settling the country below the mountains, 

" Zinzendorf was alone in his tent, seated upon a bundle of dry 
weeds which composed his bed, and engaged in writing, when the 
assassins approached to execute their bloody commission. A cur- 
tain formed of a blanket, and hung upon pins, was the only guard 
to the entrance of his tent. 

"The heat of his fire had aroused a large rattlesnake which lay 
in the weeds not far from it, and the reptile to enjoy it more 
effectually, crawled slowly into the tent and passed over one of his 
legs undiscovered. Without, all was still and quiet, except the 
gentle murmur of the river at the rapids about a mile below. At 
this moment the Indians softly approached the door of his tent, and 
slightly removing the curtain, contemplated the venerable man, too 
deeply engaged in the subject of his thoughts to notice either their 
approach or the snake which lay extended before him. At a sight 
like this, even the heart of the savage shrunk from the idea of com- 
mitting so horrid an act, and quitting the spot they hastily returned 
to the town, and informed their companions that the Great Spirit 
protected the white man, for they had found him with no door but 
a blanket, and had seen a large rattlesnake crawl over his legs with- 
out attempting to injure him. 


"This circumstance, toi^ether with the arrival soon afterwards 
of Conrad Weiser, procured Zinzendorf the friendship and confidence 
of the Indians and probably contributed essentially towards inducing 
many of them, at a subsequent period, to embrace the Christian 
religion. The Count having spent twenty days at Wyoming 
returned to Bethlehem, a town then building by his Christian 
brethren on the north bank of the Lehigh, about eleven miles from 
its junction with the Delaware." — Chapman. 

Soon afterwards two other missionaries visited the valley and 
preached to the Indians in the various settlements, or towns along 
the Susquehanna. 

The missionary station at Gnadenhiitteii, for about eight years 
before its destruction, had many Indians, men and women, resident 
there who professed the Christian religion. There were no resident 
Indians there but converts. They lived in peace, tilled the ground, 
and studied reacting and writing. They were composed of Dela- 
wares, Mohicans and Shawanese; and occasionally a Mingo (Six 
Nations) professed to be converted and was baptized. The sincerity 
of these Indians is not to be doubted. The wife of Paxinos, who 
accompanied him there on his mission in 1753, was, or affected to 
become, converted, was baptized, and admitted a member of the 

There was communication back and forth between these Indians 
and their relatives in Wyoming Valley. The Warriors' Path 
through Hanover was the road traveled on these visits. It was 
about forty miles, and the path passed through Old Gnadenhiitten. 
"Old Gnadenhiitten" was situated about three-quarters of a mile 
from the Lehigh River, in the back part of what is now called 
Lehighton. The land had become poor from continuous cultiva- 
tion, and during the year 1755 New Gnadenhiitten had been built 
across the ri\er, at what is now called Weisport. 

Forty years ago — now 1884-5 — the Warrior Path was still a well 
beaten path across the mountain from Hanover, — had been used by 
the whites after the Indians left, and can still be seen. A famous 
spring, called the "Indian Spring," still exists near the top of the 
mountain on the old Warrior Path. This was the path by which 
the Indians {from Wyoming, the historians say, but it would be 
correct to say through Uyo?ning) went to massacre those converted 


Christian Indians at Gnadenhiitten in 1755, and only struck the 
missionaries and their families; and those other murders committed 
by them in Lynn, Heidelberg, Whitehall and 'Macungy townships 
in. Northampton county then, now in Lehigh; their houses destroyed, 
their farms laid waste, barns, grain, fences, etc., burnt to ashes, and 
eighteen persons killed. These murders were committed about 
the 8th of October, 1763. The same parties that committed these 
murders, on their return through Wyoming on October 15th, 1763 
(seven days afterwards), murdered the settlers of the first party of 
Yankees that tried to make a settlement at Wyoming, as will be re- 
lated in its proper place. 

It is not known now where the Warrior Path crossed the Sus- 
quehanna, nor where it crossed Hanover township, until it com- 
mences to ascend the Little Mountain. It commenced to ascend 
the mountain within twenty rods east of the creek at the Warrior 
Run Mines where it passes through the gap in the Little Mountain 
called "Warrior Gap." The path did not go through the gap, but 
kept to the east of it. Its course was nearly a straight line, run- 
ning about twenty degrees east of south, across the deep narrow 
valley between the Little and Big Mountains, across the Big Moun- 
tain at the Indian Spring, and on the same course east of south 
towards Gnadenhiitten (Lehighton), keeping on the west side of the 
Lehigh all the way down to Gnadenhiitten, and to AUentown, 
where it would leave the vicinity of the Lehigh. This could not 
have been the path the Walking Purchase was run on, but would 
seem to be a parallel path not more than twenty miles from it to 
the west. 


The writer heard the story of the Grasshopper War from his 
grandfather, and his recollection of the matter is, that it did not 
amount to much; but that the Indians mentioned it with contempt, 
and, although they told it themselves, they were ashamed that there 
should have been any fight at all among the men for such a cause. 
Here is Col. Wright's relation of it: — 

"The circumstances which led to this battle I will briefly relate. 
A number of Delaware squaws, with their children, were gathering 
wild fruits along the eastern bank of the river, some two miles be- 


low their village, which stood on the lower side of the present 
limits of the city of Wilkes-Barre, where they met with some 
squaws and their children of the Shawnee tribe, who had crossed 
the river in their canoes for the same purpose. 

"A child belonging to the Shawnees had taken a large grass- 
hopper, and a quarrel arose among the children for the possession 
of it, in which their mothers soon took part. The Delaware 
women contending that the east side of the river was their property, 
persisted in their right to the grasshopper, and the feminine conflict 
terminated in the expulsion of the Shawnee squaws to the west 
side. And it is asserted, though I apprehend upon very question- 
able authority, that some of these women were killed in this en- 
gagement. The expulsion of the Shawnee women irritated and 
maddened their husbands, and the consequence was a declaration of 
war on the part of the Shawnees against the Delawares. The 
Shawnees embarked in their canoes, but were met by the Dela- 
wares before they could obtain a foothold upon the east bank of 
the river; but still they were able to effect a landing, and a bloody 
conflict ensued at the great bend of the river immediately above 
the present railroad bridge. It is said that nearly half of the 
Shawnees fell upon the battlefield. They were certainly driven 
back to their own side of the stream." 

Among the old people of Hanover this Grasshopper War or 
Battle was understood to have been fought on the Hanover flats 
below the Red Tavern, called by Christopher Hurlbut the "Nanti- 
coke Flats." 

This event took place some twenty years only before the advent 
of the white settlers. 

Indian arrow-heads, spear-heads, axes and various other instru- 
ments, made of flint nicely chipped into shape, were formerly very 
frequently found in the fields in plowing, both on the flats and on 
the back land. Of late very few have been found. The boys, forty 
years and more ago, used to have "pockets full" of them, and they 
would compare them with each other's "finds" frequently when 
they met to see who had the most perfect specimens. The most of 
them would have some part, such as a point, or corner, or the 
shank or some small part broken off, but frequently perfect 
specimens were found. The larger ones, such as spear-heads and 


axes, were too large to be carried in the pocket and they were not 
so numerous. It was not every boy that could boast of the pos- 
session of one of them. The writer has himself found many arrow- 
heads, and an Indian stone axe; but such things were so common 
when he was a boy, that nothing was thought of them then. Every- 
body had some, and so no one cared for them or to preserve them. 
Now it may be difficult to find anyone in Hanover that has a single 
specimen to show. What has become of them ? They were some- 
times used for "flint and steel," to kindle fires. They were about 
the color of the ordinary gun flint of those times — a brownish 

When the white people first settled here, and until shortly be- 
fore the battle and massacre of 1778, the Indians lived here on ex- 
cellent terms with the whites. The white boys frequently went to 
the Indian dances to see them perform and to hear their singing 
and music, such as it was. The writer remembers hearing the same 
old veteran before mentioned many times describe the Indians' song 
and dance, and in his description he somtimes gave the words and 
sang them, as nearly as he could, as the Indians did. According 
to the writer's recollection of it, it was a continuous repetition of 
the words : — He oh, he uh, — he oh, he iih, — or else it was he eh, he 
eh, — he eh, he eh ; and aftei* a number of these expressions had been 
uttered, always in a sad or mournful tone, a yell was given; and 
then after a short pause in the '-song," he oh, he uh began again. 
In the first he oh of each couplet the oh was somewhat prolonged, 
but in the he Jih the uh was short, but strongly aspirated. The j^^'// 
was given as loudly as the singer could whoop — yeh ! This song, 
as recollected, was sometimes varied, as : — He oh^ hinny uh, — he oh, 
hinny uh. 

These dances were so frequent that the young men were quite 
intimate with each other. Their intercourse was always friendly 
and neighborly, only that the white people were forbidden by their 
local laws to give the Indians any liquor. The young men — red 
and white — hunted and fished together and lived like white neigh- 
bors to each other. 

These Indians left the valley a few months before the battle and 
massacre of July 3, 1778. The white people were surprised at 
that, for the Indians had always been well treated by them, and 


they had been well treated by the Indians, except that just before 
the Indians left, a few months, they became somewhat impudent and 
threatening. They went to begging, and on being refused anything 
they asked for, especially liquor, they would manifest considerable 
discontent, and occasionally let out some threat. There were not 
many Indians living here after the whites came, but there were 
several families in each of their towns. The old veteran, from 
whom the writer received the above information, had lived among, 
or neighbor to, these Indians for many years, and at that period of 
life when impressions made on one are the most lasting. The 
writer (then some ten or twelve years old) remembers hearing 
him sing the Indian song as they sang it at the dance, and how 
monotonous in tone and words it was. Since then he has heard 
Indian singing — real Indians — and the same monotony, and, it 
seemed, sadness of sound, occurred. It was a dreary repetition 
over and over, of the same words and sounds and a yell at the end. 

Mr. Miner thinks these Wyoming Indians were coerced into 
fi^htins^ the whites here at the massacre bv the Six Nations, to 
whom they were simply conquered vassals — subject tribes, paying 
tribute and making war, open or secret, on such people as they 
were directed to by their masters. This may all be true, but it is 
doubtful whether they were ever worthyof any confidence or trust. 
What ! Good neighbors come back to kill their friends ! 

The Indians here had fire-arms and were good marksmen. They 
did not depend upon the bow and arrow, spear and tomahawk for 
weapons. They shot at mark, ran races, and hunted with the 
whites, and probably might have continued to live with them until 
now, and become civilized, but they v.ould not. 

The writer can remember very well seeing the old men's eyes 
flash with anger, or something very like it, when relating or recall- 
ing to each other the conduct of these Indians here at that time, 
even after so many years had passed and their heads were whice 
with age. Ten or twelve of them were still alive when he was ten 
years old They were all, so far as he knows, in comfortable 
circumstances in life, and their meetings together were quite fre- 
quent, and quite jovial. But they had a hatred for the Indians ever 
after their unparalleled treachery here. These old veterans were 
called out on all occasions of public interest, to grace the proceed- 


ings; such as the opening of a canal to public use; the opening 
excursion of a railroad ; the laying of the corner stone of a public 
building, or a monument, or the reception of some great public 
character, either foreign or home ; some great dinner, speech, cele- 
bration, a great celebration of the fourth of July, or to mark some 
public event, and many other things. In all such cases it was the 
usual and proper thing, the people thought, for these old warriors 
to be called out to be their guests, and to honor and to be honored. 

The opening of the Lehigh Canal from White Haven to Mauch 
Chunk, (1838), was one case; the completion of the railroad from 
Wilkes-Barre to White Haven was another. At the opening of the 
canal, these old men all rode to White Haven from Wilkes-Barre on 
horseback, eighteen miles, except one who rode in a carriage which 
broke down on the way, on account of the execrable road. 

The writer remembers only two of these old soldiers alive and 
able to be at the celebration of the completion of the Wyoming 
Monument, in 1842. There may have been others; there probably 
were. These were Col. George Palmer Ransom, of Plymouth and 
Elisha Blackman, of Hanover. 

Mr. Blackman died in December, 1845, the last of the survivors 
of the Wyoming massacre. Col. Ransom was not in the battle and 
massacre, but was away with the army, two days' march from the 
valley, hurrying in with those soldiers that were not sent home in 
time. Elisha Blackman lies buried in the Hanover Cemetery, on 
"The Green." Mr. Blackman assisted in burying the dead, in 
October, 1778, that were slain -in the massacre, and after assisting 
to gather such crops as were still remaining in the valley, he enlisted 
in the army the same year, and served till the end of the war, and 
independence was achieved. • . 



'' As I came along this morning from Nicholas Upplinger's,* 
Joseph Tatamyl kept me company for the most part, and sometimes 

*At the Water Gap, 

fSon of William Tatamy the Delaware Indian chief that M-as murdered in 1757, near 
Bethlehem. — Tadanie, 


John Pumpshire.t We began to discourse about this present 
Indian war. I asked them several questions, and so did they me. 
Among other things, I told them that for my part, I did not under- 
stand Teedyuscong§ clearly, in his speech about the cause of the 
war; now and then he blamed the English in general, the Proprie- 
taries of Pennsylvania, and the Indians for being too credulous and 
foolish to believe the French; sometimes said the Frenchman's 
success, wealth and power, prevailed upon you all, and so on. 

Joseph Tatamy told me that everything had been agreed upon in 
the Indian council ; that their king Teedyuscong had everything in 
his heart and knew what to say before he came to Easton, and that 
there his memory was refreshed, but being too often overcome with 
strong liquor, he spoke confusedly, though nothing that was wrong 
or false in itself, only not in such order as he ought to have done, 
and one passage he never mentioned at all, which had drawn the 
Delaware Indian's heart from the English and their Indian allies. 

"That Teedyuscong should have given an account of the differ- 
ences that had arisen sometime ago between the Delaware, Minissink 
Indians and the Mingoes (the Six Nations), and should have told 
the Governor of Pennsylvania how the latter have cheated the 
former out of a great deal of land on the river Delaware, and sold 
it to the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania; that the Mingoes had 
abused the Delawares some years before, in Philadelphia, (1742), as 
if the Delaware and Minissink Indians were their dogs, and that 
Cannassatego, then speaker among the Mingoes, drove them away 
from their own land, and said he would give them lands on the 
Susquehanna River, and ordered them instantly to settle there, 
which the Delaware and some of the Minissink Indians did, in order 
to prevent mischief That then Cannassatego sold that land to the 
Proprietaries of Pennsylvania; but the Delawares and Minissink 
Indians made no reply against it, thinking themselves safe enough 
on Susquehanna; but about three years ago, a company of New 
England men had come down Susquehanna and taken draughts of 
all the good spots of land, and perhaps of all; that when the 
Indians asked why they did so, they boldly answered that so many 

^Another noted Indian. 

<;This was the principal Delaware Indian chief or king; he made a speech at a treaty 
that year. 


hundred families from New England would come and settle there. 
*This is our land,' said the Indians who were settled there. 'No!' 
was the reply; *it belongs to the Mingoes; you are only their 
tenants, slaves, dogs.' That thereupon, the Delawares sent a large 
body of their people, as their deputation to the Mohawk country, 
to protest against the New England people, or any other whites 
settling there, and to complain of the Mohawks' proceeding, and to 
tell them plainly that if they, the Mohawks, would not prevent the 
New England people from settling on the Susquehanna, they, the 
Delawares, would go over to Ohio, to the French, in hopes of 
receiving better usage from them. That the Mohawks then denied 
everything, and said the New England people had no leave of them 
for any lands on the Susquehanna and that they never would sell 
them any, and that neither the New England people nor any other 
white should settle there. That the deputation then went homxe 
again, the Delaware and Minissink Indians being thus satisfied, but 
that they were soon informed by some of the Mingoes themselves, 
that that land had actually been sold to the New England people, 
and that the Mohawks had received large considerations for them, 
and that the Mohawks had deceived the deputies of the Proprie- 
taries of Pennsylvania, who were about buying it, and having 
promised the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania that they should have 
the preference, if ever the land was sold. At this they became 
enraged, and fearing that they would be cut off, they gathered at 
Tiago, to see what would be the consequence and whether they 
would join the French, or hold on to their lands; a great many did 
so, others went over to the French from time to time, and came 
back with messages from them. The war broke out. 

"I said I wished that this story had been told at the treaty. 
Teedyuscong said he was afraid .of the Mingo Indians that were 
there, lest they might misrepresent the story when they came home. 
'The Mingo Indians' (continued Tatamy), 'have from the beginning 
cheated our nation, and got our forefathers to call them uncles by 
deceit and art and at last said they had conquered our forefathers; 
whereas the Mingoes stood in need of our forefathers' assistance, 
and got some of their cunning men to come down to our forefathers, 
with the news that a certain nation from the west was preparing to 


come and cut them ofif, and so our forefathers entered into a league 
with them, and rather fought their battles, when the Mohawks 
should have fought ours.' 

"Both these Indians were desirous and insisted that I should 
use my endeavors with the governor and people of Pennsylvania, 
to lay out a large tract of land on Susquehanna and secure it to their 
posterity, so that none of the whites could sell it, or anybody buy 
it. That if this was done, the Delawares would, for the most part, 
come and live on it and be reconciled to the people and government 
of Pennsylvania forever. Teedyuscong told me much the same 
story, as before mentioned, before we parted, with very little differ- 
ence, and desired the same of me." 

"Conrad Weiser."* 

something in the indian favor, continued. 

In a history of the Six Nations, published in 1881, by a Tus- 
carora Indian Chief, called in English Elias Johnson, is found the 
following several extracts: — 

"In the early histories of the American Colonies, in the stories 
of Indian life and the delineations of Indian character, these children 
of nature are represented as savages and barbarians, and in the mind 
of a large portion of the community the sentiment still prevails that 
they were bloodthirsty, revengeful and merciless, justly a terror to 
both friends and foes. Children are impressed with the idea that 
an Indian is scarcely human and as much to be feared as the most 
ferocious animal of the forest. * * * 

" But I am inclined to think that Indians are not alone in being 
savage — not alone barbarous, heartless and merciless. 

"It is said they were exterminating each other by aggressive 
and devastating wars before the white people came among them. 
But wars, aggressive and exterminating wars, certainly, are not 
proofs of barbarity. The bravest warrior was the most honored, 
and this has been ever true of Christian nations, and those who call 
themselves Christians have not yet ceased to look upon him who 
could plan most successfully the wholesale slaughter of human 
beings, as the most deserving his king's or his country's laurels. 

*History of the Lehigh Valley, by Henry, p. 27. 


How long since the paean died away in praise of the Duke of Welling- 
ton ? What have been the wars in which Europe, or America, has 
been engaged, that there has been no records of her history? For 
what are civilized and Christian nations drenching their fields with 

" It is said the Indian was cruel to the captives, and inflicted 
unspeakable torture upon his enemy taken in battle. But from what 
we know of them, it is not to be inferred that Indian chiefs were 
ever guilty of filling' dungeons with innocent victims, or slaughter- 
ing hundreds and thousands of their 'own people, whose only sin 
was a quiet dissent from some religious dogma. Towards their 
enemies they were often relentless, and they have good reason to 
look upon the white man as their enemy. They slew them in battle, 
plotted against them secretely, and in a few instances comparatively 
subjected individuals to torture, burned them, at the stake, and, 
perhaps flayed them alive. But who knows anything of the precepts 
and practices of the Roman Catholic Christendom, and quotes these 
things as proofs of unmitigated barbarity ? 

''At the very time that the Indians were using the tomahawk and 
scalping-knife to avenge their wrongs, peaceful citizens in every coun- 
try of Europe, where the pope was the man of authority, were incar- 
cerated for no crime whatever and such refinement of torture invented 
and practiced, as never entered into the heart of the fiercest Indian 
warrior that roamed the wilderness, to inflict upon man or beast. 

''We know very little of the secrets of the Inquisition, and this 
little chills our blood with horror. Yet these things were done 
in the name of Christ, the Savior of the World, the Prince of Peace, 
and not savage, but civilized Christian men looked on, not coldly, 
but rejoicingly, while women and children writhed in flames and 
weltered in blood. Were the atrocities committed in the vale of 
Wyoming and Cherry Valley unprecedented among the Waldensian 
fastnesses, and the mountains of Auvergne? Who has read Fox's 
Book of Martyrs, and found anything to parallel it in all the records 
of Indian warfare? The slaughter of St. Barthlomew's days, the 
destruction of the Jews in Spain, and the Scotch covenanters, were 
in obedience to the mandates of Christian princes, — aye, and some 
of them devised by Christian women who professed to be serving 
God, and to make the Bible the man of their counsel. 


"It is said also, that the Indians were treacherous, and more, no 
compliance with the conditions of any treaty, was ever to be trusted. 
But the Puritan fathers cannot be wholly exonerated from the charge 
of faithlessness; and who does not blush to talk of Indian traitors 
when he remembers the Spanish invasion and the fall of the princely 
and ma^^nanimous Montezuma? 

" Indians believed in v.itches, and burned them, too. And did not 
the sainted Baxter, with the Bible in his hand, pronounce it right, 
and was not the Indian permitted to be pre'sent, when the quiet 
unoffending woman was cast into the fire, by the decree of a Puritan 

"To come down to the more decidedly Christian times, it is not 
so veiy long since, in Protestant England, hanging was the punish- 
ment of a petty thief, long and hopeless imprisonment of a slight 
misdemeanor, when men were set up to be stoned and spit upon by 
those who claimed the exclusive right to be called humane and 

After more of this kind, all of w^hich is true, he says: — 

" This is not so bright a picture as is usually given of people who 
have written laws, and have stores of learning, but people cannot see 
in any place that the coloring is too dark. * * * 

"There is a bright and pleasing side to the Indian character, and 
thinking that there has been enough written of their wars and cruelties, 
of the hunter's and fisherman's life, I have sat down at their fireside, 
listened to their legends, and am acquainted with their domestic 
habits, understand their finer feelings and the truly noble traits of 
their character. 

" It is so long now since they were the lords of this country, and 
formidable as your enemies, and they are so utterly wasted away 
and melted like snow under the meridian sun, and helpless, that you 
can sit down and afford to listen to the truth, and to believe that 
even your enemies had their virtues. Man was created in the image 
of God, and it cannot be that anything human is utterly vile and 

"Those who have thought of Indians as roaming about in the 
forests hunting and fishing, or at war, will laugh perhaps, at the 
idea of Indian homes, and •domestic happiness. Yet. there are no 


people of which we have any knowledge, among whom, in their 
primitive state, family ties and relationships, were more distinctly 
defined, or more religiously respected than the Iroquois. 

"Almost any portrait that we see of an Indian, he is represented with 
tojnakawk and scalping-knife in hand, as if they possessed no other 
but a barbarous nature. Christians nations might with equal justice 
be always represented with cannon and balls, swords and pistols, as 
the emblems of their employment and their prevailing tastes." * * * 

'' No being acts more rigidly from rule than the Indians ; his 
whole conduct is regulated according to some general maxims early 
implanted in his mind. The moral laws which govern him are few, 
but he conforms to them all. The white man abounds in laws and 
religion, morals and manners, but how many of them does he violate. 
In their intercourse with the Indians the white people were con- 
tinually trampling upon their religion and their sacred rights. They 
were expected to look merely on while the graves of their fathers 
were robbed of their treasures, and the bones of their fathers were 
left to bleach upon the fields. And when exasperated by the brutality 
of their conquerors and driven to deeds of vengeance, there was very 
little appreciation of the motives which influenced them, and no 
attempt was made to palliate their cruelties. 

*' It was their custom to bury the dead with their best clothing, 
and the various implements they had been in the habit of using 
whilst living. If it was a warrior they were preparing for burial, 
they placed his tomahawk by his side and his knife in his shield; 
with the hunter, his bow and arrows and implements for cooking 
his food; with the woman, their kettles and cooking apparatus, and 
also food for- all. Tobacco was deposited in every grave; for to 
smoke was an Indian's idea of felicity in the body and out of it, and 
in this there was not so much difference as one might wish, between 
them and gentlemen of a paler hue." 

This will do for a quotation from the English writing of a pure 
blooded Tuscarora chief, living on their reservation in New York. 
English is a foreign language to him, but after all he uses it pretty 



1620. Nov. 3. Letters Patent. King James I. to tJic Duke of 
Lenox et. al. Included all the territory from 40° to 48° of north 
latitude, and in lenj^th from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific, and 
to be named New England in America. 

1629, March 4. Letters Patent. King Charles I. to Sir 
Henry Roswell et. al. for the same territor}-, excepting any territory 
in possession of any other Christian Prince or State. 

1662, April 20. Letters Patent. King Charles II. to John 
Winthrop et. al. granting and confirming to them "all that part of 
our dominions in New England in America, bounded on the east by 
Narragansett River, commonl)- called Narragansett Bay, where the 
said river falleth into the sea, and on the north by the line of Massa- 
chusetts Colony; and on the south by the sea; running from east to 
west, that is to say, from the said Narragansett Ba}' in the east to 
the South Sea on the west part. To have and to hold to them and 
their successors and assigns forever," etc. 

This is a part of the Connecticut Charter under which Con- 
necticut claimed the land in Wyoming or Westmoreland. They 
still had to acquire the Indian title and then take possession, to 
make the title good. The southern line of Connecticut at its most 
southern point was at or about on the 41° of north latitude. Con- 
necticut then, claimed the lands between the parallels of 41° and 
42°, from the Delaware River to the Pacific Ocean. 


1 68 1, March 4. Charter. Charles 11, King of England, to 
William Penn, for all that territory bounded east by the Delaware 
River, twelve miles northward from New Castle, to the 42°*of north 
latitude, to extend westward five degrees of longitude. This in- 
cluded all the territory between the parallels of 40^ and 42°, and a 
little south of the 40° parallel. 

This was William Penn's title to the land between the above 
lines. He still had to acquire the Indian title — at least, that was 
always considered necessary in the chain of complete title. 

1736, Oct. 25. Deed. Tiventy-three Chiefs of the Six Nations 
to John, Thomas and Richard Penn^ all the lands on both sides of 


the Delaware River, from its mouth northward up the river to the 
Blue Hills, and from the eastward to the westward as far as Penn- 
sylvania extends. 

After other deeds from the Indians to the Penns, not any of 
which conveyed any of the Wyoming lands, the last deed from the 
Indians is : — 

1768, Nov. 5. Deed. Six Nations to Richard and John Penn: 
''AH that part of the Province of Pennsylvania not heretofore pur- 
chased of the Indians." This included, of course, the territory 
claimed by Connecticut as far as the Province of Pennsylvania ex- 
tended to the northward and westward. This is the Penns' Indian 

Pennsylvania had all the time claimed this territory by grant 
from the King, and now claimed it by purchase from the Indians, 
from the Delaware to the Ohio line. 

Which title was the best? If these grants from the King were 
like grants of land from man to man, then the oldest in point of 
time would hold, always admitting the grantor's title to be good. 
Connecticut's charter was the oldest by nineteen years. 


In 1753 about six hundred inhabitants of the Colony of Con- 
necticut voluntarily associated themselves under the name of "The 
Susquehanna Company," for the purpose of planting a new colony 
west of the Delaware River. These persons had in view the pur- 
chase of the Indian title to the Wyoming lands. The people of 
the whole country believed that there were three requisites 
demanded to render titled to lands perfect: — ist, a charter from the 
King; 2d, a purchase of the soil from the Indians; 3d, possession. 

In 1754 a Congress of Delegates from a number of the British 
colonies was called, with the approbation of the crown, to assemble 
at Albany, to hold a conference with the Six Nations, and to form a 
plan of union for their defense during the expected war. A plan 
of union was adopted not very unlike the present federal constitu- 
tion. This plan was signed by the agents of Massachusetts, New 
Hampshire, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania and Maryland. . 
Pennsylvania was fully and ably represented by John Penn, Isaac 
Norris, Benjamin Franklin and Richard Peters. 


During the session of this congress, under the eye of the Penn- 
sylvania Delegation, a deed was executed by the Indians — the 
acknowledged proprietors of the territory — to the Susquehanna 
Company. This was the Indian, sale of Wyoming to the Con- 
necticut Susquehanna Company. 

The old ''French and Indian War'' was about to commence, and 
the English wished to conciliate the Indians if they could. Active 
operations commenced early in the spring of 1755; Braddock's de- 
feat occurred ; the colonies w^ere successful elsewhere, though war 
was not declared until 1756, In 1758 affairs looked so bad for the 
French that the Indians, who had joined the French in the war» 
appeared with a very large delegation at Easton and made a new- 
treaty with Pennsylvania. There were no less than five hundred of 
them — Mohawks, Oneidas, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Tusca- 
roras, Nanticoques, Conays, Tuteloes, Chugnuts, Delawares, Una- 
mies, Minissinks, Mohicans, Wappingers and Shawanese. 

On the way to this council Tedeuscung and the Delawares were 
accompanied by, or fell in with, one of the ambassadors of the Six 
Nations, a chief who had commanded the expedition against Gnad- 
denhiitten in 1755. On the top of the mountain on the Warrior 
Path, in Hanover, a quarrel arose between Tedeuscung and this 
chief and high words passed, \yhen Tedeuscung raised his toma- 
hawk and laid the chief dead at his feet. No doubt it was for this 
that Tedeuscung, was murdered at Maughwauwama — Wyoming — in 
1763, as will be mentioned in its proper place. 

The French and Indian War ended by the surrender of Canada 
to the English, and, after the war had continued a \'ear or so longer 
in other parts of the world, peace was declared in. 1763. Pontiac's 
War commenced in 1763, seems to have been undertaken by him 
for the purpose of reinstating the French in Canada again. It 
stirred up the Indians more widely, if anything, than before for a 
very short time, and caused the massacre of the people in Northamp- 
ton county at exposed points Oct. 8, and at W}'oming Oct. 15, in 
1763. After that the Indians all left the valley. Pontiac's War was 
but short, about one year, and trouble from him was ended b)' his 
assassination, 1767, while trying to raise the Indians on the Illinois. 
A few of the Indians came back to Wyoming before the whites 
came to make their next attempt at settlement in 1769. 


At the Albany Congress of 1754 the chiefs of the Six Nations 
signed, sealed and delivered the following: — 

"1754, July nth. Deed. Eighteen 'chiefs' 'sachems^ and 
^heads of the Five Nations' in consideration of £2,000 (New York 
currency) convey- to the Susquehanna Company lands as follows : 
Which said given and granted tract of land is butted, bounded 
and described as follows, viz : Beginning from the one and fortieth 
degree of north latitude, at ten miles distance east of the Susque- 
hanna River, and from thence with a northerly line, ten miles east 
of the river, to the forty-second * * * degree of north latitude, 
and to extend west two degrees of longitude, one hundred and 
twenty miles, and from thence south to the forty-first degree; 
and from thence east to the afore-mentioned bounds, which is ten 
miles east of the Susquehanna River; together, etc." 

The number of grantees in this deed was 694. 

From Connecticut 638 

From Rhode Island 33 

From Pennsylvania 10 

. From Massachusetts 5 

From New York 8 

This was the Susquehanna Company's Indian title to the Wyo- 
ming or Westmoreland lands — and it will be seen that it is fourteen 
years older, than the Penn's deed from the same Six Nations, for 
the same lands (1768). 

The Indians were paid in Albany for this land, in silver coin, 
which they divided there among themselves. 

Another company, called the Delaware Company, bought of 
the same Indians, the lands between the easterly line of the above 
purchase and the Delaware river. 

In 1755 surveyors were sent to survey lands along the Lacka- 
waxen and in Wyoming along the Susquehanna, but the French 
and Indian War then raging, made the work too dangerous and 
they returned home. 

As early as 1757 a settlement was made by the Delaware Com- 
pany, at Coshutunk (now Cochecton), on their purchase, and in 1760 
it had thirty dwellings, a block-house and a grist-mill and saw-mill. 



In 1762 a number of the proprietors, with surveyors, went upon 
the Susquehanna, tool: possession, and began clearing the ground. 
The Indians had made peace in 1758 at Easton, and a number of 
them were Hving in their towns here. They made no objection to 
these settlers building houses, making fences around their lands, 
plowing, or planting. Large bodies of land were plowed and 
planted, reaching away down on the flats in HanovxT, as it is now 
called; then it had no name but the general name of Wyoming. 
In the fall the settlers deposited their farming implements in the 
woods, returned home and staid during the winter. The next 
spring, 1763, they, with their families, stock and household furniture, 
renewed their possession, to the number of two hundred, and made 
a considerable settlement on the flats below where Wilkes-Barre 
now stands. " Their town was built nearer the river than the Indian 
village of Maughwauwame." — Miner, They also cleared and culti- 
vated land and built houses and a block-house at Mill Creek. 

Several of the Six Nations were visiting at Maughwauwama, 
without any ostensible object. Tedeuscung, the king of the Dela- 
wares, was drunk in his wigwam on the night of the 19th of April, 
1763, when twenty of the Indians' houses and wigwams burst 
simultaneously into flames. Tedeuscung's among the rest, he 
having been first assassinated. Tedeuscung had some years before 
killed the Mingo chief that led the party of Indians to the massa- 
cre of his friends, the missionaries and his Indian relatives, at Gna- 
denhiitten, and his assassination here was probably in retaliation 
for that; but Iroquois Indian cunning ascribed the murder to the 
New England people. It is not believed, however, that the Dela- 
wares had anything to do with the murder of the whites here the 
next October; but this is the way it took place: — 

The season was favorable and the various crops of the settlers 
on these fertile plains proved abundant, and they looked forward 
with hope to scenes of prosperity and happiness; when, without the 
least warning, on the 15th of October, 1763, a large party of sav- 
ages raised the war-whoop and attacked therp with fury. Unpre- 
pared for resistance, entirely unarmed, about twenty persons were 
killed and scalped, the others escaped by flight to the woods, men, 


women and children, in wild disorder. The settlement was ex- 
terminated. Not a living white person remained in the valley. 
Who can portray the sufferings of the fugitives, traversing the 
woods and swamps, destitute of food and clothing, on their way to 
their former homes. The crops were mostly destroyed and the 
buildings burned. Two days after this massacre two companies of 
the Paxtang Rangers,- — Pennsylvania troops — arrived on the ground. 
The Indians had all left. The Rangers destroyed what was left of 
the crops. But they left standing the blockhouse and houses the 
settlers had built at Mill Creek ; and after burying the dead returned 
home. One of these companies of Rangers was commanded by 
Capt. Lazarus Stewart, then with the Pennsylvanians — in a few years 
he was on the Connecticut side. This massacre was due to the dis- 
affection of the Indians toward the English during the Pontiac War, * 
and was probably committed by the same Indians that murdered 
Tedeuscftng; but from what the Delawares were guilty of afterwards, 
we need not think they were too good to do this. After the mur- 
der of Tedeusung the Christian Indians of Maughwauwama and 
Wyalusing fled to Bethlehem, but after the restoration of quiet 
they returned — -in 1765 — to the Susquehanna* and made their rest- 
ing place at Wyalusing. In 1771 all these Christian Indians re- 
moved to Ohio. There is an affecting story told of part of these 
Wyalusing Christian Indians on their way to Ohio, coming to 
Maughwauwama to wail over the graves of their dead and shed a tear 
over their departed ancestors. The pagan Indians only, remained in 
the valley of the Susquehanna. 

For the next six years there were no white people in the valley, 
and up to that time no Pennsylvania settler had set his foot within 
it. Now we approach the miserable contest between the Connecticut 
settlers and the government of the Penns. 



/N 1/68, at Hartford, in Connecticut, the Susquehanna Com- 

V pany resolved "that five townships, five miles square, should 
^^^^^ be surveyed and granted, each to forty settlers, being pro- 
prietors, owners of land, on condition that those settlers should 
remain upon the ground, man their rights, and defend themselves 
and each other, from the intrusion of all rival claimants." Five 
townships in the heart of the valley were assigned to tfiese first 
adventurers; Wilkes-Barre, Hanover, Kingston, Plymouth and Pitt- 
ston. The lands were divided into "rights" of four hundred acres 
each, "reserving and apportioning three whole rights, or shares, in 
each township,. for the public use of a gospel ministry and schools, 
in each of said towns." With these settlers came Captains Butler, 
Ransom, (John) Durkee, and Stewart, all of whom had seen honor- 
able service in the " French and Indian War," and had shared in the 
campaign at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, except Stewart, who 
was at Braddock's defeat. They .were not without the aid of bold 
adherents obtained in Pennsylvania. The Shoemakers and Mc- 
Dowells, from the settlements on the Delaware, above the Blue 
Hills; and Captain Lazarus Stewart and the other Stewarts, and the 
Youngs and Hollenbacks and others from Hanover, in Lancaster 
county, now Dauphin, and also by some Quakers from Rhode 

"The leaders of the Pennamites were Charles Stewart, Captain 
Amos Ogden and Sheriff Jennings, of Northampton county. Pa. 

The Penns had leased to Stewart, Ogden and Jennings, one 
hundred acres for seven years, on condition of "defending the lands 
from the Connecticut claimants." They arrived first upon the ground. 
This was in January, 1769. They took possession of the block- 
house and huts at Mill Creek, (about a mile above the present city 


of Wilkes-Barre), which had been left by the massacred settlers of 
1763. They laid out for the Proprietaries two extensive manors, 
''Stoke," on the east bank, and ''Sunbur^'" on the west bank of the 
Susquehanna, embracing the heart of the Wyoming Valley and com- 
prising more than 30,000 acres, and to be ruled like the English 
baronial manors, with their courts-baron, etc. The Penns took all 
the best of the land for themselves. 

The word "Proprietaries," means the heirs of William Penn ; and 
the '* Governors or the Proprietaries," mean the governors of Penn- 
sylvania, appointed by the descendants of Penn, to govern during 
the absence of the Penns. The word "Yankee," is a corruption of 
the word "English," and is of Indian origin. " Pennamite and 
Yankee," means simply the two parties in the quarrel for the terri- 
tory, the word "Pennamite" having probably a shade of contempt in 
it, as applied by the Yankee. This was probably reciprocated by 
the Pennamite. We have all outgrown it now, and can use them 
and have them used without any feeling on account of it. The 
word "Proprietor," meant one who had bought land of the Susque- 
hanna Company or of another proprietor and settled upon it, or had 
it "manned" for himself by some niafi building a house on it and 
living there under his directions, to defend it from all intruders. 

On the 8th of February, 1769, the first forty Connecticut settlers 
arrived. Finding the block-house in possession of Ogden, they sat 
down, mid-winter as it was, to besiege it and starve out the garrison. 
Ogden proposed a conference.* " Propose to a Yankee to talk over a 
matter, especially which he has studied and believes to be right, and 
you touch the most susceptible chord which vibrates in his heart."* 
It was so here. Three of their chief men went to the block-house to 
''argue the matter." Once within. Sheriff Jennings arrested them 
on a writ " in the name of Pennsylvania." They were taken to the 
jail at Easton. They went along peaceably. Friends there bailed 
them out, and they at once returned to Wyoming and took posses- 
sion of the vacant fort. Ogden, when he heard of it, raised \ki^ posse 
of Northampton county, stormed the Yankee fort, and carried the 
whole forty to Easton. They were all immediately bailed out again, 
and at once returned to Wyoming. But this for the second time left 
the valley without white inhabitants. 




The additional quotas of forty each, for the other four townships 
arrived in April, making two hundred in all, counting the forty just 
arrived from Easton. They erected Fort Durkee on the river bank, 
and thirty huts. The fort stood at the lower end of the "river com- 
mon" in Wilkes-Barre. The at Mill Creek was too 
remote from the low^er flats, near the old Indian town of Wywamick, 
Maughwauwama, where large fields, long since cleared, invited 

There is nothing now to show the exact time that Hanover was 
settled, but as the forty to whom Hanov^er had been assigned, 
arrived with this last party, in April,* it is to be supposed that they 
took immediate possession and built a block-house on it, as it had 
open fields bare of trees, and adjoined the Wilkes-Barre flats about 
a mile below the town of Maughwauwama. 

The settlers had full possession now, and went vigorously to 
work, plowing, planting, felling trees and building houses. 

The reader will probably be pleased to see a list of the first two 

hundred names enrolled as actual settlers to "man their rights" in 

the first five townships. The roll is dated June 2d, 1769. 

David Whittlesey, Stephen Miles, Moses Hebbard. jr.,* 

Jonathan Carrington, Jabez Fish, 

John Dorrance, Peris Briggs, 

Noah Allen, Aaron Walter, 

Robert Jackson, James May, 

Zebulon Hawksey, Samuel Badger, 
Tames Dunkin,' 
Caleb Tennant. 

Job Green, 
Philip Goss, 
Joshua Whitney, 
Abraham Savage, 
Ebenezer Stearns, 
Sylvester Chese- 

Zephaniah Thayer, 
PLlephalet Jewel, 
Daniel Gore, 
Ozias Yale, 
Henr>' Wall, 
Rowland Barton, 
Gideon Lawrence, 
Nathaniel Watson, 
Philip Weeks, 
Thomas Weeks, 
Asher Harrot, 
Asa Lawrence, 

Jabez Cooke, 
Samuel Dorrance, 
Zerobable Wightman, John Comstock, 

Gurdon Hopson, 
Asa Lee, 

Thomas Wallworth, 
Robert' Hunter, 
John Baker, 
Jonathan Orms, 
Daniel Angel, 
Elias Roberts, 
Nicholas Manvil, 
Thomas Gra}', 
Joseph Gaylord, 

Samuel Hotchkiss, 
Wm. Leonard, 
Elisha Avery, 
Ezra Buel, 
Gershon, Hewit, 
Nathaniel Goss, 
Benjamin Hewit, jr., 
Elias Thomas, 
Abijah Mock, 
Ephraim Fellows, 
Joseph Arnold, 

*It is claimed now that the two hundred did not include the Hanover men ; that the 
number for a township had been changed to tifty; that the Lancaster county forty took in 
ten Yankees, and arrived on the ground in February, 1770. 



Ebenezer Hebbard,* 
Morgan Carvan, 
Samuel Marvin, 
Silas Gore,* 
Ebenezer Northrop, 
Joshua Lampher, 
Joseph Hillman, 
Abel Pierce, 
Jabez Roberts. 
Jenks Corah,* 
Obadiah Gore, jr., 
Caleb White, 
Samuel Sweet, 
Thomas Knight, 
John Jollee, 
Ebenezer Norton, 
Enos Yale, 
John Wiley, 
Timothy Vorce, 
Cyrus Kenne, 
John Shaw, 
James Forsythe, 
Peter Harris, 
Abel Smith, 
Elias Parks, 
Joshua Maxfield, 
John Murphy, 
Thomas Bennett, 
Christopher Avery, 
Elisha Babcock, 
John Perkins, 
Joseph Slocum, 
Robert Hopkins, 
Benj. Shoemaker, jr., 
Jaebez Sill, 
Parshall Terry, 
John Belong, 
Theophilus Westover, 
John Sterling, 
Joseph Morse,* 
Stephen Fuller, 
Andrew Durkee, 
Capt. Prince Alden, 
Peter Comstock, 
John Durkee, 
Joseph Webster, 

Wm. Churchell, 
Henry Strong, 
Zebulon Frisbee, 
Hezekiah Knapp, 
John Kenyon, 
Preserved Taylor, 
Isaac Bennett, 
Uriah Marvin, 
Abisha Bingham, 
Andrew Medcalf, 
Daniel Brown, 
Jonathan Buck, 
David Mead, 
Thomas Ferlin, 
Wm. Wallsworth, 
Thomas Draper, 
James Smith, 
James Atherton, jr., 
Oliver Smith, 
James Evans, 
Eleazer Carey, 
Cyprian Lothrop, 
James Nesbitt, 
Samuel Millington, 
Benjamin Budd, 
John Lee, 
Josiah Dean, 
Zophur Teed, 
Moses Hebbard,* 
Dan Murdock, 
Noah Lee, 
Stephen Lee, 
Daniel Haynes, 
Lemuel Smith, 
Silas Park, 
Stephen Hungerford, 
Zeorbable Jeorum, 
Comfort Goss, 
Wm. Draper, 
Thomas McClure, 
Peter Ayres, 
Solomon Johnson, 
Benedict Satterlee, 
John Franklin,* 
Wm. Gallop, 
Jesse Leonard, 

Ephraim Arnold, 
Benjamin Ashley, 
Wm. White, 
Stephen Hull, 
Diah Hull, 
Joseph Lee, 
Samuel Wybrant, 
Reuben Hurlbut, 
Phineas Stevens, 
Abraham Colt, 
Elijah Buck, 
Noah Read, 
Nathan Beach, 
Job Green, jr., 
Fred Wise, 
Stephen Jenkins, 
Daniel Marvain, 
Zacheriah Squier, 
Henry Wall, 
Simeon Draper, 
John Wallsworth, 
Ebenezer Stone, 
Thomas Olcott, 
Stephen Hinsdale, 
Benj. Dorchester, 
Elijah Witter, 
Oliver Post, 
Daniel Cass, 
Isaac Tracy, 
Samuel Story, 
John Mitchel, 
Samuel Orton, 
Christopher Gardner, 
Duty Ceroid, 
Peris Bradford, 
Samuel Morgan. 
John Clark, 
Elijah Lewis, 
Timothy Hopkins, 
Edward Johnson, 
Jacob Dingman, 
Naniad Coleman, 
Benjamin Matthews, 
Stephen Hurlbut, 
Benjamin Hewit, 


Only two of these — Silas Gore and John Franklin — belonged to 
the "Associates" with Capt. Lazarus Stewart, to whom Hanover was 
granted, but all those marked with a star (*) were Hanover proprietors 
— seven of them in 1769. 

Block-houses, or forts, were built in each township. The block- 
house is generally a square building of heavy hewed logs. When 
raised to the height of one story the timber used for joists or beams 
is projected over every side six or eight feet. The second story is 
built up of lighter logs placed on the ends of these projecting 
timbers, the whole roofed oVer, of course, with boards, shingles or 
bark. Loop-holes are formed through which to fire on an approach- 
ing enemy. The purpose of making the upper story larger than the 
lower is to enable those who defend the block-house to throw down 
stones, or boiling water, or other missiles on the headsof the assail- 
ants who should attempt to focce the door, or set the building on 
fire. The first block-houses were built in a hurry, and were 
probably not of hewed logs. The defence of such a block-house 
when well peopled, armed with rifles — when cannon were not 
used — with plenty of food, water and arnunition, was not to be 
despised. The one afterwards built on Solomon's Creek at the 
Stewart place was more than once defended against the Indians by 
severe fighting and loss of life to the assailants. 

The fort was a mere palisade, but was built of heavy logs, fifteen 
to eighteen feet long, set close together on end in a trench three or 
four feet deep. The inclo^ure is generally square, except at the 
corners, where flanking towers are projected. The size was generally 
from a half acre inclosed up to several acres. The logs were some- 
times set double to break joints. A ditch on the outside four feet 
from the upright timbers, and dug several feet wide, was made, the 
dirt being thrown up against the timbers. Usually there were two 
gateways, opposite to each other, strongly barricaded. Around the 
inside against the timbers huts were built for the accommodation of 
families or messes. Loop-holes at proper distances, for firing rifles 
or small arms, finish the work within. Sometimes a cov^ered way 
was dug to the water, and not unfrequently Wells were sunk within 
the enclosure. 

The name of Hanover was given to the township in honor of 
one of the most prominent and conspicuous leaders in the settle- 


ment of Wyoming Valley — Lazarus Stewart. It was the name of 
his native town, Hanover, near the Susquehanna, in Lancaster 
county then, but now in Dauphin, a daring leader among the 
Yankees, though he, of course, was not a Yankee, as then under- 
stood (a New Englander), but a Pennsylvanian. The New Eng- 
enders alone were then called Yankees, but whoever sided with, 
and adhered to them, were considered and called Yankees. 

Captain Ogden, with Sheriff Jennings, recruited forces and ap- 
peared on the plains on the 20th of May. After reconnoitering the 
position of the Yankees he considered it too strong for him and 
they withdrew to Easton, and the sheriff informed the governor 
that there were three hundred able-bodied men there. 

"In the delightful season of spring, nature unfolding her richest 
robes of leaf and flower, the Susquehanna yielding boundless stores 
of delicious shad, a brief hour of repose seemed only to wed the 
Yankee immigrant more strongly to the valley, or to the ground he 
was cultivating. The beautiful lowlands, where scarcely a stone 
impeded the plow, contrasted with the rock-bound shores of New 
England and her stone-covered fields, was a prospect as inviting as 
the plains of Italy of old to its northern invaders." 

Now, on the 20th of June, another — Col. Turbot Francis — came, 
with music playing and colors flying, in full military array, all the 
way from Philadelphia, and sat down before Fort Durkee. Finding 
the Yankees too strongly" fortified he retired below the mountains 
to wait for reinforcements. 

Capt. Ogden, with Sheriff Jennings of Northampton county, 
and about two hundred well armed and equipped men, started for 
the valley in the beginning of September, and, to enable the sheriff 
more effectually to enforce his peaceful instructions, "not to strike, 
fire at, or wound, unless he was first stricken, fired at, or wounded," 
he brought along a part of an artillery company with a four-pound 
cannon and a supply of cartridge and ball — the first piece of 
ordnance ever seen in Wyoming. 

Ogden and Jennings descended into the valley and displayed 
themselves in formidable array before Fort Durkee. Their imposing 
force, but especially that terrible four-pounder, destroyed every hope 
of victory in the breasts of the Yankees. Articles of capitulation 
were entered into and the Yankees surrendered. Three or four of 


the leadincr men were detained as prisoners; the rest, men, their 
wives and little ones, with such of their flocks and herds as could 
be speedily collected, with aching hearts, took leave of the fair 
plains of Wyoming. The Pennamites agreed to let seventeen 
men stay and guard the Yankees' property till it could be taken 
away; but no sooner were the main body of the settlers gone, than 
Ogden expelled the seventeen men and seized all the Yankee 
property left, and cattle, horses and sheep, were driven to market on 
the Delaware. This was now the third tim.e the Yankees had been 
totally expelled from the valley. Thus closed 1769. Ogden left 
ten men to guard the valley and went to Philadelphia. 

Early in February, 1770, the Yankees under Captain Lazarus 
Stewart, with his forty settlers, mostly Pennsylvanians,* came, drove 
out the men left by Ogden in the fort at Mill Creek, captured the 
"four-pounder," and carefully transferred it to Fort Durkee. Late 
in February Ogden heard of this and hurried back to the valley. 
He quietly took possession of his old quarters at Mill Creek with 
the fifty men he brought with him. 

The Connecticut people, who had been acting as civilians hereto- 
fore, now began to assume a more martial aspect. They besieged 
Ogden and obliged him to surrender and leave the valley, though 
one of the Yankees was killed. The settlers rebuilt their burned 
houses, and commenced plowing and farming again. Peace reigned 
and confidence began to prevail. Spring and summer came, and the 
harvests were ripening, and no foe. The surveyors were again busy 
surveying lots. 

Pennsylvania for some reason had not crushed the dispute. In 
point of fact, the Proprietaries having appropriated the best part of 
the land to themselves, the people very generally sympathized with 
the settlers, and wished them success. The poorest lands only were 
left for actual settlers by the Penns everywhere, and this was much 
disliked by the people of the province in general, and caused them 
to favor the Connecticut settlers wherever they had a chance. 

It had become so difficult to raise troops that the governor, 
after immense difficulty, was not able before September to place a 
military force again under Capt. Ogden and another sheriff of 
Northampton county. 

♦The Pennsylvanians that came with Stewart were mostly the descendants of Scotch- 
Irish settlers in Lancaster county. 


There were three paths into the valley from the east The old 
Warrior Path by way of the Lehigh Gap and Fort Allen, coming 
into the valley at Hanover. One by way of Cobb's Gap at Lacka- 
waxen, entering the valley where Scranton now stands; and the 
third from Easton through the Wind Gap, near the line of the old 
Easton turnpike into Wilkes-Barre. This last was the path usually 
taken by the Pennamites on their expeditions into the valley. 

September 21, 1770, Capt. Ogden took the Warrior Path, and 
thus came in without being discovered, with one hundred and forty 
men. The Yankees were all the while watching the Wilkes-Barre 
path, but neglected to watch the others and so were taken by sur- 
prise. While the farmers were at work in the fields on the river 
flats in parties of from three to six, Ogden divided his force into 
parties of ten men, each under a chosen leader, directed them to 
hasten to the different fields noiselessly and secretly, and sieze upon 
the laborers. The plan succeeded to a turn; and thus a consider- 
able portion of the settlers were captured and at once sent to the 
Easton jail. After this Ogden had but little trouble in capturing 
the remainder of the settlers and their fort. The Yankee leaders 
he sent to Philadelphia — this time to prison, but the others were 
sent to jail at Easton. 

All the Connecticut people's possessions were now, as in the 
preceding autumn, abandoned, and the whole labor of the summer 
fell into the hands of their Pennamite foes. The property lost was 
by no means inconsiderable, and the soldiers of the successful 
party were richly rewarded with plunder. This was the fourth total 
expulsion of the Yankee settlers. 

A small garrison of twenty men was left in the valley, for it was 
not to be supposed that these pestiferous Yankees, after this fourth 
expulsion, would ever come back again, and the Proprietaries 
thought they were secured in the peaceful possession of the valley 
forever, and persons to whom the Proprietaries had leased the land 
were expected to come out in the spring and erect suitable build- 
ings to open trade with the Indians. But: — 

On the 1 8th of December, suddenly, without the slightest 
previous notice, a "Hurrah for King George" startled the sleeping 
garrison, too confidently secure to keep a sentinel on guard, and 
Captain Lazarus Stewart with thirty men took possession of the 


fortification they occupied in behalf of the Colony of Connecticut. 
The garrison were expelled from the valley as unceremoniously as 
had been the previous Yankee tenants. The expelled garrison 
themselves carried the news of their expulsion to Captain Ogden 
and the Proprietaries; and the Yankees were again in full posses- 
sion, and at once went to work on their farms. It being in the 
depth of" winter their women and children had not been brought 
with them. » 

In less than thirty days from the expulsion of the Pennsylvania 
party the Proprietary^ government had a force of more than a 
hundred men displayed before Fort Durkee in Wilkes-Barre. Now, 
Ogden built a fort near Fort Durkee and called it Fort Wyoming. 
Suffice it to say that the Yankees were driven off or captured by 
the end of January, 1771, and again imprisoned in the Easton jail. 
Some severe fighting and loss of life occurred before all this was 
accomplished, Ogden's brother being one of the slain. 

This was the fifth total expulsion of the Yankees, but their 
families and flocks and herds and other property not being with 
them, their expulsion this time was not so severely felt. The 
Easton people always bailed them out of jail. 

E^rly in April a party of armed Yankees, one hundred and fifty 
strong, entered the valley and forthwith laid vigorous siege to the 
Pennsylvania party in their Fort Wyoming. 

Although the most of the events related above took place in 
Wilkes-Barre, settlers of Hanover took a leading part in them, 
Stewart being the most active among the leaders of the Yankee 
party, and being a Hanover settler. This last party of Yankees 
was led by Captain Zebulon Butler, with Captain Lazarus Stewart 
as second in command. This was not the first fior second appear- 
ance of Captain Butler here by any means, but we have not had 
special occasion to mention his name but once before. Captain 
Butler pushed on the siege and with true Yankee providence 
directed that at the same time the labors of the field should not be 
intermitted; and the flats, though with imperfect cultivation, yet 
from their extreme fertility soon produced a waving sea of luxuriant 
corn; and summer fruits were in abundance, all a valuable prize 
for the party that should be victorious. 


News had been carried to the Proprietary government in Phila- 
delphia, and strenuous exertions were made to raise a body of men 
in the shortest time to relieve the besieged Pennsylvanians in the 
Wyoming fort. But no sufficient reinforcement was able to reach 
them in time, and they were starved out and had to surrender, — after 
some severe fighting and some fatal casualties on both sides, — on 
14th of August, 1 77 1. 

Thus foiled in every attempt to establish a post on the disputed 
lands; becoming daily more and more unpopular, as the difficul- 
ties between the Colonies and Great Britain, which were now going 
on, increased, the Proprietary government left the Susquehanna 
Company in undisturbed possession of the ground, who forthwith 
proceeded with all practicable celerity to increase their settlements 
and consolidate their power. 

This closes the first Pennamite and Yankee war. It commenced 
in January, 1769 and continued till September, 1771, nearly three 
years, during which time the Yankee settlers were totally expelled 
five times, with the loss each time of nearly their whole property. 
But still they returned again and again and fought it out to final 
victory. But the final victory was not yet. 

Very little has been said about killed or wounded, because there 
was no real reason for it ; it is enough to say that blood had been 
flowing pretty freely, and many valuable lives had been lost. 



C'^^'A FTER the massacre in 1763 the Indians generally left the 
Cp\ valley of Wyoming, but a number had returned, not as a 
^■^ tribe but scattered remnants of tribes. Some of them 
had been partially civilized by the Moravians; a small number who 
were friendly and good neighbors, lived on the flats above Mill 
Creek. The men were good hunters and supplied vension and 
other wild game to such as could give something satisfactor}' to 
the Indian in exchange for it. Others li\ed at Maughwauwama, 
and Shawnee, and Nanticoke. 

The inhabitants would lea\e their fortification after an early 
breakfast, taking a lunch with them and go armed to their daily 
labors in the fields. Stockades, or block-houses were built in Han- 
over and Pl}'mouth. Forty Fort, in Kingston, was occupied. Many 
families returned that had not before come back, from some one or 
other of their expulsions, and new settlers came in from the East. 
Moving and removing, surveying, drawing lots for land-rights, 
building and preparing for building, hastily clearing up patches for 
sowing with winter grain, — these were the matters of importance now. 
Great activity prevailed everj'where, but with all their industry 
and energy, the harvests in the fall of 1772 were not sufficient for 
their greatly augmented numbers. Then men were forced to hunt 
and fish for a living. But all were filled with exultation from having 
come off victorious, and their comparative sense of security, and the 
pleasure of frequently meeting old acquaintances from Connecticut, 
or Lancaster countv, who ha\inc: been neicrhbors there were to be 
neighbors here; and then, to listen to and to tell of adventures and 
hair-breadth escapes ! These were delights to be enjoyed even on 
a hungr)' stomach I The old settler of eighteen or eight months 
had long stories to tell to the newcomer. 


The supplies were so nearly exhausted by February, 1773, that 
parties were sent from the settlements to the Delaware near Strouds- 
burg for provisions. There were no wagons, or wagon roads, nor 
horses to be had to carry the supplies on. They had to go on foot 
and carry the loads on their backs ; and they were in danger also 
of falling into the hands of the hostile Pennsylvanians. But they 
found friends in the settlements there, and were secretely supplied 
and sent on their journey homeward. Never was an opening spring 
or the coming of the shad looked for with more anxiety, or hailed 
with more delight. '' The fishing season dissipated all fears of 
further famine, and the dim eye was soon changed for the glance of 
joy and the sparkle of pleasure, and the dry, sunken cheek of want 
assumed the plump appearance of plenty and health." — Miner. 

A grist mill was built this year, 1773, at Mill Creek. The mill 
irons were brought up the river in a boat, pushed up with poles in 
the hands of the crew, from Wright's Ferry, opposite Columbia 
below Harrisburg. On the same Mill Creek below the grist mill, a 
saw mill was built during the summer. This was the first grist 
mill and first saw mill built in the Valley of Wyoming. Schools, 
and churches, or *' meeting-houses" as they were called, were also 
provided for. Military organization was not negl-ected. Following 
the order then existing in New England, discipline was enforced as 
indispensible to the existence of the settlement. In each township 
a company was enrolled, and officers chosen and commissioned. 
"They had no splendid uniforms, no glittering bayonets, no impos- 
ing band of many instruments of music, at their training, but there 
were sturdy men there, with the strong banded old French musket, 
the long duck shooting piece, and, more efficient than all, the close 
drawing rifle, little known in New England, but becoming familiar 
among the settlers on the Susquehanna." — Miner. 

The percussion cap and lock were then unknown; nothing but 
the flint-lock was used on a gun. Probably many men of to-day 
never saw a flint-lock gun — certainly none of that day had ever seen 
a percussion lock. But such arms as they had were not to be 
despised at that day. They were well taken care of, too, for there 
was no knowing when they might be desperately needed by these 
pioneer settlers of a small colony pushed away out sixty miles 
beyond any other settlers, into the Indian country; and such whites 


as were their nearest neighbors owning a jurisdiction inimical to 

They had not much law, but such law as was necessary for self 
protection they made for themselves in town-meeting, and they 
enforced it. Among these was one, that "Any person selling 
liquor to an Indian," was to forfeit his goods and be expelled the 

In June, 1773, the Susquehanna Company met at Hartford and 
adopted twelve articles for the government of the settlement. These 
were in the nature of a constitution, as we would now term it. 
Every township procured a copy, and entered it at large in a book 
provided for the purpose. All the male inhabitants of the age of 
twenty-one years had to personally subscribe it with his own proper 
name or mark, and strictly abide by and fulfill it, and such persons 
as came in afterwards had to do the same; and such as neglected or 
refused to subscribe and abide by it, were not permitted to remain, 
nor admitted as settlers on the lands.* 


" Lst. We do solemnly profess and declare true and sincere 
allegiance to His I^Iajesty, King George the Third, and that no foreign 
prince, person, prelate, state or potentate, hath, or ought to have any 
jurisdiction, power or authority, ecclesiastical or spiritual, within 
the realm of England. 

" 2nd. We do solemnly promise and engage, that we will, so 
far as lieth in our power, behave ourselves peaceably, soberly and 
orderly towards each other in particular, and the world in general, 
carefully observing and obeying the laws of this colony, as binding 
and of force with us equally in all respects, as though we actually 
resided within one of the counties of this colony" {^of Connecticut). 

" 3rd. For the due enforcing such laws, as well as such other 
orders and regulations as shall, from time to time, be found 
necessary to be come into by said settlers and Company, we will 
immediately within each town already settled, and immediately 
after the settlement of those that may be hereafter settled, choose 

*This was in 1773. The present book containing the Hanover records was com- 
menced in 1776, and does not contain a copy of these articles of agreement. The copy 
here introduced is from Miner's History of Wyoming, copied by him from the Westmore- 
land Records. 


three able and judicious men, among such settlers, to take upon 
them, under the general direction of the Company, the direction of 
the settlement of each such town, and the well ordering and govern- 
ing the same, to suppress vice of every kind, preserve the peace of 
God and the King therein, to whom each inhabitant shall pay such 
and the same submission as is paid to the civil authority in the 
several towns in this colony; such inhabitants shall also choose, m 
each of their respective towns, one person of trust to be their officer, 
who shall be vested with the same power and authority, as a con- 
stable, by the laws of this colony is, for preserving the peace and 
apprehending offenders of a criminal or civil nature. 

"4th. The Directors in each town shall, on the first Monday of 
each month, and oftener, if need be, with such their peace officers, 
meet together, as well to consult for the good regulating thereof, as 
to hear and decide any differences that may arise, and to inflict 
proper fine or other punishment on offenders according to the 
general laws and rules of this colony, so far as the peculiar situation 
and circumstances of such town and plantation will admit of; and 
as the reformation of offenders is the principal object in view, 
always proffering serious admonition and- advice to them, and their 
making public satisfaction, by public acknowled-gement of their 
fault, and doing such public service to the plantation, as the 
Directors shall judge meet, to fines in money, or corporal punish- 
ment, which, however, in extreme cases, such Directors shall inflict, 
as said laws direct. 

'' 5th. The Directors of each individual town or plantation, 
shall, once every quarter, or three months, meet together to confer 
with each other on the state of each particular town in said settle- 
ment, and to come into such resolutions concerning them as they 
shall find for their best good, as also to hear the complaints of any 
that shall judge themselves aggrieved by the decision of their 
Directors in their several towns, who shall have right to appeal to 
such quarterly meeting. 

"6th. No one convicted of sudden and violent breach of the 
peace, of swearing, drunkenness, stealing, gaming, fraud, idleness, 
and the like before the Directors of the particular town in which he 
lives, shall have liberty of appeal to such quarterly meeting, from 
the sentence of such particular Directors, without first procuring 


good security, to the satisfaction of such Directors, for his orderly 
and sober behavior until such meeting, and for his submitting to 
and complying with the sentence of such meeting. No one, in 
matters of private property, shall have liberty of appeal from such 
particular Directors, to such quarterly meeting of Directors where 
the controversy is not more than twenty shillings." ($3-33 K)- 

" 7th. Such quarterly meeting of the Directors shall appoint 
an officer, statedly, to attend them as their clerk, who shall care- 
fully register their proceedings, also an officer in the character of 
general peace officer, or sheriff, who shall attend them, and to 
whom the inhabitants of the whole settlement submit in the same 
manner as the inhabitants of any county within this colony, by law 
are obliged, to their respective High Sheriff. • 

" 8th. All persons within such settlement accused of the high 
handed crimes of adultery, burglary and the like, shall be 
arrainged before such quarterly meeting, and if convicted, shall be 
sentenced to banishment from such settlement, and a confiscation 
of all their personal effects therein, to the use of the town where 
such offense is committed, and should there still be the more 
heinous crime of murder committed, which God forbid, the offender 
shall be instantly arrested, and delivered into the hands of the 
nearest civil authority in Connecticut, and shall any person or 
persons be accused of counterfeiting the bills or coins of any 
province on this continent, and be thereof convicted before such 
quarterly meeting, the colony whose bills are thus counterfeited, 
shall have liberty to take such offender and punish him, he shall be 
instantly banished the settlement, and his personal effects be con- 
fiscated as aforesaid, and all persons convicted of any heinous crime 
in any province on this continent, and shall fly from justice, the 
inhabitants shall, as well directors and peace officers, as others, aid 
and assist their pursuers in apprehending them, that they may be 
duly punished in the Government where they have offended. 

"9th. No appeal shall be from the doings of such quarterly 
meeting, or their decrees, to the Susquehanna Company in general, 
save where the property of land is disputed, in which case the 
appellant shall first secure the appellee for his costs, if he make not 
his appeal good before the Company. 


" 1 0th. The inhabitants of each town, to wit: — All the males 
of twenty-one years and upwards, and a proprietor in one of the 
said towns, shall annually meet, on the first Monday in December, 
and choose Directors for such town, with their peace officers, and 
other officers that shall be found necessary for the ensuing year, 
and the Directors, etc., that now may be chosen, shall have 
authority until new are chosen and no longer. 

" nth. The Directors of each town shall make out and exhibit 
to their first quarterly meeting, a list in the ratable estate and polls 
of the inhabitants of each town, and such quarterly meetings shall 
have power to assess the inhabitants for defraying public expenses, 
as also to enforce the assessment made in each particular town, if 
need be. 

"i2th. The law regulating the militia of this colony shall be 
particularly attended to by the Directors of the respective towns, 
and the general regulations thereof, as the particular circumstances 
of the people require, shall be in the power of such general quarterly 

Then follows a solemn pledge that they will all abide faithfully 
by the above regulations, or any other they may make until they 
are made a part of a county, or a county themselves, or a colony, 
by the proper authority. Persons were appointed Directors in each 
of the townships to attend to this matter -at once ; and " For the 
township of Hanover, Captain Lazarus Stewart, William Stewart 
and John Franklin," were appointed. 

This would seem to be a purely republican-democratic govern- 
ment, limited only by a few articles in a voluntary agreement 
between private parties, for their mutual protection and government. 
But then these were Yankees, and the Yankees seem always to have 
taken law, (as well as other matters) with them wherever they went, 
if there was none there when they got there. 

In 1774 the General Assembly of Connecticut passed an Act 
erecting all the territory within her charter limits from the river 
Delaware, to a line fifteen miles west of the Susquehanna into a 
town, with all the corporate powers of other towns in the colony of 
Connecticut, to be called Westmoreland, attaching it to the county 
of Litchfield. This most desirable event was hailed by the people 
of Wyoming with unbounded satisfaction. Venerating law, they 


now felt that it pervaded the settlement with a holier sanction 
than their own mere agreement, or the resolutions of the Susque- 
hanna Company could impart. A sense of security existed, a feel- 
ing of confidence ensued which gave force to contracts, encouraged 
industr)' and stimulated enterprise. 

Now we should take notice that this Unun differed from a town- 
ship. There were several townships within this town. The town- 
ship had power to make needful rules and by-laws for their interior 
regulation, the establishment of roads, the care or disposal of vacant 
lots, and other matters entirely local. One would now think the 
powers of the townships of those days pretty large. 

A town-meeting after this when ''legally warned," called 
together all the freemen of all the townships or settlements, from 
the Delaware to fifteen miles west of the Susquehanna, north to 
*' Tioga Point" — now Athens. 

Now, let us take a view of a town -meeting, the first one ever 
called in the town of Westmoreland. Notice what a pure democ- 
racy was here. Did these people, under allegiance, as they were, to 
a king, know what they were doing? 

"At a town-meeting legally warned and held for Westmoreland, 
March ye ist, 1774, for choosing town officers, etc., Zebulon Butler, 
Esquire, was chosen Moderator for the work of the day. Major 
Ezkiel Pierce was chosen town clerk. 

"March ye ist, 1774. Voted that this meeting is adjourned until 
to-morrow morning at eight of ye clock in ye forenoon. 

"March ye 2nd, 1774, this meeting is opened and held by ad- 
journment. Voted that ye town of Westmoreland be divided in 
the following manner into districts — that is to say: — That ye 
town of Wilkes-Barre be one entire district, and known by the 
name of Wilkes-Barre District. And that ye town of Hanover, 
and all the land south of Wilkes-Barre, and west on the Susque- 
hanna river, and east on the Lehigh, be one district by the name of 
Hanover District. And that Plymouth with all ye land west of 
Susquehanna river," (The town of Westmoreland extended fifteen 
miles west of the Susquehanna river.) "south and west to the town 
line, be one district, by the name of Plymouth District. And that 
Kingston with ye land west to the town line, be one district, by ye 
name of Kingston District. And that Pittston be one district, by 


ye name of Pittston District. And that Exeter, Providence, and 
all the land west and north to ye town line be one district by ye 
name of ye North District. And that Lackaway settlement, and 
Blooming Grove, and Sheolah, be one district, and to be called by 
ye name of ye Lackaway District." (This last was mostly on the 
Lackawaxen River, now in Pike county.) "And that Coshutunk, 
and all ye settlement on Delaware, be one district, and joined to ye 
other districts, and known by ye name of ye East District." 


"Christopher Avery, Nathaniel Landon, Samuel Ransom, Isaac 
Tripp, Esqr., Caleb Bates, Lazarus .Stewart, Silas Parke, were chosen 
Select Men for the year ensuing. Isaac Tripp, Esqr., refused to 
accept; John Jenkins was chosen Select. Man in ye room of Esqr. 
Tripp. Captain Stewart refused to accept. Rosewell Franklin was 
chosen Select Man in ye room of Captain Stewart. 


"Zebulon Butler, Esqr., was chosen Town Treasurer. 


"Asa Stevens, Timothy Smith,, Jonathan Haskei, Asaph Whit- 
tlesey, Noah Adams, Phineas Clark, William Smith, were chosen 
Constables and Collectors of Rates. 


"Anderson Dana, Daniel Gore, Elisha Swift, Thomas Stoddart, 
Jonathan Parker, Isaac Baldwin, Thomas Bennett, Perrin Ross, 
Rufus Lawrence, Samuel Ransom, Zavan Tracy, Elisha Witter, 
John Ainsley, William Hibbard, James Lastley, John Dewitt, John 
Jenkins, Jr., Aaron Thomas, Anthony Chimer, Abraham Russ, 
Benjamin Vancampin, Benjamin Harvey, were chosen Surveyors of 


"John Abbott, William Warner, Ezekiel Pierce, William Buck, 
Nathan Denison, Esqr., Thomas Stoddart, Frederick Eveland, John 
Baker, Charles Gaylord, Samuel Slaughter, Abraham Harding, 
Captain Parrish, John Jamison, John Gardner, were chosen Fence 
"Viewers for ye year ensuing. 



"Elisha Swift, Ebenezer Hibbard, and Captain Silas Parke, were 
chosen Leather Sealers for ye year ensuing. 

LISTERS. [Assessors /~\ 

"Anderson Dana, Daniel Gore,. Elisha Swift, Eliphalet Follet, 
Perrin Ross, Nathan Wade, Jeremiah Blanchard, Zavan Tracy, 
Uriah Chapman, Gideon Baldwin, Silas Gore, Moses Thomas, 
Emanuel Consawler, John Jenkins and Phineas Clark were chosen 
Listers for ye year ensuing. 


"Jabez Sill, James Stark, William Buck, Elias Church, Phineas 
Nash. Thomas Heath, Barnabas Cary, Lemuel Harding, Hezekiah 
Bingham, John Franklin, Timothy Keys, were chosen Grand Jurors 
ye year ensuing. 


" Philip Weeks, Elihu Williams, Luke Swetland, Justice Gaylord, 
James Brown, Isaac Parrish, Timothy Hopkins, were chosen Tyth- 
ing Men. 


" Jabez Sill, Captain Obadiah Gore, Captain Silas Parke, Captain 
Lazarus Stewart, were chosen Sealers of Weights and Measures. 


"Daniel Gore, Jabez Fish, Timothy Pierce, Uriah Stev^ens, Thomas 
Heath, Jeremiah Blanchard, Jonathan Haskel, Zipron Hibbard, were 
chosen Key Keepers. 

"Thus was the town organized by the designation of one hundred 
officers . ' ' — Miner. 

In April a second town-meeting was held. Two hundred and 
six persons took the Freeman's oath, as required by law. A tax 
was laid of one penny in the pound, "to purchase ammunition for the 
town's use, and other necessaries." "Pounds" were ordered built, 

♦The duties of the Key Keeper were to hold the keys of the fort or block-house, the 
church, the school-house, and the pound. 


and others already built were declared lawful. Roads heretofore 
established were declared lawful, and the taxes were to be used 
upon them. 

A "Town Sign Post" was established — a tree on the river bank 
at Wilkes-Barre. A legal sign post was a weighty matter in those 
days. Newspapers were not published in the town then, of course,, 
and yet there had to be some method of advertising legal papers^ 
sales by the sheriff, administrations, public notices, meetings legally 
warned, advertising strays, and a hundred other things; but this is 
hint enough what that sign post was for. It was the place for 
holding town-meetings, elections, the public hall for conducting the 
public business. Township town-meetings were held in a house. 
But that same post was for another purpose also. It was the 
"Whipping Post." And a pair of "stocks" was provided there at 
that post also, for the punishment of the guilty, and as a warning 
to deter from crime. 

No one of the present age remembers when any such punish- 
ments were inflicted, for they were long since abolished. "They 
were monuments of civilization brought over from England by our 
ancestors when they first came over, and were not considered use- 
less for the prevention of crime for at least a hundred and fifty 
years . ' ' — Miner. 

An enumeration of the number of inhabitants in Westmoreland 
was made this year, 1774. The number was 1,922. Of these there 
were in Hanover probably about 210 or 215. 



/ N these town-meetings, every freeman, or person who had 

V taken the freeman's oath, had the right to vote. The voters 
'^^^ came from all the different townships or districts, and it will 
be seen that some had to come fifty miles or more through the 
wilderness, where there were in those early days only foot-paths. 
In the autumn of 1774, a committee was appointed in town-meeting 
to mark out a road from the Delaware Riv^er to the Susquehanna, so 
we may be quite certain that up to this time no road existed 
from any direction into Wyoming Valley, but only paths. The 
river was, of course, a public highway, as it has always been. 

The last thing done in town-meeting this year, was to appoint 
a school committee; two persons from each township or "District." 
No matter what happened these people never forgot to provide for 
schooling their children. Three whole rights of four hundred acres 
each — twelve hundred acres of land — were set aside for the ministry 
and schools in each township. 

At this time there were not more than two hundred and fifteen 
inhabitants in Hanover township. The next year there were a little 
over two thousand in the whole of Westmoreland all told, and they 
were much the most numerous in Wilkes-Barre and Kingston. 

On April 19, 1775, the battle of Lexington was fought with the 
British soldiers in Massachusetts, and on the 17th of June the battle 
of Bunker's Hill. The people of Westmoreland in town-meeting 
legally warned August ist, 1775, "Voted that this town does now 
vote that they will strictly observe and follow ye rules and regula- 
tions of ye Honorable Continental Congress, now sitting at 

" Resolved, by this town that they are willing to make any 
accommodations with the Pennsylvania party that shall conduce 

» WYOMING. 89 

to ye best good of ye whole, not infringing on the property of any 
person, and come in common cause of liberty in ye defense of 
America, and that we will amicably give them ye offer of joining ye 
proposals as soon as may be." 

They desired to adjourn their quarrels with the Pennsylvanians 
until the continent had settled with the English. But the Pennsyl- 
vanians would not. 

This was before the Declaration of Independence. There was 
no place within the thirteen colonies where more patriotic zeal was 
displayed in favor of freedom from the tyranny of the British gov- 
ernment than Westmoreland. They were a reading people and 
greedily devoured the contents of such newspapers as the new 
immigrants brought into the settlements. They were passed round 
and neighbor would read to neighbor, so that no one was unin- 
formed of what was taking place in the outside world. 

It had now been some four years since the first " Pennamite and 
Yankee War" had ended, and the settlements were growing larger, 
and better houses, and better farming implements, and better farms 
were had, and peace seemed to reign secure. But now, on the eve 
of a war with England, another Pennsylvania invasion was planned, 
to be led by one Colonel Wm. Plunket. Excitement prevailed on 
both sides, it is said; it certainly did here. Early in December, 1775, 
Colonel Plunket took up his line of march from Northumberland 
along the Susquehanna river, with five hundred men well armed 
and equipped, and with cannon and stores in boats, under orders 
from the Proprietary government to destroy the settlements and 
drive off the Connecticut settlers from the Wyoming country. Of 
the settlers who had taken the freeman's oath the whole number in 
Westmoreland was but two hundred and eighty-five, and of these 
several came from the Lackawaxen settlement, more than forty miles 
east of Wyoming. 

The young men from fifteen to twenty-one rallied with spirit on 
the occasion. There were not fire-arms enough in the settlements 
to arm them all — they numbered about three hundred — so scythes 
were fastened on handles as straight as possible; the boys that 
carried these called them ''the end of time." Rude spears also 
were made for close quarters, if they should come to that. This 
was the second Pennamite and Yankee War. 



Colonel Plunket arrived with his forces at the western opcnin<j 
of the Valley, just below and across the river from Nanticoke, at 
the mouth of Harvey's Creek, on the 23d of December. A few 
rods above the creek the Yankees had thrown up a rude breastwork 
of stones and dirt. The next day, the 24th, Plunket attacked the 
breastwork, and was defeated. There was some loss of life on both 
sides, but Plunket retreated and was not followed up by the Yankees. 
Up to this time the winter had been very open and there was no ice 
in the river. After the attack on the breastwork, Plunket sent 
a boat loaded with men, across the river and up above the falls, to 
go up the river far enough to cross over again and get in the rear 
of the Yankees, but the Yankees, who had expected such a 
manoeuvre, had placed a small party (20 men) at the proper point 
above the falls to intercept them, and at the proper moment they 
fired upon the boat. They killed one and wounded several others. 
The men in the boat lay down, and begged the Yankees to cease 
firing and let them steer their boat down the falls; for they knew 
that unless the boat was properly steered down it would capsize 
and be sure death for all of them. The Yankees consented, and 
they passed down safely. And so ended the expedition of Colonel 
Plunket. This last the writer heard told by an eye-witness, a boy 
of fifteen at the time, who drove an ox-cart loaded with provisions, 
from Wilkes-Barre down on the Hanover side of the river, and 
arrived there in time to see this boat, and hear the party in it beg 
for life. 

While this was going on, the Connecticut Assembly resolved 
not to make any more settlements at Wyoming. But settlers con- 
tinued to come. And so ended 1775. And now comes in the 
memorable year that marks the birth of a new nation; one destined 
probably to excel all others in numbers, wealth, discovery, invention, 
learning, and national progress, (unless corruption ruins us). 

According to the most reliable estimates and calculations, there 
were about two thousand five hundred inhabitants in the whole 
town of Westmoreland in 1776, contained in seven townships includ- 
ing the one at Lackawaxen and the one on the Delaware, and the 
one on the Lackawanna (Providence). How many then did Han- 
over, and its district contain? Wilkes-Barre and Kingston being 
the most thickly settled, it is probable that the other townships did 


not contain more than three hundred inhabitants each, if so many, 
and of these not more than sixty were adult men, old and young, 
in each township. 

In an assessment made in 1774, corrected for 1775, the whole of 
Westmoreland is assessed at forty-three thousand six hundred and 
ten dollars — as. reduced from the pounds, shillings and pence of the 
old Connecticut currency of six shillings to the dollar. The sum 
assessed as the value of property in Wilkes-Barre in this assessment, 
was twelve thousand one hundred and fifty-three dollars and thirty- 
four cents. This was considerably more than one-fourth of the 
whole. If the same proportion held good in inhabitants as in 
property, then Wilkes-Barre had about six hundred and twenty-five 
inhabitants, Kingston about the same, and each of the other town- 
ships an average of about two hundred and fifty each ; and this was 
probably very near the truth of the matter. 

It must be remembered that there was almost no business carried 
on except farming. That was the business, and such trades as were 
necessarily connected with it, such as blacksmiths, coopers, wheel- 
wrights, etc., and all buying and selling was by barter. Every man 
took his pay "in kind," and kept his accounts in pounds, shillings 
and pence. The only dollars known in those days were Spanish 
dollars.* The same Spanish dollars with fractional currency in 
Spanish silver coin, continued in use in the United States until 1853, 
when Congress concluded that we could coin a currency for our- 
selves, and passed an act that had the effect of retiring those Spanish 

In 1776 at a town-meeting held in Westmoreland in March, 
"Voted that the first man that shall make fifty weight of good salt- 
peter in this town, shall be entitled to a bounty of ten pounds, lawful 
money, to be paid out of the town treasury." A subsidy! So — they 
wished to encourage the manufacture of salt-peter! It was too far 
and too dangerous in this frontier settlement in time of war, sur- 
rounded by lurking, hostile savages, to carry powder for so long a 
distance, or to have to depend upon that method of getting it, or even 

^Before the revolutionary war ended, Congress had authorized the issue of many millions 
of a legal tender paper currency in dollars, and called Continental Currency. It became 
almost valueless in about three years; five and six hundred dollars of it being worth, or 
exchangeable, for one silver dollar. 


to carry salt-peter so far, if they had had the means of buying it, 
and so they made their own. It is well to be able to make every- 
thing we want, even if it costs a little more, so that in case of 
necessity we can be independent of any outside supply. It may 
not in all cases be the cheapest to buy where one can get it the 
cheapest. " Circumstances alter cases." 

This was not an idle offer of a bounty, that was not intended nor 
expected to produce any result. It produced the result desired, 
and salt- peter was made here, and powder m.ade at home in their 
own settlements, and nothing but sulphur had to be brought from 
abroad. Who knows but they would have made that also if a 
bounty had been offered. They could probably have made it from 
our coal. Hereafter the manufacture of salt-peter will be described. 

At the same town-meeting: "Voted, that the Selectmen be 
directed to dispose of the grain now in the hands of the Treasurer, 
or Collector, in such way as to obtain powder and lead to the value 
of forty pounds lawful money, if they can do the same." From this, 
one can plainly see that there was no money of any account among 
the settlers, and their taxes were paid ** in kind." And from the 
above it would appear that Select7?ien were officers similar to our 
present county commissioners, but that they were subject to orders 
from town meetings. 

At a town-meeting held in August, 1776, "Voted as the opinion 
of this meeting that it now becomes necessary for the inhabitants of 
this town to erect suitable forts as a defense against our common 
enemy." Sites were fixed upon for the forts in Pittston, Wilkes- 
Barre, Hanover and Plymouth. And there was adopted the follow- 
ing vote: — "That the above said committee, — (a committee elected 
to attend to the locating and planning of the forts,)^— do recommend 
it to the people to proceed. forthwith in building said forts without 
either fee or reward from ye town." And they were so built by the 
poor settlers of the different townships. It is to be hoped the patriot- 
ism of the present is not inferior to that of the past. 

Independence declared, the Indians that still lived in the valley 
began to be impudent and insolent, and to demand provisions and 
liquor with an air of authority and expressions implying threats of 
vengeance if refused. Matters growing worse and worse, and look- 
ing so threatening for the people of this far frontier. Congress being 


fully informed of the situation of Westmoreland and its needs, in 
August, 1776, ^'Resolved that two companies on the Continental 
establishment, be raised in the town of Westmoreland, and stationed 
in proper places for the defense of the inhabitants of said town and 
parts adjacent." 

They were to serve wherever ordei"ed, and serve during the war 
unless sooner discharged by Congress. In less than sixty days 
both companies were full, numbering eighty-four men each, all able- 
bodied men. They had to furnish their own arms, and all the best 
arms in the settlements were taken by them. They were enlisted 
to defend Westmoreland, but the disasters to Washington's army 
in New York, and the retreat across New Jersey from post to post, 
and crossing the Delaware into Pennsylvania, with troops dispirited, 
almost naked and barefooted in December, Congress resolved 
December 12th, 1776, ''That the two companies raised in the town 
^ of Westmoreland be ordered to join General Washington with all 
possible expedition." And on the same day adjourned from Phila- 
delphia to meet on the 20th at Baltimore. 

Thus were our "boys" raised for the defense of our own homes 
from the savage Indians and tories, armed by ourselves, with our 
best and nearly all, our arms, taken away with these our arms, and 
kept away until after the massacre at Wyoming in 1778 ! 

The town of Westmoreland was this year, 1776, erected into a 
county, and the county seat fixed at Wilkes-Barre. 

1777. Throughout the year 1777 schools engaged the greatest 
attention. They levied an extra penny in the pound for free schools. 
Each township was established a legal school district, with power 
to rent the lands "sequestered by the Susquehanna Company therein 
for the use of schools, and also receive of the school committee 
appointed by their town, their part of the county money, according 
to their respective rates." — Miner. 

"Surrounded by mountains, by a wide spreading wilderness, 
and by dreary wastes^ shut out from all the usual sources of in- 
formation, a people so inquisitive could not live in those exciting 
times without the news. Fortunately an old, torn, smoke-dried 
paper has fallen into our possession, which shows that the people 
of Wyoming established a post to Hartford, to go once a fortnight 
and bring on the papers. A Mr. Prince Bryant was engaged as 


post rider for nine months. More than fifty subscribers remain to 
the paper, which evidently must have been more numerous, as it is 
torn in the center. The sums given varied from one to two dollars 
each. Payment for the newspapers was, of course, a separate 
matter. It may vvell be questioned whether there is another instance 
in the States, of a few settlers, especially as those at Wyoming were 
situated, establishing at their own expense, a post to bring them the 
newspapers from a distance of two hundred and fifty miles ^" 
— Miner. 

During the summer active measures were in progress to place 
the settlements in the best .posture of defense the circumstances 
would admit. By detachments the people worked on the several 
forts, built upon a larger scale, and with greater strength, but in 
the same manner as those of Forts Wyoming and Durkee in 
Wilkes-Barre. That is, by large logs fifteen or eighteen feet long, 
and from one to two feet in diameter, set upright or on end in a , 
trench four feet deep in the ground, closely, side by side. 

The one in Wilkes-Barre was on the Public Square on the south 
side of where the court house now stands, and inclosed about a 
half an acre of ground. 

"The venerable Major Eleazer Blackman says: 'I was then a 
boy of about thirteen, but was called on to work in the fortifications. 
With spade and pick I could not do much, but I could drive oxen 
and haul logs.' Ever>^ sinew from childhood to old age was thus 
put in requisition." — Miner. 

The young and active men were employed upon scouting 
parties to guard the inhabitants from being surprised, and to bring 
intelligence of occurrences up the. river, in the direction of the 
Indian towns, and the British at Niagara. Some portion of the 
militia was constantly on duty. It was necessary, as most of the 
able-bodied men were away with the army, and these settlements so 
exposed. The old men formed themselves into companies and per- 
formed duty in the forts. These companies of ancient men were 
called Reformadoes. Where the block-house thus built in Hanover 
-Stood is not now certainly known ; nor the commander of the Re- 
formadoes ; but it is probable it was somewhere near, but below the 
Hanover basin; and that Jonathan Fitch, the sheriff of the county, 
commanded the Reformadoes. 


Our two companies in the army were not idle. They were in 
battle the first time at Mill Stone, and lost some men killed. They 
were in action at Bound Brook, at Brandywine, at Germantown, 
and at Mud Fort. . 

The State tax on the assessment of 1777 was two shillings* on 
the pound, amounting to two thousand and thirty-two pounds, five 
shillings and eight pence, lawful money, with all additions thereto. 
The assessed value of the whole town or county of Westmoreland 
was twenty thousand three hundred and twenty-two pounds, seven- 
teen shillings. This assessment in dollars and cents, at six shillings 
Connecticut currency to the dollar, amounts to sixty-seven thousand 
seven hundred and forty-one dollars and sixteen cents; and the tax 
to six thousand seven hundred and seventy-four dollars and a frac- 
tion. The proportion falling upon Hanover would be about six 
hundred and seventy-eight dollars, not counted in depreciated 
paper. It will be noticed that this is ten per cent, of the total valu- 
ation. Consider also the value of labor then. A day's work of a 
skilled hand was 3J'.= 50 cents. Compare it with the present price, 
;g2.25 to ^2.50 per day. To equal that now, it would be $40 or $^S 
State tax on every man. This was a State tax alone. There were 
now probably not more than fifty or seventy families, if so many, or 
seventy full grown men in all Hanover, and they poor immigrant 
families, struggling to make a living out of the soil, building forts 
and block-houses without pay, to protect themselves and families 
from a public enemy, farms not yet cleared up, stumps still standing 
in the fields that were cleared, and the fields but small for want of 
time since they had last fought the Pennamites, — how were they to 
pay something like nine or thirteen dollars per man State tax alone. 
After this came the county, road, poor, and school taxes in ad- 
dition! Well, a war for independence was going on, and these 
people — the Puritans— were then, as they always have been since, 
among the most patriotic, liberty-loving people in the world. They 

*A dollar in sterling money is four shillings and six pence. But the price of a dollar 
rose in New York to eight shillings, in New England to six shillings, in New Jersey, 
PenHsylvania and Maryland to seven shillings and six pence, in Virginia to six shillings, 
in North Carolina to eight shillings, in South Carolina and Georgia to four shillings and 
eight pence. This difference, originating between paper and specie, or bills, continued 
afterwards to exist in the nominal estimation of gold and silver, — Franklin's Miscellane- 
ous Works. 


were willing to serve their country with their personal service and 
their means, — always their full share. They were mostly descend- 
ants of those mentioned in the following quotation : 

"The emigrants, or as they deservedly styled themselves, the 
'Pilgrims,' belonged to that English sect, the austerity of whose 
principles had acquired for them the name of Puritans. Puritanism 
was not merely a religious doctrine, but it corresponded in many 
points with the most absolute democratic and republican theories. 
It was this tendency which had aroused its most dangerous adver- 
saries. Persecuted by the government of the mother country, and 
disgusted by the habits of a society opposed to the rigor of their 
own principles, the Puritans went forth to seek some rude and un- 
frequented part of the world where they could live according to 
their own opinions and worship God in freedom. All, without a 
single exception, had received a good education, and many of them 
were known in Europe for their talents and for their acquirements. 
These men possessed, in proportion to their number, a greater mass 
of intelligence than is to be found in any other European nation of 
our own time." — De Tocqiieville' s Devtocracy in America. 

Under the circumstances one would suppose nothing would have 
been asked from them for State purposes. What has Connecticut ever 
done for them in return for all this? Let it be remembered also 
that their own Assessors — Listers they called them — elected from 
among themselves by themselves, put the valuation on their 
property. Let us show one more picture of these people during 
the year 1777. At a town-meeting, legally warned, December 30th, 
"Voted by this town, that the Committee of Inspection be em- 
powered to supply the 'sogers'' wives, and 'sogers' * widows and 
their families, with the necessaries of life." These Inspectors were 
not "Overseers of the Poor," but a committee appointed to see that 
the families of our absent soldiers should not suffer for food, nor 
become paupers. The townships each separately took care of their 
own paupers and the usual method of providing for them was to 
call the people together by advertisement to a public auction by a 
"crier," and they were "sold," as it was termed, to the bidder who 
would keep them — the paupers — for a year at the lowest price. 
The next year the same thing would occur, and so on as long as 
there was a pauper. The pauper was sometimes a weak-minded 


person, but otherwise strong, and more or less able and willing to 
work, and they did not always cost the township anything. 

Hanover does not now — 1884 — dispose of her paupers in that 
way. Hanover, together with four other townships, in 1862, bought 
a farm in Newport township to put their paupers on, and procured 
a charter of incorporation for it as the "Central Poor District of 
Luzerne County." There our Poor House is erected. The next 
year they were joined by Kingston, and the second year by Wilkes- 
Barre borough. 

How the other townships in the county provide for their paupers 
it is not necessary to state in a history of Hanover. 

After the Declaration of Independence a law was passed requir- 
ing a new oath of allegiance to the State of Connecticut instead of 
the king. Up to the spring of 1778, in the several town-meetings 
the oath of fidelity had been administered to two hundred and fifty- 
nine freemen in the county. This would seem to indicate that the 
estimate on a preceding page was too large for Hanover, and it 
probably was thirty instead of fifty or seventy, unless many had not 
taken the oath. 

"Justice demand-s a tribute to the praiseworthy spirit of the wives 
and daughters of Wyoming. While their husbands and fathers 
were on public duty they cheerfully assumed a large portion of the 
labor, which females could do. They assisted to plant, made hay, 
husked and garnered corn. As the settlement was mainly depend- 
ent on its own resources for powder, Mr. Hollenback caused to be 
brought up the river a pounder and "the women took up their 
floors, dug out the earth, put it in casks and ran water through 
it, — as ashes are leached, — took ashes in another cask and made 
lye, mixed the water from the earth with weak lye, boiled it, set it 
to cool, and the salt-peter rose to the top. Charcoal and sulphur 
were then used, and powder produced for the public defense." 

"The statement of Mrs. Bertha Jenkins, at the age of eighty- 
four, giving an account of the process of obtaining salt-peter, shows 
that it was a familiar and common transaction. We have been more 
particular in the quotation, as the fact is remarkable, showing that 
even powder was not furnished them." — A foot-note in Miner. 


The writer has heard the same description of the method of 
obtaining salt-peter from the old soldier and settler heretofore 
mentioned in these pages. 

1778 is the year of the Wyoming Massacre. The two companies 
in the army had been obliged to find their own arms and equip- 
ments, and had taken the most of the fire-arms, and all of the best 
ones, with them. The people had not sufficient arms such as they 
were, even of poor ones, to fully arm themselves, and affairs at the 
north among the Indians and the British at Niagara, began to look 
very threatening. 

March 16, 1778, Congress authorized ''one full company of foot 
to be raised in the town of Westmoreland on the east bank of the 
Susquehanna, for the defense of the said town, and the settlements 
on the frontiers and in the neighborhood thereof, against the Indians 
and enemies of the States;" and "that the company find their own 
arms, accoutrements and blankets." Is there any use of comment 
here? They could do all this without any authority from Con- 
gress. There was no help, no assistance in this. This seems almost 
like an insult! Wyoming was doomed by selfishness, or thought- 
lessness, or pig-headedness. A frontier like this, away off in the 
advance, with their men and their arms taken away for service else- 
where, and not returned when imminent danger threatened, and 
Congress knew it all when the above-mentioned company was 
authorized to be raised March 16, 1778. We need not enumerate 
the petitions and letters to Congress, and to Connecticut, with re- 
gard to the matter, but they were both fully informed of the con- 
dition of things here, that the Indians and British were preparing 
to attack us. Finally our soldiers, or such of them as were left 
in Washington's army were organized into one company, on June 
23, (ten days before the battle and massacre), and sent to Lan- 
caster, and soon after to Wyoming — but too late! They could 
not get here in time by forced marches! 

In the month of May our scouts began to meet parties of the 
enemy. Occasionally shots were exchanged. The settlements 
were found to be watched from all directions. The people in the 
outer settlements fled to the forts, the wives of the soldiers sent 
messages to their husbands calling upon them by every tender tie 


to come home and protect them. Congress and Connecticut would 
not let them go. At last they let them go, but 'twas too late! 
They had not time to get here — though they made forced 
marches — till 'twas all over! Well, was anything ever done for us 
afterwards on account of this wrong? 



X _5 ANOVER had a company of forty men or more in the battle. 
y^ w Captain William McKarrican was the compiander of the 
militia company. " He was a school-teacher, little used to war, 
though brave and active, a valuable man, he gave up the com- 
mand to Captain Lazarus Stewart." — Miner. Lazarus Stewart, Jr., 
a cousin of the captain, was lieutenant. Silas Gore was ensign. 
Both captains, the lieutenant and the ensign were killed in the 
Wyoming Massacre. 

The enemy numbering about four hundred British Provincials, 
consisting of Colonel John Butler's Rangers, a detachment of Sir 
John Johnson's Royal Greens, the rest being tories from Pennsyl- 
vania, New Jersey, and New York, together with six or seven 
hundred Indians, descended the Susquehanna from Tioga Point — 
now Athens — landed below the mouth of Bowman's Creek, about 
twenty miles above the valley; securing their boats they marched 
by land, arrived on the western mountains on the evening of the 
29th of June, or the morning of the 30th. 

"All our men, six companies of about two hundred and seventy- 
five men, gathered into Forty Fort, in Kingston. Many old men, 
some of them grandfathers, took their muskets and marched to the 
field, so that the whole number, militia-men, old men, and boys, were 
about three hundred." — Miner. 

The companies as they went into battle July 3, 1778, were as 
follows : — 

1st — Captain Dethic Hewitt's — called regulars — from the valley. 

2d — Captain Asaph Whittlesey — from Plymouth. 

3d — Captain Wm. McKarrachan — Hanover — command given up 
to Capt. Lazarus Stewart, Rosewell Franklin was lieutenant. 

4th — Captain James Bidlack, Jr. — Lower Wilkes-Barre. 


5 th — Captain Rezin Geer — Upper Wilkes-Barre. 

6th — Captain Aholiah Buck — Kingston. 

Our home miHtia companies were organized before the Wyoming 
Massacre (1775) as follows: — 

1st Company — Capt. Stephen Fuller, Lieut. John Garrett, Ensign 
Christopher Avery. 

2d Company — Capt. Nathaniel Landon, Lieut. Geo. Dorrance, 
Ensign Asahel Buck. 

3d Company — Capt. Samuel Ranson, Lieut. Perrin Ross, Ensign 
Asaph Whittlesey. 

4th Company — Capt. Solomon Strong, Lieut. Jonathan Parker, 
Ensign Timothy Keys. 

5th Company — Capt. Wm. McKarrachan, Lieut. Lazarus Stewart, 
Jr., Ensign Silas Gore. 

6th Company — Capt. Rezin Geer, Lieut. Daniel Gore, Ensign 
Matthias Hollenback. 

On the 3d of July they marched out of Forty Fort and up 
about four miles where they met the enemy. 

"It was about four o'clock when the order to advance to the attack 
was given. The men having been told off into odds and evens, were 
ordered to advance alternately by numbers, five steps, then halt and 
fire, when the then rear file would again advance and fire in their 
turn. For awhile the firing was rapid and steady along the American 
line, and was returned in an equally spirited manner. The enemy's 
left being hard pressed by Captain Hewitt's company on our right, 
began to recoil, and a shout ran along the line that the British were 
being driven back. At this critical moment the greatly superior 
number of the enemy enabled the Indians on our left to outflank the 
Americans at that end of the line, and while Capt. Whittlesey was 
hotly engaged in front, a large number of Indians had penetrated the 
swamp and were emerging from the thicket some distance in his 
rear. Seeing this movement Col. Dennison ordered Whittlesey's 
command to change front and form a line facing the enemy in that 

"The battle had now raged for over half an hour and was 
becoming hot and furious. The savages rushed in with fearful yells ; 
still our men stood firm, returning shot for shot without thought of 
giving way before the furious onslaught, but when the order was 


given by Capt. Whittlesey for his command to wheel backward from 
the left with a view of forming a right angle with the original line, 
the order was understood by the men to be to retreat, and they at 
once became demoralized and broke and fled in the wildest confusion. 
It was in vain that Col. Butler strove to rally his men by recklessly 
exposing his own life as he passed along the line between the two 
fires; but it was too late; a panic had seized upon these raw militia 
which the assuring words of no general could allay, and they broke 
and fled as the yelling savages doubled up our line by their onward 
rush from the left flank. The right stood its ground with desperate 
heroism. One of Capt. Hewitt's officers said to him, * we are beaten, 
the Indians have gained our rear, shall we retreat?' 'No! I'll be 

d d if I do while a man stands by me,' was the heroic reply, and 

he died at his post pierced by a shot from the British Rangers. 
Thus ended the battle of Wyoming, but not The Massacre. 

"A portion of the Indians, who had thus flanked the American 
left, did not stop to give the finishing blow to this doomed band of 
patriots, but pushed forward to the rear of the defeated army, to cut 
off its retreat to Forty Fort, thus completely hemming in those who 
sought to save themselves by flight, the river forming one side of the 
enclosure. Being thus surrounded on all sides, consternation reigned 
supreme, with men running hither and thither impelled by a sudden 
fear, the slaughter went on while a man was left within the fatal 
enclosure. Some were taken prisoners by the Greens and Rangers 
of Col. John Butler, (the British commander), but these were sub- 
sequently massacred in the most cruel and revolting manner by the. 
Indians on the night of that dreadful day. Seventeen were slaugh- 
tered by that semi-savage Hecate, Queen Esther, on a flat rock a 
short distance above the battle ground. Groups of other dead bodies 
were found in the vicinity, showing that they had been murdered in 
the most shocking manner after they had been taken prisoners." — 
Wesley Johnson. 

Our people fled towards the river; some on the left got through 
the line of Indians and ran down towards Forty Fort. A few of 
them reached the fort; but the old men and young boys were over- 
taken and killed. Of those also, principally from the right of our 
line, that ran towards the river, the weak or slow, the old men and 
the young boys were killed or captured on the way. The most 

WYOMING. " 103 

vigorous alone, that were not shot on the way, reached the river 
ahead of the Indians. Then, as they were only a few rods off in the 
river when the Indians reached the bank, the Indians tried to coax 
them back by promising them their lives. Some went back, but as 
soon as they got out of the water they were tomahawked or speared. 
Those that could not be coaxed back swam across the river, or to 
Monocony island, opposite which many of the fugitives reached the 
river. Some were shot in the river as they swam ; but such as 
reached the island had a little rest before swimming across to the 
other shore. The island was covered with brush and small trees, 
and some of the fugitives hid there. The Indians soon came over 
to the island, at least by the time it began to get dark, and killed all 
they found there. Some, however, were securely hidden and escaped. 
On this island that night, a tory, with his own hand killed his patriot 
brother. Their name was Pencil. 

The island is probably one hundred and fifty or sixty rods long 
and twenty rods wide. It is called Monockonack, Monocony, and 

Steuben Jenkins says, "there were about four hundred of our 
men altogether, including the six companies, and the old men and 
boys ; and that about three hundred of them were killed. And that 
in the flight of the women and children and the few men that 
escaped, through the mountains, woods and swamps to the east, 
about two hundred perished. Many of those who escaped with their 
lives to the east never returned. The orphans that lived were 
bound out to tradesmen and farmers. Many of these returned after 
they grew up." 

The grandfather of the writer, on his mother's side, who was in 
the battle and escaped, belonged to Captain Bidlack's company, in 
which there were thirty-eight men. Of these only eight escaped 
according to Miner (but there were eleven in fact, that escaped). 
And yet he was on the right of the battle, and was nearer the river, 
and it might be supposed therefore, that more of these escaped in 
the flight, in proportion, than of those further to the left. The 
writer possesses the names of those that escaped of Bidlack's com- 
pany, written down by this old veteran's own hand. 

Col. Wright in his Sketches of Plymouth says that in 1837, he 
carefully wrote down the narrative of Samuel Finch, one of the sur- 



vivors of the battle, and in that interview Mr. Finch told him: — 
"That he, with another soldier, was stationed at the gateway of 
Forty Fort by Colonel Butler to count the men as they passed out 
to battle; and that including the regulars and militia, there were 
four hu7id)rd and eighty-four men!' If, then, the killed was the same 
throughout, as in Capt. Bidlack's company, the killed would number 
more than three hundred and eighty, and the survivors would 
number one hundred and four or less. Miner says one hundred 
and forty escaped. 

The following is a list of the killed in the battle and massacre, 
so far as persons could be recollected. The names are mostly from 
Miner's History of Wyoming: 


Lieut. Col. George Dorrance, Major John Garrett. 


Robert Durkee, 
Asaph Whittlesey, 
Wm. McKarrican,* 

James Welles, 
Aaron Gaylord, 
Asa Stephens, 
A. Atherton, 

Asa Gore, 
Jeremiah Bigford,* 

Christopher Avery, 
Jabez Atherton, 


Stephen Bidlack, 
A. Benedict, 
Silas Benedict, 
Jabez Beers, 
Elisha Bigsbee, 
Thomas Brown, 
Amos Bullock, Bullock, 

Dethick Hewitt, 
Aholiah Buck, 
Lazarus Stewart,* 


Timothy Pierce, 
Lazarus Stewart, Jr.,* 
Elijah Shoemaker, 


William White, 
Titus Hinman,* 


William Buck, 
Robert Bates, 
Samuel Bigford,* 
Henry Bush, 
Samuel Carey, 
Samuel Cole, 


Joseph Crooker,* 
John Cortright, 
John Caldwell,* 
Josiah Carmen, 

James Bidlack, Jr., 
Rezin Geer, 
Samuel Ransom. 

Flavius Waterman, 
Perrin Ross, 
Stoddard Bowen. 

Silas Gore,* 
John Otis. 

Samuel Crooker, 
William Coffrin,* 
Joel Church, 
Joseph Core)', 

Three f ^°°^ 
15 «.! ^ Cook, 

Brothers. ) ^ , 
(^ Cook, 

Isaac Campbell.* 

James Campbell, 

James Coffrin,* 





John Brown, 
David Bigsbee, 
John Boyd, 
Anderson Dana, 


Jabez Darling, - 
William Dunn, 
D. Denton, 
Levi Dunn, 
James Divine, 
George Downing, 
Conrad Davenport, 
Thomas Fuller, 
Stephen Fuller, 
Elisha Fish, 
Eliphalet Follet, 
Benjamin Finch, 
Daniel Finch, 
John Finch, 
Cornelius Fitchet, 
Thomas Foxen, 
John Franklin,* 
Jonathan Franklin,* 
George Gore, 



Samuel Hutchinson, 
James Hopkins,* 
Silas Harvey, 
William Hammer, 
Levi Hicks, 
John Hutchins, 
Cyprean Hibbard,* 
Nathaniel Howard, 
Benjamin Hatch, 
Rufus Williams, 
Elihu Williams, Jr., 
Azibah Williams, 
Parker Wilson, 
Nathan Wade,* 
Joseph Budd, 

Those marked wi 

Robert Comstock, Jenks Corey,* 
Kingsley Comstock, Rufus Corey, 

Elijah Inman,* 
Israel Inman,* 
Robert Mclntire, 
Samuel Jackson, 
Robert Jameson,* 
William Jones,* 
Joseph Jennings, 
Henry Johnson, 
Francis Ledyard, 
Daniel Lawrence, 
Rufus Lawrence, 
Josh Landon, 
Jacob Larose, 
Conrad Lowe, 
James Lock, 
Wm. Lawrence, 
Wm. Lester,* 
A. Meeleman, 
C. McCartee, 
Job Marshall, 
Nicholas Manvil, 
John Murphy, 
Nero Mathewson, 
Andrew Millard, 
Thomas Neil,* 
Jonathan Otis, 
Joseph Ogden, 
Abel Palmer, 
William Parker, 
Noah Pettebone, Jr., 
ohn Pierce, 
Silas Parke, 

Anson Corey, 
Elias Roberts, 
Elisha Richards, 
Timothy Rose, 
Christopher Reynolds 
Enos Rockway, 
Jeremiah Ross, 
Joseph Staples, 
Reuben Staples, 
Aaron Stark, 
Daniel Stark, 
Darius Spafford, 
Joseph Shaw, 
Abraham Shaw, 
James Shaw, 
Rufus Stevens, 
Constant Searle, 
Nailer Swede, 
James Stevenson, 
James Spencer,* 
Levi Spencer,* 
Eleazer Sprague, 
Josiah Spencer,* 
Abel Seeley, 
Gamaliel Truesdale, 
Ichabod Tuttle, 
John Van Wee, 
Abram Vangorder, 
James Wigton, 
Peter Wheeler, 
Jonathan Weeks, 
Philip Weeks, 

Gershone Prince (col- Bartholomew Weeks. 

Henry Pencil, 
John Ward, 
John Wilson, 
Esen Wilcox, 
Stephen Whiton, 

th a star (*) were Hanover men. 

Elihu Waters, 
John Williams, 
Wm. Woodward, 
Ozias Yale. 
Total, 174. 

Below is a list of the names of all that were known to have 
been in the battle and escaped the massacre of July 3, 1778. 





Col. Zebulon Butler, 
Col. Nathan Dennison, 
Lieut. Daniel Gore, 
Lieut. Timothy Howe, 


Ensign Daniel Downing, 
Ensign Matthias Hollenback, 
Ensign Jabez Fish, 
Sergeant Phineas Spafford, 
— Gates. 


Samuel Gore, 
Lemuel Gustin, 
James Green, 
Lebbeus Hammond, 
Jacob Haldron,* 
Elisha Harris, 
Ebenezer Hibbard,* 
Daniel Hewitt, 
William Hibbard,* 
Richard Inman,* 
David Inman,* 
John Jameson,* 
William Jameson,* 
Henry Lickers, 
Joseph Morse (or 

Thomas Neil,* 

John Abbott, 
Gideon Baldwin, 
Zerah Beach, 
Rufus Bennett,* 
Solomon Bennett, 
Elisha Blackman, 
Nathan Carey, 


Samuel Carey, 
George Cooper, 
Joseph Elliot, 
Samuel Finch, 
Rosewell Franklin,* 
Arnold Franklin,* 
Hugh Forsman, 
Thomas Fuller. 
John Garrett, 
William Young.* 

Those marked with a star (*) at the end of the name were Han- 
over men. 

The following list contains the names of the Hanover men that 
are known to have been Hanover men and been in the battle of 
July 3d, 1778. The first column contains those known to have 
been slain; the second column those known to have escaped: 

M. Mullen, 
Daniel Owen, 
Josiah Pell, Jr.,* 
Thomas Porter, 
Phineas Pierce, 
Abraham Pike, 
John N. Skinner, 
Giles Slocum, 
Walter Spencer,* 
Edward Spencer,* 
Sebastian Strope, 
Roger Searle, 
James Stark, 
Gamaliel Twiesdale, 
Cherrick Westbrook, 
Eliezer West, 
Daniel Washburn, 


Capt. Lazarus Stewart, 
Capt. William McKarrican, 
Lieut. Lazarus Stewart, Jr., 
Ensign Silas Gore, 
Ensign Titus Hinman, 
P^nsign Jeremiah Bigford, 
Samuel Bigford, 

William Coffrin, 


Rufus Bennett, 


Rosewell Franklin, 
Arnold Franklin, 
Ebenezer Hibbard, 
William Hibbard, 
Jacob Haldron, 
Richard Inman, 
David Inman, 


James Coffrin, John Jameson, 

Isaac Campbell, William Jameson, 

Jenks Corey, Joseph Morse (or Morris), 

John Caldwell, Thomas Neil, 

Jonathan Franklin, " Josiah Pell, Jr., 

John Franklin, Walter Spencer, 

James Hopkins, Edward Spencer, 

Zipron Hibbard, , William Young. 

Elijah Inman, Jr., 

Israel Inman, 

Robert Jameson, 

William Jones; 

William Lester, 

James Spencer, 

Levi Spencer, 

Josiah Spencer, 

Nathan Wade. 

Of the nineteen names of persons who drew the lots in the second 
division of Hanover in 1776,* only five appear on the above list. 
There would be eleven of them if the four sons of Inman and two 
of Coffrin were counted. It is quite certain that more of- them were 
in the battle, and were killed. We never see nor hear their names 
again in Hanover, nor any where else. 

The following names were found written in pencil on a blank 
leaf of an old account book of Elisha Blackman and appear to be in 
his handwriting. These are the names of the men in his company 
that he could remember who were in the battle and massacre of July 
3, 1778. The list includes, in separate columns the names of the 
killed and those that escaped. They were all in the lower Wilkes- 
Barre company. There were about half as many old men and boys 
in the battle that did not belong to the militia company as there were 
men in the company; and this was the case with each of the com- 
panies. They went along as volunteers, not enrolled. 


Capt. J. Bidlack, Sergeant D. Downing, 

Lieut. A. Stevens, S. Carey, 

Sergeant D. Spafford, J. Garrett, 

E. Fish, Jo. Elliot, 

P. Weeks, . G. Slocum, 

*See Second Part of this work. 


B. Weeks, E. Blackmail, 
J. Weeks. J. Fish, 

P. Wheeler, (or Weeler) P. Spafibrd, 

T. Brown, T Daniel McMullen, 

S. Hutchison, < Thomas Porter, 

S. Cole, (and one other, 

T. P'uller, Solomon Bennett.* 
E. Sprai^ue, 

C. Averv, 

J. W^illiams, 
James W^igton. 

The list o( escaped has /. Garrett, Jo. Elliot and G. Slocuin, who 
belonged to his company- and escaped; but the penciled names do 
not include ''McMiillcUy Thomas Porter and the o)ic other!' 'They 
are found in Miner's '' Blackmail family ;'' and are put in this list 
because it is a list of the escaped of the compctJiy. James Wigton 
was killed, the writer puts his name at the bottom, and of escaped, 
Solomon Bennett. 

Early in the morning after the battle Col. John Butler sent across 
the river to Pittston, and Capt. Blanchard surrendered Fort Brown 
on fair terms ofcapitulation. And the Indians marked the prisoners 
with black paint on the face, telling them to keep it there so they 
should not be hurt. Tom Turkey, Anthony Turkey, David Sing- 
sing and Anthony Cornelius, Indians formerly residents of the valley, 
and known to the inhabitants, were among these Indians. Squaws 
followed, hideously smeared with brains and blood, bringing strings 
of scalps, of which they would smell and exultingly exclaim, 
"Yankee blood!"*' It is some comfort to know, that in a raid these 
Indians made the next spring, Anthony Turkey, the leader, was 
shot on the Kingston flats and killed. These were Delaware Indians. 
The British Col. Butler also sent to Forty F'ort to Col. Dennison 
to come up and agree on terms of capitulation. Col. Zebulon 
Butler was then in Forty Fort, but before the surrender he, with 
the remains of Hewitt's compan}-, left and went down the river to 

Col. Dennison met the British Col. Butler at Wintermoots and 
agreed upon a surrender. All the military stores, prisoners, forts 
and arms were to be surrendered. The inhabitants were to remain 

*Peck, page 1 60 sa)s, Solomon Bennett was in the Wilkes-Barre company. 


in the valley unmolested, provided they did not take up arms again. 
The conditions of the capitulation were entirely disregarded by the 
British and tories. They killed no person after the surrender it is 
true, but they plundered all the houses and then set fire to them. 
They drove off up into the Indian country all the horses, cattle, and 
sheep, and destroyed the crops and every thing they could not 
carry away. They stripped the people (of the upper part of the 
valley, who had not yet fled on the 4th) of their coats, and hats, and 
bonnets, and shoes, and any garment anyone had on that they chose* 
to covet. Everything was broken open and rifled. In short, what- 
ever people remained here at the surrender, were compelled, by 
increasing outrages, to fly from the valley. When Col. Butler was 
remonstrated with, as he was repeatedly by Col. Dennison, his final 
reply was, " I can do nothing with them." 

The British Col. Butler with his regular forces, and all whom 
discipline could control, left the valley on the 8th, seemingly in a 
hurry and in retreat. Was he afraid of his Indian and tory allies? 

At the time the British left the valley, there was, probably, not 
a single white person in it alive, except the tories. By that time 
there was hardly a house or building left standing from Nanticoke 
to Pittston. All the lower end of the valley, from Wilkes-Barre 
down was abandoned by the settlers on the morning of the 4th in 
the greatest haste. Some went down the river, and some crossed 
the m_ountain by the Warrior's Path in Hanover, the way to 

Neither the Indians, tories, nor British seem to have spared any 
prisoners. ''Only two persons, Samuel Carey and one other taken 
prisoners in the battle and pursuit, as far as known, escaped death." * 
Mr. Miner says also, ''about one hundred and sixty of the Connecti- 
cut people were killed that day, and one hundred and forty escaped." 
Mr. Miner was probably much too low in his estimate of the number 
killed. Two hundred and twenty-seven scalps were paid for by the 
British, and there must have been many lost in various ways — in 
the river and in other ways — whose scalps were never delivered to 
the British. 

The people all over the valley fled to the woods and mountains 

*It is now understood that two or three other prisoners were taken away alive, and 
their names have been procured by some one in the valley, but the writer never had them. 


and left everything. In the confusion and horror the only hope 
seemed to be in flight. Few were thoughtful enough even to take 
provisions for the journey to other settlements, sixty miles off. The 
greater part were destitute. On the old Warrior Path in Hanover, 
there were in one company about one hundred women and children, 
with but a single man, Jonathan Fitch, Esquire, sheriff of the 
county, to advise or aid them. By the ev^ening of the fourth of July 
there was scarcely a white person left on the east side of the river. 
*A11 had fled. Their houses," furniture, household utensils, crops, 
flocks and herds, farming implements, provisions, books, papers, 
clothing, bedclothes, horses, wagons, harness — ev^erything left be- 
hind. And it was all utterly destroyed, or carried off by the Indians 
and tories. It is supposed to be understood that a "tory" was a 
friend to the British government and rule here, and an enemy to 
the independence of the United States and the people that favored 
it, being at the same time a native, born in the country, or a 
foreigner whose residence and home had long been here. Most of 
the fugitives lived to get to the German settlements — " Pennsylvania 
Dutch" — on the Delaware. About two hundred died on the way. 
There they were treated with the utmost kindness ; fed and clothed, 
and such as chose to go on to Connecticut were sent on their way 
fully provided for the journey. All this has been remembered by 
the Yankee settlers with gratitude, and they and the Pennsylvania 
Dutch have always been the best of friends. 

Extract from an address delivered at the '* Centennial" of 
Wyoming at Wilkes-Barre, July 4th, 1878, by Sylvester Dana of 
New Hampshire:- 

" My father often described to me how at the Wilkes-Barre fort, 
on this very spot, on the 3d of July, 1778, he anxiously listened to 
the rattling of musketry upon )-onder battle-field; how, on the day 
after the disastrous result, being nine years old, he fled with his 
mother and the family towards Connecticut; how the party of some 
twenty wearily pursued their march into the night and into the 
morning, lest they should be overtaken by the Indians; how the 
only man in the part^' followed behind the exhausted children, 
freely applied the rod to them when they faltered and fell asleep in 
their tracks; how they suffered from hunger, the loss of shoes and 
other privations as they crossed the mountains before reaching the 


Hudson; how they were once aroused from their welcome repose 
in the wilderness by howlings which were supposed to emanate from 
a band of ferocious and blood-thirsty savages, but which, on investi- 
gation gave them the comforting assurance that they were only 
uttered by a less ferocious and less blood-thirsty pack of wolves. 
And how at length they reached Connecticut, where, scattered 
among friends, they passed the remaining days of childhood, and in 
after years not a few of them (including my father and two of his 
brothers) returned to this desolated valley and commenced life 

There is no list of the names of those who went to the battle 
from Hanover, except the one the writer has made, which will be 
found in the second part of this work. 

The officers names we have here introduced. They were all 
killed except Lieut. Rosewell Franklin. There were officers of the 
militia that held commissions from the Connecticut Assembly of 
1775, but the most of them held other commands in the battle, or 
were privates. Captain McKarrican held such a commission as 
captain in the Hanover militia, but when it came to war in fact, he 
surrendered the command to Captain Lazarus Stewart, and served 
under him, saying he would do well enough for a time of peace, 
but in time of battle one accustomed to command should command, 
and he would serve under him. There were three men who had 
served in the militia as ensigns that were in the battle, two were 
killed and one escaped. 

Captain, Lazarus Stewart — Commanded. 
Lieutenant, Rosewell Franklin. 
Ensign, Silas Gore. 
Captain, William McKarrican. 
Lieutenant, Lazarus Stewart, jr. 

These were the officers of the Hanover men as they went to 
battle. This was the fourth company. The officers were all killed 
except Rosewell Franklin, and probably thirty of the forty-three 
men in the company. We do not know how many exactly, went in, 
nor exactly how many were killed. 

Capt. Lazarus Stewart was a prominent figure in the affairs of 
Wyoming Valley, and now with him gone — we seem lost, even at this 


late day in telling the story. How much he might have done for the 
fugitive inhabitants by his energy and foresight, had he remained to 
them! He left descendants, but it is believed there are none of 
them now living in Hanover. 

This was the sixth time that the Connecticut settlers had been 
totally expelled from the valley, and their improvements and 
propert>^ destroyed. 

Capt. Spalding with his men met part of the fugitives and, of 
course, learned the result of the battle. He advanced to the top of 
the mountain where the valley could be seen and the smoke rising 
from the plains in all directions. He relieved such of the fugitives 
as he met on the way, and seeing that he was of no use in the valley 
he returned to the Delaware. Early in August he marched into the 
valley and occupied the site of Wilkes-Barre. 

Some of our men that escaped the massacre, and some others 
that were not here at the time of the battle, returned in August with 
Capt. Spalding's company to save some of the harvests if possible, 
— as of course the fugitives would soon return again to their homes 
here — and it would take more time than the Indians would spare to 
destroy the crops entirely. The west side of the river was not much 
visited at first, and for two months after the return the dead still lay 
unburied on the field. But now, "Camp Westmoreland, October 21, 
1778 — Ordered, that there be a party consisting of a lieutenant, 
two sergeants, two corporals, and twenty-five men, to parade 
to-morrow' morning with arms, as a guard to those who will go to 
bury the remains of the men who were killed at the battle, at and 
near the place called ' Wintermoot's Fort.'" — Miner. 

On the 22d, therefore, the bodies were collected, a large hole or 
grave dug, in which they were thrown, constant alarm from the 
enemy preventing a more ceremonious or respectful inhumation. 
But few of them could be recognized. They had lain on the ground 
through the summer heat nearly four months. Nothing but bones 
remained, and they were frequently found scattered by animals and 
birds of prey. According to the writer's recollection of what he 
has heard from one that assisted in burying them, there were tivo 
holes dug for the bones, some distance apart. Only one of these 
holes was afterwards found, and it contained eighty-three skeletons. 
These bones were gathered up, and in 1833 the corner stone of a 


monument over them was laid near or in the village of Wyoming 
in Kingston township. 

The Rev. Joshua Peterkin, D. D., of Richmond, Va., "visited 
Wilkes-Barre in 1868, on which occasion he composed the following 
patriotic tribute ! " — 

Here let me rest, by fair Wyoming's side, 

Where Susquehanna's placid v/aters glide, 

While sparkling streams 'mid meadows rolling free. 

Pay willing tribute to the distant sea. 

Upon this spot where ninety years ago 

The patriot settlers met their savage foe 

In vain defense, and dyed the shrinking flood 

With rich libations of their patriot blood, — 

Amid these scenes my fancy roams afar 

And brings me back anew the din of war. 

I hear the war-whoop as it rolls along 

The vale made famous by the poet's song. 

The shriek, the shout, the yell, the dying groan, 

All sounds discordant mingled into one. 

Old Albert too, and Gertrude now arise, 

And Waldgrave's manly form to greet my eyes, 

And Outalissi, with his descant wild 

Sung amid sobs, as for an only child. 

But these all vanish, and I stand alone 

Beside a simple monument of stone. 

Raised to commemorate their deeds and tell 

The passing stranger how they nobly fell 

Defending altars, homes and cultured sod — 

The cause of man, of freedom and of God. 

'Tis well — such monuments there ought to be 

To keep in mind the thought of Liberty — 

To warn the invader, whencesoe'er he comes 

With fire and sword to desolate our homes. 

That though his stronger arm may now succeed. 

And virtue sink o'erwhelmed by force and greed, 

Though might 'gainst right may for a time prevail, 

Despite the widow's tear, the orphan's wail — 

Yet future ages will redress the wrong, 

Embalm the patriot in the poet's song. 

Collect with pious care each mouldering bone. 

And grave its record on th' eternal stone. 

Meanwhile the proud oppressors name shall be 

Sunk, with their crime, to lasting infamy — 

To stern contempt and bitter scorn consigned 

As foes to peace, to God and to mankind. 

Of course, it must be understood that the reference in these lines 
to Old Albert, and Gertrude, and Waldgrave and Outalissi, is to 
names contained in the poet Campbell's Gertrude of Wyoming. 

The monument was not finished until 1843. 'Tt is sixty -two 
feet and six inches high from the surface of the ground. It is 
rectangular in form, and of proper proportions to render it graceful 
and of architectural propriety, with four equal sides. The base 


rises three steps from the foundation, in which is a chamber con- 
taining the bones of the victims, so far as the bodies were re- 

Early in August the settlers that still remained alive began to 
return, and reoccupy their plundered farms. But there was no 
peace for them. Indians lay in ambush and every few days some 
settler would be killed or carried away captive. On August 24, 
1778, Luke Swetland and Joseph Blanchard were taken prisoners 
at Nanticoke, where they had gone to mill, and carried into the 
Indian countr)\ Swetland was rescued by Gen. Sullivan's army 
the next year, 1779. In Plymouth — across the river from Han- 
over — "three men were killed October 2d. October 14th, William 
Jameson, returning home from Wilkes-Barre, was killed near where 
the canal crosses the road below Careytown." — Miner. (There is a 
railroad there now (1884) in place of the canal.) Mr. Jameson was 
one of the Hanover men in the battle, and had escaped. ''Novem- 
ber 7th, John Perkins was killed in Plymouth. William Jackson 
and Mr. Lester taken from the mill at Nanticoke, marched three 
miles up into Hanover and then shot down. An aged man, spoken 
of as old 'Mr. Hageman,' a prisoner, escaped with six spear wounds, 
and survived, although the food he took oozed from a spear wound 
in his side. Nov. 9, Captain Carr and Philip Goss, in attempting to 
fly in a canoe, were shot below Wapwallopen, and left, the latter 
dead, the other dying on the shore. Robert Alexander and Amos 
Parker were, about the same time, found murdered in the lower 
part of the valley — Hanover. Late in the fall, Isaac Inman was 
murdered in Hanover." — Miner. 

These and many others in other places in the valley not in 
Hanover, were killed the same fall of the year 1778 after the mas- 

On March 21st, 1779, Captain James Bidlack, — the father of the 
Captain Bidlack of the Wilkes-Barre company, that was slain in 
the massacre — was taken prisoner in Plymouth. And so it went 
on until they finally got bold enough to attack the village of 
Wilkes-Barre as near as within seventy or eighty rods of the fort. 

Extract from the journal of Col. Adam Hubley, of Gen. Sulli- 
van's expedition into the Indian country in 1779: — 

♦Johnson's Wyoming Memorial. 


"Wyoming, July 30th, 1779. — Wyoming is, situated on the east 
side of the east branch of the Susquehanna, the town consisting of 
about seventy houses, chiefly log builciings; besides these buildings 
there are sundry larger ones which were erected by the army (Sul- 
livan's army) for the purpose of receiving stores, etc., a large bake 
and smoke house. 

"There is likewise a small fort erected in the town, with a strong 
abatta around it, and a smaU redoubt to shelter the inhabitants in 
case of an alarm. This fort is garrisoned by 100 men, drafted from 
the western army, and put under the command of Col. Zeb'n 
Butler. I cannot omit taking notice of the poor inhabitants of the 
town; two-thirds of them are widows and orphans, who, by the 
vile hands of the savages, have not only deprived some of tender 
husbands, some of indulgent parents, and others of affectionate 
friends and acquaintances, besides robbed and plundered of all their 
furniture and clothing. In short, they are left totally dependent on 
the public, and are become absolute objects of charity. 

"The situation of this place is elegant and delightful. It com- 
poses an extensive valley, bounded both on the east and west side 
of the river by large chains of mountains. The valley, a mere 
garden, of an excellent rich soil, abounding with large timber of 
all kinds, and through the center the east branch of the Susque- 

This river is now called the north brajich. 

The expedition of General Sullivan into the Indian country 
from Wyoming or Wilkes-Barre, up the river, gave the Indians 
some taste of the kind of treatment the' white people had re- 
ceived in Wyoming from them : — their houses and crops, and fruit 
trees and vines, were destroyed, and country laid waste.* The* 
work was done during a part of August and September, 1779. It 
is believed the Indian's never recovered from the blow. They did 

*About twenty-five towns and villages were destroyed, numbering from five or six 
log houses each to one hundred and seven in their capital town, Genesee. The whole 
number of houses destroyed was between five and six hundred ; probably half as many 
as the Indians had destroyed of ours here. Their houses were built of logs, and some of 
them of hewed logs. These log houses had probably been built for them in each of 
their towns by the British government. The Oneidas were on our side and the army did 
not go into their country at all. The whole number of Indians inhabiting these destroyed 
towns may have been six or seven thousand. 


not cease, however, from waylaying and murdering about the valley 
of Wyoming and the neighboring settlements till the end of the 
war of independence. 

Mr. Miner says in a note, page 275: "In 1790 Big Tree, an 
Indian of the Seneca nation, being one of a delegation at Phila- 
delphia, addressing General Washington, thus feelingly refers to 
Sullivan's destruction of their settlements: — 'Father — When your 
army^ entered the country of the Six Nations, we called you the 
tozvn destroyer; to this day when your name is heard our women 
look behind and turn pale, and our children cling closer to the 
necks of their mothers.' Big Tree joined the American afmy under 
Wayne in 1793, but committed suicide." 

**A mill on the borders of Hanover and Newport — at Nanti- 
coke — was guarded by a few men, and three or four families ven- 
tured to reside in its vicinity." — Miner. 

The Hurlbut family came into the valley this year and settled 
on the flats below the **Red Tavern." April 12th, 1779, Colonel 
Nathan Dennison and Deacon John Hurlbut were chosen members 
of Assembly to meet at Hartford in May. 

In the winter of this year town-meetings "legally warned" 
began to be held regularly again at Wilkes-Barre, and all the 
officers necessary for the conducting of the government were again 
elected and entered upon their several duties. 

In 1780 constant reports of murders committed and prisoners 
carried away by the Indians came in. "A band shot Asa Upson in 
Hanover where the bridge crosses the canal below Careytown, 
where Jamison was killed in 1778." — Miner. Another band took 
Thomas Bennett and Lebbeus Hammond prisoners ; but a few days 
or nights afterwards, they rose upon their captors, slew some, 
wounded others, so that only one escaped unhurt, and came home 
with the spoils. Other escapes of the same kind occurred. 

April 20, 17S0, "John Franklin, Esqr., Lieutenant Rosewell 
Franklin and Ensign John Comstock were appointed a committee 
to advise with the inhabitants of this town about contracting their 
improvements to a smaller compass, and more defensible situation 
against the savages, and to adopt measures for the .security of their 
stock, and make their report to the commanding officer of the gar- 
rison as soon as possible." — Miner. 


Finally about one hundred and twenty men of the old Wyoming 
companies from the army, including a detachment from a German 
regiment (Pennsylvania Dutch), were stationed at Wilkes-Barre. 
The militia entire consisted of one company, under the command 
of Captain John Franklin. "On July 29th, 1780, there were twenty- 
nine on the roll; at Hanover, to guard a mill, one lieutenant, one 
sergeant and ten privates; at Kingston, one sergeant and fourteen 
men; and two on the sick-list." — Miner. 

Small detachments were frequently made for scouting parties, — 
the utmost vigilance being indispensable. Skirmishes were frequent 
with the Indians, and sometimes with tories. Prisoners and 
" plunder" would sometimes be captured by our men, and brought 
to Wilkes-Barre. So the year passed with murders, alarms, soouts, 
skirmishings, and through it all very difficult to raise food enough 
to live on. The comforts of life were not looked for. The bare 
necessaries were all that could possibly be got. All were satisfied 
if they could get barely sufficient food to sustain existence. 

They sent a petition to Hartford asking for an abatement of 
taxes for the year. There were but few people, but they kept up 
their county and town organization. A Town Clerk, Treasurer, 
Listers, Constables, Surveyors of Highways, Fence Viewers, Col- 
lectors, Leather Sealers, Grand Jurymen, etc., etc., were duly chosen. 

On December 6th, the last ambush and surprise of the year took 
place in Plymouth, and seven prisoners were carried away. There 
were nineteen white men and five Indians in the hostile party. One 
of the white men deserted from them and came into Wilkes-Barre. 
Thus -passed the year 1780. Many estimable citizens had been 
torn from their homes and families and carried into captivity, and 
several valuable lives had been lost; and still those who remained 
clung to their homes. The winter of 1780-81 passed without any 
incident of note. ^ 

In March the Indians attacked Samuel Ransom's house in Ply- 
mouth. He was wounded, but he killed one Indian and they left. 

"In 1 78 1 less than -two hundred acres of land were cultivated in 
the whole valley." — Miner. 

An assessment of property made in November, 1780, the first 
after the massacre, was two thousand three hundred and fifty-three 
pounds. It will be remembered that the one made in January, 1778, 


before the massacre, was twenty thousand three hundred and twenty- 
two pounds seventeen shillings. The total v^aluation now, was two 
thousand three hundred and fifty-three pounds — at six shillings to 
the dollar, Connecticut currency, $7,843.33; in 1778, $67,742.84. 
One sixth of it in Hanov'er=$i,307.22, property in 1780. 

Rumors of Indians on all sides of the settlements were rife. On 
Sunday, the 9th of June, 1781, a party of twelve Indians made an 
attack on the block-house at Buttonwood in Hanover, three miles 
below the Wilkes-Barre fort. They met a warm reception. The 
house was gallantly defended, the# women aiding the men with 
bravery and spirit. A party from the fort at Wilkes-Barre, on re- 
ceiving the alarm, hastened down and found pools of blood where 
Lieutenant Rosewell Franklin had wounded, probably killed, an 
Indian. A terrible vengeance followed. On September 7th, 1781, 
a band of Indians made an attack on the Hanover settlement and 
took away Arnold Franklin and Rosewell Franklin, Jr., the sons of 
Lieutenant Franklin who had shot the Indian the preceding June.' 
Several horses were taken and much grain in stack consumed by, 
fire.'*" A detachment of men went in pursuit, but the Indians eluded 
their pursuers. 

In April following, on the 7th, 1782, the Indians burning with 
revenge, still bent on further retaliation, rushed into Lieutenant 
Franklin's house in his absence, took his wife and four remaining 
children, one an infant, set fire to the house which, with the furni- 
ture not plundered, was consumed to ashes, and escaped to the 
woods. Parties went in pursuit, and overtook them near Wyalusing. 
Fight was at once commenced. The whites, afraid of injuring Mrs. 
Franklin and the children, had to use great caution and care. In 
the midst of the fight the two little girls and the boy escaped to the 
whites. Instantly the savages shot Mrs. Franklin and retreated. 
The Indian chief caught up the infant and sliielded himself with it 
as he escaped. The whites buried Mrs. Franklin's remains, and 
broufjht the three children to their father. 

*This is taken from Miner's Wyomincj, but is probalily incorrect, as Rosewell Franklin 
lived near the present or old Hanover basin, and it was on these flats below Steele's 
Ferry where the horses were stolen and the grain burned. Christopher Hurlbut calls the 
Flats where the (jrain was burned Nanticoke Flats, and he lived there himself then, and 
afterwards for sixteen years. 



"In the fall of 1778 the Indians took Swetlandand Blanchard at 
the Nanticoke Mill and burned the mill. Early in November the 
Indians killed Jackson, Lester and Franklin, and wounded Haga- 
man; they took prisoners Pell, and Lester's wife and daughter — a 
little gfirl — from Nanticoke in December. 

In 1779 — '*0n March 226. — Wilkes-Barre was attacked as also 
Stewart's house, and all the cattle that were on that side (of the 
river) were driven off; and all the remaining buildings on both sides 
of the river that were not near the fort, or Stewart's block-house, 
were burned. 

In 1 78 1 — *'In September the Indians took Franklin's boys with 
five horses, and burned all the grain — perhaps 1200 bushels of wheat 
and rye — on Nanticoke flats. 

''In 1782 some men began a saw-mill in Hanover. They raised 
the building on Saturday, in April. The next morning Franklin's 
family were taken prisoners, and his house burned. Baldwin with 
nine others, went up the river and got ahead of the Indians, and on 
the Frenchtown mountain they had a severe engagement of six or 
seven hours. Bennett was wounded, also Baldwin himself, but 
none were killed. They retook three of the family, the woman and 
a small child being killed. In July Jameson and Chapman were 
killed in the road in Hanover, near where the meeting-house was 
afterwards built. Peace took place in the winter following." 

The above quotations are extracts from the journal of one who 
resided in Hanover at the time the occurrences he mentions hap- 
pened. The story has been told in previous pages; but it seems to 
indicate that Rosewell Franklin's house or block-house was on the 
lower flats. 

Hanover was the scene of another bloody deed on the 8th 
of July, 1782. "Johri Jameson and a lad, his brother, (Ben- 
jamin) accompanied by Asa Chapman, were riding up from Nanti- 
coke their residence, near the mill, on horse-back to Wilkes-Barre. 
As they came opposite to where the Hanover meeting-house now 
stands, the Hanover ''Green" cemetery, Jameson suddenly exclaimed, 
"there are Indians ! " Before he could turn his horse there were 
three rifle balls fired into his body and he fell dead to the ground. 


Chapman being behind him — (they seem to have had only paths 
yet) — had time to draw rein and turn, but before he could escape he 
was shot and mortally wounded. Clinging to the saddle his fright- 
ened horse ran and bore him beyond their reach. The lad being in 
the rear, escaped unhurt. Chapman lingered several hours, sent for 
his wife and took an affectionate leave of her. Franklin cut out the 
bullet, but it had done its work and he presently expired," at the 
house of Deacon John Hurlbut, near the creek, below where the 
" Red Tavern" now stands. He fell off his horse there, and tried to 
crawl to the creek for a drink. The Hurlbuts saw him, and took 
him into their house, where he died. 

This same month, the I2th of July, Daniel McDowell was taken 
prisoner at "Shawney" — Plymouth — across the river, and taken to 
Niagara; and on the 27th, George Palmer Ransom, one of the seven 
prisoners taken from there to Niagara two years before, returned 
home, having escaped from captivity. 



elWALLIS' surrender at Yorktown, October 19th, 1781, had 
virtually ended the war between Britain and America, in 
favor of the Americans and independence. On the 27th of February, 
1782, it was moved in the House of Commons in England: — "That 
it is the opinion of this House, that a further prosecution of offen- 
sive war against America, would under the present circumstances, be 
the means of weakening the efforts of this country against her 
European enemies, and tend to increase the mutual animosity so 
fatal to the interests of both Great Britain and America;" which 
was carried against the strenuous opposition of the ministry. But 
the ministry did not resign. 

On the 4th of March following: — "That the House will consider 
as enemies to His Majesty and the country, all those who should 
advise or attempt a further prosecution of offensive war on the con- 
tinent of North America." Then the ministry resigned. The new 
ministry commenced negotiations for peace. 

Nov. 30, 1782, provisional articles of peace were signed; Janu- 
ary 20, 1783, hostilities ordered to cease; April 19, 1783, proclama- 
tion of peace issued by Gen. Washington; Sept. 3, 1783, Great 
Britain acknowledged the independence of the United States. 

The number of lives actually lost in Wyoming during the war, 
it is impossible to estimate with certainty. Miner says "probably 
three hundred ; being one in ten of all the inhabitants; or exceeding 
one-third of the adult male population at the commencement of the 

Steuben Jenkins, who later had a better opportunity of estimat- 
ing them correctly, puts the number of lives losH'from the massacre 
and flight alone at five hundred, not counting the losses in the army 
and the murders here after the massacre and until the end of the 



At the conclusion of the war in 1782, Congress appointed a 
court to hear and determine the controversy between Pennsylvania 
and Connecticut as to the jurisdiction over the territor>^ here in dis- 
pute. The commissioners constituting the court met at Trenton 
in New Jersey, November 12, 1782. 

This court as it met and organized the "Court of Commis- 
sioners" was composed of five persons, — William Whipple, Wel- 
come Arnold, David Brearly, W. C. Houston and Cyrus Griffin. 
They were in session forty-one days; and on December 30, 1782, they 
pronounced judgment as follows: — "We are unanimously of opinion 
that the State of Connecticut has no right to the lands in con- 

"We are also unanimously of opinion that the jtirisdiction and 
pre-emptio7i of all the territory lying within the charter boundary of 
Pennsylvania, and now claimed by the State of Connecticut, do of 
right belong to the State of Pemisylvaniar 

The next day after this decree four of these judges yvrotea letter 
to the governor and his council of Pennsylvania saying, among 
other things, that the individual claims of the people or claimants 
in Wyoming could hi no i7tsta?ice come before them, not being in 
the line of their appointment. They then beg leave to assure "your 
Excellency" that they think ''the sitJiation of these people well deserves 
the notice of the government!' That a proclamation of the proper 
kind issued by him would keep matters and things in the present 
peaceable posture ** until proper steps ca7i be taken to decide the co7i- 
troversy respecting the private right of soil'^' etc. * * * 

This letter was kept a carefully guarded secret for twelve years ^ 
till 1795. Shortly after the discovery of this letter (1796), the fifth 
member of this court wrote a letter, in which he says: — 

"Before the Commissioners determined that important contest 
between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, it was agreed : — 

'ist. That the reasons for the determination should never be 

'2d. That the minority should concede the determination as 
the unanimous opnion of the court." 

And he goes on to say, "that the Commissioners were imani- 
mously of opinion that the private right of soil should not be affected 
by the decision^ Further, "we recommend very strofigly, derived 


from legal and political grounds^ that the settlers should be quieted in 
all their claims^ by an act of the Pennsylvania Assembly!' ^'And 
that the right of soil, * * * ^s derived from Connecticut, 
shoidd be held sacred!' 

Before this court the matter had been argued in full on both 
sides, and their evidence displayed; and these judges knew what 
they were asking the government of Pennsylvania to do. 

It will be seen, of course, from the above, that this court never 
for a moment considered that they had decided anything at all with 
regard to the individual ownership of the land in Wyoming, or the 
seventeen townships. 

It must be understood that from 1773 up to 1783 twelve other 
townships, making seventeen, had been settled under Connecticut 
Susquehanna Company titles. 

Immediately after the Decree of Trenton the citizens of the 
seventeen townships petitioned the government of Pennsylvania for 
protection, in which they say, among other things: — ''We are sub- 
jects and free citizens of Pennsylvania, and have now to look to 
your honors as our fathers, guardians and protectors — entitled to 
every tender regard and respect as to justice, equity, liberty and 
protection." This was Jan. 18, 1783, nineteen days after the Decree 
at Trenton. This was presented to the Legislature and read 21st 
January and ordered to lie on the table. 

As soon as the General Assembly had received notice of the 
Decree of Trenton, they appointed a committee to confer with the 
Executive Council, who reported in February. Commissioners 
were immediately appointed to go to Wyoming, view affairs there 
and report. They came, staid nine days, saw, reported April 15, 
1783: — That a reasonable compensation in land should be made to 
the families of those who had fallen in arms against the common 
enemy, and such others as had a proper Connecticut title and, ''did 
actually reside on the land at the time of the Decree at Trenton, 
provided they immediately relinquish all claim to the soil where they 
now inhabit, and enter into contract to deliver up full and quiet pos- 
session of their present tenures by the first of April next!' 

So it seems Commissioners — Judges — acting for the State, de- 
termined, by the short view they took of the situation, that the 
several thousand persons, men, women and children, widows and 


orphans, old and young, of all the seventeen townships, should be 
driven out of the State of Pennsylvania, and their houses, barns, 
lands and improvements should be given up to somebody else. 
Why could not a court of justice be established somewhere in the 
valley, and the parties that claimed the land have a fair trial, and 
the one whose claim proved the best have the land ; and if there 
was no one to claim it but the Connecticut claimant and the State 
of Pennsylvania, then let the claimant pay the State for it as others 
did? Who knows why the gov^ernment of the commonwealth 
forgot, in this case, or closed its eyes, to legality and justice? 

The townships known and designated as the ''seventeen," were 
Salem, Huntington, Newport, Hanover, Plymouth, Wilkes-Barre, 
Kingston, Pittston, Exeter, Providence, Braintrim, Northmoreland, 
Bedford, Putnam, Springfield, Clarverack and Ulster. The four 
latter ones are within the present territory of Bradford and Susque- 
hanna counties. 

Immediately on the promulgation of the Trenton Decree, Con- 
necticut withdrew her jurisdiction, and the county and town of 
W^estmoreland ceased to exist, except as its memory was preserved 
in the records of the past. The few soldiers that had lately been 
stationed here were, by orders of Congress and the commander-in- 
chief, withdrawn, an'd their place was supplied by troops from 
Pennsylvania, sent to ''protect the inhabitants. 

A comparative handful of people remained, the broken remnants 
of the war; a great portion of those who had been expelled after 
the massacre remaining in exile, especially the young, growing up 
to manhood, the natural hope and stay of the settlements, who, 
being left orphans had been bound out to mechanics and farmers, 
and whose apprenticeship had not yet expired. Thus situated they 
applied to Pennsylvania for protection, pardon and mercy. But a 
set of unprincipled land speculators, and others perhaps still 
worse, — say persons seeking vengeance, — forced on them another 
" Pennamite War." The attempt was made to force them to leave 
their possessions, and they would not. They would fight first, and 
defend themselves to the last — and they did. 

One is forced to wonder at this day, why the government of 
Pennsylvania did not at once quiet them in their possessions, on the 
ground, if for no other reason, that no better settlers could be found 


anywhere — none more industrious, more economical, more perse- 
vering, more brave, more enduring, more law-abiding, more deserv- 
ing on account of their sufferings and losses in a cause waged for 
the common good. 

Captains Shrawder and Robinson with two companies of 
rangers came to Wyoming 2ist and 24th of March and took pos- 
session of Wyoming fort and gave it the name of Fort Dickinson. 
Two justices* of the peace accompanied the troops, to hold tribunals 
"for the adjudication of all questions under the civil authority." 
Alexander Patterson was one of these Justices. He had been here 
before, in the first Pennamite and Yankee war, and was known to 
the settlers. With him in authority they had no hope of any ar- 

Patterson at once assumed the authority of the viceroy of a 
tyrant king. The soldiers obeyed him in all things. They arrested 
men in all directions, without any warrant, but simply by the orders 
of Patterson, and imprisoned them till directed by the same 
authority to turn them loose. He took care that most of his orders 
should be verbal and not written ones. And this was the protection 
the State gave the settlers. Col. Butler returned from the army 
20th August. Patterson issued a writ for his arrest for high treason, 
it was said, and on Sept. 24 he was taken, and, surrounded by a 
guard of soldiers, was conveyed to the fort and treated with great 
indignity. He had "sworn his soldier's oath, ' set fire to 'em,' they 
shall not stop me." That was enough. The next day, under a 
military guard, the gallant veteran was sent to Sunbury, a distance 
of sixty miles. When they got there with him there was no 
mittimus. The sheriff would not receive him. Two other justices 
for Wyoming had that day taken the oath of office at Northumber- 
land, and they made out a mittimus directing Sheriff Antis to de- 
tain the prisoner until more accurate documents could be procured 
from Patterson. Butler soon gave bail and was set at liberty. 

On the 1st of October Capt. Franklin was arrested for trespass, 
for farming his own land. Brought before Patterson he plead title; 
demanded a trial before a court and jury. This not agreeing with 
Patterson's policy he dismissed the case. Oct. 31st, Shawney was 
invaded by the military headed by Patterson. Eleven persons were 
arrested, two of them feeble from old age, and suffering from disease. 


This was nothing to Patterson. Benjamin Harvey was among them. 
*' Ah hah," cried Patterson, "you are the jockey we wanted; away 
with him, to the guard-house with old Harvey, another damned 
rascal." Is this the language of a civil magistrate? Are soldiers 
the officers to serve civil process? Nobody was resisting. These 
were the people who had just petitioned for the mantle of protection 
of the State to be thrown over them. The State had sent magistrates 
and soldiers to protect them ! 

Protection ! The protection of the wolf to the lamb. These 
were driven to the fort, confined in a room with no floor but the 
ground, and that all wet and soft, no food, little fire. They were 
sitting around the little fire they had; that was considered too com- 
fortable and they were ordered to lie down, and the Captain in com- 
mand of the guard ordered that anyone who raised himself up, should 
be shot by the guard. The old men's canes were taken from them 
and burnt. After ten days they were all dismissed without arraign- 
ment or trial, and they never were told what they were arrested for. 
But when they were released, they found their families had been 
turned out of their houses and creatures of Patterson had been put 
in. Persons were arrested for pretended crime and told by the jus- 
tice that if they would take a lease for their land they would be set 
at liberty. Widows and fatherless children, in a sickly condition, 
were turned out of their houses and sick-beds, and driven off in a 
storm. No redress could be had when applied for to the justices. 
Armed soldiers in the presence of the justices, took the husbands 
into custody and turned their wives and families out of doors. The 
possession of a grist-mill was taken away from the owner and given 
to another man, and when redress was asked at the hands of the 
justices, it was denied. Locks and doors were broken open wher^ 
the families were from home, under the pretence of quartering 
soldiers in the house upon the family, while public buildings were 
standing vacant ready to be used. 

These things were made known by the inhabitants, by petition, 
to the Pennsylvania Assembly, to the Connecticut Assembly, and 
to the U. S. Congress. The Pennsylvania Assembly hurried to send 
a committee to Wyoming to investigate. The committee arrived 
December 29th, and proceeded to take depositions for about ten 
days. They returned to the Assembly and reported by simply 


handing in the depositions. A committee was appointed to take 
charge of the matter, and reported 23d January, 1784, briefly that 
there was nothing proved that might not be remedied by process of 
law, and that there was no evidence that the irregularities were 
authorized or sanctioned by Justice Patterson ! 

1784. And now that the spring of 1784 had arrived, it seemed 
as if the very elements had conspired to destroy the hopes and lives 
of the Yankee settlers. 

The winter had been unusually severe, and the ice in the river 
had been frozen thicker than ever before known. "About the mid- 
dle of March, the 13th and 14th, the weather became suddenly 
warm, rain fell in torrents, melting the deep snows throughout all 
the hills and valleys in the upper regions watered by the Susque- 
hanna." "The following day," says Chapman, "the ice in the river 
began to break up, and the stream rose with great rapidity. The ice 
first gave way at the different rapids, and floating down in great 
masses, lodged against the frozen surface of the more gentle parts 
of the river, where it remained firm. In this manner several large 
dams were formed, which caused such an accumulation of water that 
the river overflowed all its banks, and one general inundation over- 
spread the extensive plains of Wyoming. The inhabitants took 
refuge on the surrounding heights, and saw their property exposed 
to the fury of the waters. At length the upper dam gave way, and 
huge masses of ice were scattered in every direction. The deluge 
bore down upon the dams below — which successively yielded to the 
insupportable burden, and the whole went off with the noise of con- 
tending storms. Houses, barns, fences, stacks of hay and grain, 
were swept off in the general destruction, to be seen no more. The 
plain on which the village of Wilkes-Barre is built, was covered 
with heaps of ice, which continued a great portion of the following 

The waters suddenly fell, but the most of the horses, sheep, hogs 
and cattle were drowned. Only one human life is known to have 
been lost. The loss of provisions, clothing, cattle, hay, houses, and 
furniture — such as it was, left numbers a prey to extreme sufferings, 
which their neighbors were in no condition to relieve. 

With the opening of spring the soldiers began to remove "the 
fences from the inclosures of the inhabitants — laying fields of grain 


open to be devoured — fencing up the highways, and between the 
houses of the settlers and their wells of water — that they were not 
suffered to procure water from their wells, or to travel on their 
usual highways. The greatest part of the settlers were in the most 
distressed situation — numbers having had their horses swept off by 
the uncommon overflowing of the river in the month of March 
preteding, numbers were without a shelter, and in a starving con- 
dition; but they were not suffered to cut a stick of timber, or make 
any shelter for their families. They were forbid to draw their nets 
for fish — their nets were taken from them by the officers of the 
garrison. The settlers were often dragged out of their beds in the 
night season by ruffians, and beaten in a cruel manner. Complaints 
were made to the justices, as well as to the commanding officers of 
the garrison ; but to no purpose — they were equally callous to every 
feeling of humanity." — Frankliji. 

On the 13th and 14th of May the soldiers were sent forth, and 
at the point of the bayonet, dispossessed a hundred and fifty families ; 
in many instances set fire to their dwellings, avowing their intention 
to utterly expel them from the country. The people implored them 
for leave to remove either up or down the river in boats, because 
with their wives and children, in the bad state of the roads, it would 
be impossible to travel. They were met with a stern refusal, and 
they were directed to take the way east to the Lackawaxen, the 
most direct way to Connecticut. There were sixty miles of woods, 
with scarcely a house along this way, and the road had never been 
repaired since the commencement of the revolutionary war. But 
no matter, that way they must go, more than five hundred men, 
women and children, with scarcely provisions enough to sustain life, 
mostly on foot, the road being impassible for wagons. Several of 
the unhappy sufferers died in the wilderness, others taken sick from 
excessive fatigue, died soon after reaching the settlement. A widow 
whose husband had been slain during the war, had one child die on 
the way. She buried it as she could beneath a hemlock log, 
probably to be disinterred from the shallow covering, and be 
devoured by wolves. The legislators began to realize that other 
people, besides themselves and Patterson, were interested in the 
doings in Wyoming valley, when the news of the Wyoming suffer- 
ers came to them in hot speed from thousands of disinterested 

WYOMING. 1 29 

people, residing along both sides of the Delaware for fifty miles in 
extent. Humanity cried out from end to end of Pennsylvania; 
other States were agitated, inquiry was made whether a great wrong 
had been done and humanity outraged; and feelings of indignation 
were awakened and expressed, too emphatic to be disregarded. 
No part of the Union was more aroused than the good people of 
Pennsylvania herself. 

The influence brought to bear on the government produced the 
instant dismissal of the troops, and the two companies were dis- 
charged. Justice Patterson forthwith, by his own authority, re-en- 
listed for the Pennsylvania land claimants about one-half of the 
most desperate, on whom he could rely and set at once both the 
settlers and commonwealth at defiance. The sheriff of Northumber- 
land hastened to Wyoming to restore the reign of law. Messengers 
were sent after the exiles along the Delaware who were invited to 
return and were promised protection. Assisted by the never-failing 
benevolence of the people of New Jersey and Pennsylvania along 
the Delaware, the settlers returned, but they found the sheriff was 
powerless against the desperate forces of Patterson. 

No homes opened their doors to receive them for they were in 
possession of others, so they encamped on the mountain and called 
the place Fort Lillope or Lillo-pe. The sheriff could do nothing 
and returned to Northumberland. The settlers came down from 
Fort Lillo-pe on the mountain after being there about a month, and 
took possession of Forty Fort. They were now armed, and they 
prepared to defend themselves and gather whatever crops they 
could from the ground. But they had to fight for it. 

At the first attempt to gather the crops a fight took place and 
the Yankees had two men killed, and Patterson's men several 
wounded. John Franklin then gathered about forty effective 
men and twenty, old men, and went down the river on the west 
side from Forty Fort, threw out every Pennsylvania or New 
Jersey family (they seemed to be mostly from New Jersey), except 
the men they had wounded the day before, crossed the river at 
Nanticoke and passed up through Hanover, turning out every 
family not holding under the Connecticut claim, and driving them 
before him to the fort at Wilkes- Barre. Of course, civil war and 
bloodshed now openly prevailed. The same day Patterson burnt 


twent>'-three houses in Wilkes-Barre which he could not hold. 
The fort mounted four pieces of cannon and was too strong to be 
captured by the Yankees. The Yankees took possession of the 
mill at Mill Creek — Miner says the only one in the settlement — and 
kept it running night and day, to provide flour for themselves and 
friends for future emergencies, as well as their present wants. 
Captain John Franklin was entrusted with the command of all the 
Yankee forces. This John Franklin resided in Huntington township. 

Forty of the Pennsylvania party concerned in the expulsion of 
the inhabitants, including Justice Patterson, were indicted by the 
grand jury at Sunbur>% and Sheriff Antis was sent to Wyoming to 
arrest them ; but secure behind their ramparts they set his authority 
at defiance. 

Col. John Armstrong, Secretar^^ to the Supreme Executive 
Council of Pennsylvania, and Hon. John Boyd, a member of the 
Council, were sent as Commissioners accompanied by other officers, 
and by soldiers to restore the reign of law. Three hundred infantry 
and fifteen light dragoons were at their disposal. 

Armstrong arrived on the 8th of August, and immediately 
issued a proclamation, declaring that they came in the name of the 
Commonwealth, as commissioners of peace to repress violence from 
whatever quarter, to restore the reign of law, demanding an im- 
mediate cessation of hostilities, and the surrender of their arms by 
both parties, promising impartial justice and protection. The 
Yankees had serious doubts and misgivings, for they had so far ex- 
perienced, they said, "nothing but oppression and treachery;" but 
Col. Armstrong pledged his faith as a soldier, and his honor as a 
gentleman, that Patterson's party should also be disarmed, and 
equal protection be extended to all. Patterson's men pretended to 
be afraid to surrender first. The Yankees paraded, were ordered to 
** ground arms," — they were then commanded-7-" right about — 
march ten steps — halt — right about!" which they obeyed, when 
Col. Armstrong ordered his men to advance and take up the 
■grounded arms. Thue far was according to their expectations, but 
their surprise was merged in bitterness and mortification when Col. 
Armstrong gave rapid orders to surround the disarmed settlers and 
made them all prisoners. Not a musket was taken from Patterson's 
men. They beheld the successful treachery of Armstrong with 


unrestrained delight and taunting exultation. A soldier's faith 
should be unsullied, — the pledged honor of a gentleman as sacred 
as life. Both were basely violated.* 

Thirty men were handcuffed in pairs and a long rope tied to the 
irons, then a pair of soldiers marched by the side of each pair of 
prisoners; thus they marched to Easton jail, the soldiers having 
strict orders to shoot anyone trying to escape. Some did escape, 

Forty-six others were bound and confined in an outhouse. 
Soon after forty-two of them were sent under strong guard to Sun- 
bury jail. Thus sixty-six of the Yankees were in prison. The 
conquest seemed complete. It seemed a difficult matter to get rid 
of the women and children. 

Armstrong now returned to Philadelphia. Scarcely had he 
time to receive the congratulations of his friends at his success at 
Wyoming than bad news came; the prisoners at Easton all escaped 
but eleven, and those at Sunbury had all been discharged on bail, 
and all had returned to Wyoming. Armstrong at once raised fifty 
men and came to Wilkes-Barre by September 20. 

In the meantime the sufferings of these people here had excited 
indignation and pity throughout the whole country, and several 
Green Mountain Boys, who had gone through a similar struggle 
with New York, had come to Wyoming and volunteered their 
services to the settlers. Patterson's men tried to secure a portion 
of the Yankee harvests, but were met and repelled. Forbearance had 
ceased to be a virtue, and the Yankees now determined to attack 
their enemies wherever they found them. They attacked Patter- 
son's house, drove the men out, set fire to it, and shot down 
two men in the attempt to escape to the fort. The commander of 
the Yankees was supposed to have been mortally wounded, but he 
slowly and long afterwards recovered. 

*This same treacherous Armstrong many years afterwards was a Minister to some of 
the great nations of Europe, and was, on his return, made Secretary of War of the 
U. S., which office he held during the war with England, 181 2-1 5. His Newberg 
letters to the army under Washington ought to have cursed him forever before he was 
sent to Wyoming. But instead, afterward he was sent up higher. 

•fTwo of these men, John Hurlbut and Edward Inman, were Hanover men, and it is 
believed two others also. 


The work now of hunting one another seemed to become too 
hot for Armstrong and he returned to the city, and was surprised 
to learn that his proceedings and those of Patterson previously, 
had aroused a spirit of opposition and resentment, which now began 
to display itself in official acts. 

The legislature was called to account by a body called the 
" Council of Censors,"* and as they paid no regard to the questions 
asked, and refused to produce the papers and documents called for, 
the Censors proceeded to make a declaration, or as Miner character- 
izes it, a most solemn denunciation of the measures pursued against 
the Wyoming settlers. And in this denunciation they give a 
history in the shortest space of the whole matter, from the Decree 
at Trenton to the present time, without mitigating any of the 
treachery or cruelty of the officers and persons sent there by the 
authority of the legislature, and they expressly state ** We Jiold it 
up to public ce?tsu7'e,'' "to prevent if possible further instances of 
bad government." 

The Supreme Executive Council and the Assembly contemptu- 
ously and totally disregarded the proceedings of the Council of 
Censors. They advanced Armstrong still higher for his honorable 
services to the rank of adjutant-general of the State, and authorized 
him to raise a sufficient force from Bucks, Berks and Northampton 
counties and proceed to Wyoming and complete the work of ex- 
pulsion. But new obstacles arose, the President of the Supreme 
Executive Council entered a solemn protest against these pro- 
ceedings of the Council in a pretty vigorous letter to that body. 
The Council on considering the President's letter, " Resolved, That 
the measure adopted on the second instant be pursued," and on 
the same day offered twenty-five pounds for the apprehension of 
eighteen of the principal inhabitants, whose names were mentioned. 
No time was to be lost. 

Armstrong hurried with less than a hundred men to Wyoming, 
arriving on the 17th of October. Next day he marched out and 
made an attack on Brockway's above Abraham's Creek, Kingston, 

*Under the State Constitution at that time there was a body called the Council of 
Censors, whose duty it was "to inquire whether the Constitution has been preserved in- 
violate in every part, and whether the legislative and executive jjranches of the govern- 
ment have performed their duty as guardians of the people, or assumed to themselves, or 
ejcercised, other or greater powers than they are entitled to by the Constitution." 


where one of the Yankees was severely wounded, and one of Arm- 
strong's officers was killed and left on the field of battle, three or 
four of his men being wounded, were borne off on the retreat 
Armstrong in a letter to the Council deprecating their censure at 
his repulse, said: — "I need scarcely observe to your Excellency, 
that four log houses so constructed as to flank each other, become 
a very formidable post." 

The flats of Kingston opposite the fort, had been extensively 
sowed with buckwheat, and Armstrong's men were now engaged in 
threshing it out. A body of Yankees approached the laborers un- 
discovered, and rushing forward, surrounded them before they 
could seize their arms, and took all of them prisoners. The 
alarmed garrison prepared their cannon, but the Yankees placed 
their prisoners as a shield and prevented the firing on them. More 
than a hundred bushels of grain rewarded the enterprise. 

Now came the information that the Assembly had ordered the 
settlers to be restored to their possessions. 

"Nov. 27, 1784 — Pennamites evacuate the fort. 

*'Nov. 30, 1784 — The Yankees destroy the fort." — Franklin. 

Thus "two years have elapsed since the transfer of jurisdiction 
by the Trenton Decree. Peace which waved its cheering olive over 
every other part of the Union came not to the almost broken- 
hearted people of Wyoming." The veteran soldier when he re- 
turned from the war of the revolution found no peace or rest at 
home. A home was denied him. The greater his services to the 
nation the sooner, it seemed, was he arrested and imprisoned and the 
greater indignities and insults were heaped upon him. Now they 
were repossessed of their farms, and such houses and furniture and 
implements as had not been destroyed. But a summer of exile and 
war had left them no harvest to reap and they returned to empty 
granaries and desolate homes, crushed by the miseries of Indian in- 
vasion, mourners over fields of more recent slaughter, destitute of 
food, scarce clothing to cover them, the rigors of winter now upon 
them, and clouds and darkness shadow the future. The people of 
Wyoming were objects of commiseration. 

As soon as the garrison was withdrawn and the people restored 
to their possessions committees were appointed during the interreg- 
num of law, to regulate affairs, adjust controversies, punish 


offenders against order and person and property, and to preserve 
the peace. Town-meetings were held and taxes laid and collected, 
. schools established, and the militia organized. It is said that 
this last was done with a good deal of care. 1785 had come 
and a cessation of hostilities which it was believed would not be 
renewed, but they had been so many times treacherously deceived, 
that it was best to be prepared as well as they could for the worst 
that might occur. 

After the expulsion of the settlers in May, 1784, became known 
to the surrounding country, — and the story of it was spreading all 
the time — adventurers from every direction turned their steps 
towards Wyoming, and the State of Connecticut was much agitated. 
A meeting of the old Susquehanna Company was called, and met 
in July, 1785. No moderator is named, and the usual title is 
dropped and it is now: — "A meeting of the Proprietors, Purchasers 
and Settlers of the land on the Susquehanna River, under the 
countenance and title of the State of Connecticut, legally warned," 
etc. At this meeting a state paper of too much consequence to be 
unnoticed by Pennsylvania or Congress was drawn up. We will 
not copy it, but merely state that it mentioned the situation of the 
company's claim, the large sums of money expended, the purchase 
of the Indians, the settlement of the land, their confidence in the 
Connecticut charter, an impeachment of the legality or justice of 
the Decree at Trenton, and then an arraignment of Pennsylvania 
for its treatment of the settlers on the Susquehanna. And then 
"Voted, That the company will support their claim and right of 
soil," etc., then votes to give every able-bodied, effective man a half 
share, and to give protection to their settlers, and appointing com- 
mittees, raising money from the company by a tax on the shares: — 
In fact this was as near a declaration of war as a private institution 
could well make and not say it. The meeting dissolved with no 
other attestation of its proceedings than their being recorded in the 
book of records. Pennsylvania kept watch of these proceedings 
with anxious solicitude. And in December a law was enacted: — 

"For quieting disturbances at Wyoming, for pardoning certain 
offenders," etc., that all offenses committed before the first of 
November be pardoned, provided they surrender themselves before 
the 15th of April next; authorizing the militia to be called out; 


■ 9 

repealing certain acts passed for the especial benefit of Patterson, 
annulling Patterson's commission as justice, and also of the other 
justices. Nobody went forward to surrender himself 

1786. Another meeting of the Susquehanna Company was 
held in May, 1786. Voted, among other things, that they would 
'^support and maintain their claims to the lands aforesaid^ and 
effectually justify and support their settlers therein!' 

And "That Col. John Franklin, Gen. Ethan Allen, Major John 
Jenkins, Col. Zebulon Butler, * * * be appointed a committee 
with full power and authority to locate townships," etc. 

While nominally the laws of Pennsylvania administered by the 
magistrates of Northumberland extended to Wyoming, in point of 
fact the settlers governed themselves. They avoided the service of 
writs rather than opposed the officer. From the friendship of 
Sheriff Antis, it is supposed that for the present he did not pursue 
the eluding Yankees with much earnestness, relying wisely upon 
measures of conciliation, or else on a more determined coercion, 
which the Assembly must very soon adopt. 

The Yankees had now about six hundred effective, armed men, 
and more were rapidly joining them from all directions. The active 
measures of the Yankees in the direction indicated by the Susque- 
hanna Company's meetings and by the appearance of Ethan Allen 
at Wyoming, accellerated the action of Pennsylvania. A new and 
more liberal policy was resolved upon, coercion gave place to con- 
ciliation, and compromise was substituted for civil war. 

On the 25th of September, 1786, an act was passed for erecting 
the northern part of the county of Northumberland into a separate 
county, to be called Luzerne county. 

In October, this year, the river rose to a height never before 
known, except at the ice freshet two years before. This was 
called the "pumpkin fresh," from the immense number of that veg- 
etable that floated down the river. Immense quantities of hay, 
grain and cattle were carried away by the flood, causing much suffer- 
ing during the winter. Several houses and barns were swept away, 
and two lives were lost. 

It now behooved Pennsylvania to take very active and very 
politic measures for the pacification of Wyoming. From the action 
of the Susquehanna Company, backed by Connecticut and the 


*'wild Yankees" and others gathering at Wyoming and in the 
regions above along the river, it was necessary to have an uncom- 
mon man to guide the affairs of the State. It was necessary also to 
use such soothing legal measures as they thought might satisfy 
the leading Yankees. In December, 1786, an act was passed that 
provided that Timothy Pickering, Zebulon Butler and John Frank- 
lin notify the electors that an "election will be holden to choose a 
Councilor, Member of Assembly, Sheriff, Coroner and Commis- 
sioners, on the first day of February, 1787." Oaths of allegiance 
were to be taken by the voters, and provision for the selection of 
justices of the peace was made; this, all for the new county. 

1787. Col. Pickering was the man the government chose to go 
to Wyoming or Wilkes-Barre, to introduce their measures of pacifi- 
cation.* He had been a high officer in the revolutionary war, was 
quartermaster-general of the army, enjoyed the confidence of 
Washington and Congress. After the war he became a citizen of 
Pennsylvania and resided in Philadelphia. A native of Massa- 
chusetts, — being a New England man, it was thought he would be 
more satisfactory to these New England people than any other — 
and he was. He desired to have the controversy settled on terms 
satisfactory to both sides. Col. Franklin would not take the oath 
of allegiance and serve in any office under the Pennsylvania gov- 
ernment. The matter of the dismemberment from Pennsylvania 
had progressed too far, and he had entered too deeply into the 
matter for him to leave it now. 

The election was held, however, February, 1787, as fully two- 
thirds, if not three-fourths of the old settlers were favorable to the 
plan of compromise as promised by Col. Pickering, and they had 
faith in Pickering. Yankees, of course, were chosen — Councilor, 
Member of Assembly, Sheriff and all other elective officers. 

At the suggestion of Col. Pickering, the people petitioned the 
legislature, praying that the lots laid off to the settlers in the 
seventeen townships, under the Susquehanna Company, might be 
confirmed specifically to the settlers and proprietors. Whereupon 
the Assembly, March 28th, passed the confirming law: — in substance, 

♦Col. Pickering was appointed, (not elected) by the State government to the offices of 
Prothonotary, Clerk of the Peace, Clerk of the Orphans' Court, Register and Recorder 
of Deeds for Luzerne county. 


that the lots or rights that were particularly assigned to the settlers 
prior to the Decree at Trenton, should be confirmed to them, their 
heirs and assigns. This was the essence of the law. Compensa- 
tion was to be given to any Pennsylvania claimants, and whatever 
appeared to be necessary to carry the law into complete effect. 

Luzerne county "being politically organized, courts established 
and the laws introduced under the auspices of Col. Pickering, sus- 
tained by the confirming law, he proceeded with wisdom and 
promptitude to conciliate the good will of the people — to assuage 
passion, to overcome prejudice, to inspire confidence." *'If Frank- 
lin was busy, Pickering was no less active." — Miner. 

Franklin went from town to town, arguing, pursuading, to his 
way. The people were divided, and there seemed no way to settle 
matters peaceably, and if this continued, in a short time civil war 
would be inaugurated again. A meeting of the inhabitants was 
called and met in Kingston. The speakers could hardly be heard 
on account of the uproar. At last they came to blows — not with 
deadly weapons, however. A vote of the meeting was taken, but 
not a very orderly one, and the proposition to accept the terms of 
compromise was adopted, and the meeting separated. 

Franklin was more busy now than ever, and Col. Pickering 
came to the conclusion that the conspiracy could not be stopped 
until its head, the prime mover, Franklin, could be quieted, and he 
determined to put a stop to his machinations. A writ was obtained 
from Chief Justice McKean to arrest Franklin on a charge of high 
treason. Col. Pickering laid his trap secretely, and as Franklin 
came into Wilkes-Barre one day in September (1787) alone, from 
one of his tours through Salem, Newport, and Hanover, four 
resolute men seized him. They had to tie him on a horse, but they 
took him before help could come, and carried him to prison in 
Philadelphia. He was in prison more than a year in Philadelphia 
and Easton, when he was discharged on bail. He was never 
brought to trial, but this broke up his schemes. He, however, had 
promised to give up his scheme of dismemberment before he was 
released. In the meantime Pickering had been captured by Frank- 
lin's friends and carried off into the woods to be held as a hostage. 
This took place in June, 1788. They treated him well and kept 
him about three weeks, when he was released. Very active 


measures had been taken for his release, and a number of skirmishes 
had been fought and several persons had been killed and a number 
wounded, but it all did no good, and he was finally voluntarily- 

Many of the persons engaged in this enterprise were afterwards 
arrested, some of them tried, convicted, and fined and imprisoned, 
but were allowed easily to escape, and no fines were ever attempted 
to be collected. Thus ended the troubles of Wyoming, 1788. 

Franklin was honored with offices of various kinds, was sheriff 
under the Pennsylvania government, and was repeatedly sent to the 
legislature. He always after bore the name of the " Hero of 

"Christmas of 1788, found Luzerne abounding in the necessaries 
of life; the laws of Pennsylvania in perfect operation, receiving 
everywhere cheerful obedience; Franklin at liberty; Col. Pickering 
in his office, issuing writs, or recording deeds, wuth the same devoted 
industry that characterized the performance of every other duty,, 
high or low, allotted to him in life." — Mijier. 

The confirming law was suspended 29th March, 1788, and 
finally repealed ist April, 1790. The repeal was resisted most 
strenuously by the members from Philadelphia and some of the 
counties, but it was carried. Here was apparent treachery again. 
The people, however, went hopefully on. They believed that some- 
time titles would be secured for them. But now all was uncertainty. 
Who could buy or sell land with the title on the wing, as it were, in 
the air? But land was sold and bought, as will be specially noted in 
that part of this w^ork exclusively devoted to Hanover. 

In 1799, April 4th, the legislature passed an **act for offering 
compensation to the Pennsylvania claimants of certain lands within 
the seventeen townships in the county of Luzerne, and for other 
purposes therein mentioned." 


By this act commissioners were appointed to come to Luzerne 
county, cause a survey to be made of all the lands claimed by the 
Connecticut settlers and which had been set off to such settlers 
previous to the Decree at Trenton, according to the regulations they 
had established amongst themselves. The commissioners were to 


value the lands — divide them into four classes, according to quality 
— make a certificate to each claimant specifying the number of 
acres and the class and quality of the land, the number of his lot, 
and to annex to the certificate a draft of the lot. The same com- 
missioners were also to have a resurvey made of all the lands 
claimed by the Pennsylvania claimants, situated in the seventeen 
townships, which was to be released or reconveyed by such claim- 
ants to the State ; and to divide the same into four classes according 
to the quality of the land. " When forty thousand acres should be 
so released to the State, and the Connecticut settlers claiming land 
to the same amount should bind themselves to submit to the deter- 
mination of the commissioners, then the law was to take effect, and 
the Pennsylvania claimants who had so released their land, were to 
receive a compensation for the same from the State Treasury, at 
the rate of five dollars per acre for lands of the first class, three 
dollars for the second, one dollar and* fifty cents for the third, and 
twenty-five cents for the fourth class." 

The Connecticut settlers were also to receive patents from the 
State confirming their lands to them upon condition of paying into 
the treasury the sum of two dollars per acre for lands of the first 
class, one dollar and twenty cents for lands of the second class, 
fifty cents for lands of the third class, and eight and one-third cents 
for lands of the fourth class, the certificates issued by the com- 
missioners to regulate the settlement of amounts in both cases. 
''Thus while the State was selling her vacant lands to her other 
citizens at twenty-six cents an acre, she demanded of the Connecti- 
cut settlers a sum, which, upon the supposition that there was 
the same quantity of land in each class, would average ninety-four 
cents an acre." — Chapman, p. i6g. 

" The Connecticut claimants, with the memory of the repeal of 
the 'Confirming Act' still fresh, exhibited little inclination at first to 
take the benefit of the law. To remedy this the act of April 6th, 
1802, was passed, which required the commissioners to survey, 
value and certify the whole of each tract claimed by a Connecticut 
claimant, and turned the Pennsylvania claimant, (not releasing), 
over to a jury to award compensation." 

"Judge Cooper, of Lancaster, (with his assistants. General 
Steele and Mr. Wilson) executed these laws with great fidelity and 


intelligence. By October 20, 1802, about one thousand Connecti- 
cut claimants had exhibited their titles. He went through the 
seventeen townships, re-ran all the surveys of the Susquehanna 
Company, by whose lines the claims were bounded, issued 'certifi- 
cates' to the holders, upon which the State issued the patent."* 

** Persons living in a wilderness, far remote from organized com- 
munities, without means of communication with the rest of the 
world, are apt to acquire a spirit of independence, making them dis- 
regardful of the artificial restraints that have to be recognized in 
more crowded states of society. They know nothing of the tri- 
bunals and care nothing for the technicalities of the law. He, who 
by his own ^xe and plow, has transformed the acres, within which 
his daily and yearly life is bounded, from a pathless, worthless 
forest, into a cultivated and productive inclosure, feels that he owns 
it by a title better than all written documents or recorded deeds. 
His farm, his house, his barn^, all that he has, thinks of, or cares 
about, is literally the work of his own hands, his sole creation. 
No other man has contributed to it; and it is hard to make him 
understand that any other man, be he called what he may — 
governor, proprietor, legislator, judge, or sheriff — has a right to 
take his land from under his feet. He will hold to it as his life, 
and fight for it against the world. In the meantime, those lands had 
become more and more endeared to them by every principle of 
association, every^ habit of homely life, every trial, and every 
peril. By their toil and energy they had l^een reclaimed from 
the rugged wilderness of nature, and converted into smooth 
lawns and verdant meadows of marvelous beauty and loveliness. 
Adventurers from other colonies and other lands had, one by one, 
been drawn into their company, attracted by tales of world-wide 
currency, portraying the charming aspect of the country, the excel- 
lence of its soil for the culture of grains and fruits, and every attri- 
bute that can adorn a landscape, and give reward to industry. It 
was not only endeared to its occupants by the attachments now 
mentioned, but consecrated by special experiences of blood and woe, 
that have riveted on them the sympathies of mankind, perpetuated 
in the hearts of all coming generations by verses of foreign and 
native bards that will never die. The devastations of their fields, 

♦Gov. Hoyt. 


the conflagrations of their dwellings and barns, and the repeated 
massacre of their people — men, women, and children — by savage 
hordes, all these combined could not destroy or weaken the tenacity 
with which they clung to their lands. Those who escaped the 
tomahawk and scalping knife had come back over and over again 
from their places of refuge. The invincible, .indestructible com- 
munity persevered in its contest against all odds, and no power, 
civilized or barbarian, could root it out."* 


Mr. Miner says: — "I will briefly state the sums paid for lots in 
Wilkes-Barre in the year 1772-3, no later record of deeds before 
the war, having rewarded my research. 

"July 6, 1772, Silas Gore sells to Jonathan Stowell of Ashford, 
Connecticut, for consideration of twenty pounds lawful money — 
$66.66}^ — one whole settling right in the township of Wilkes- 

''The burying-ground lot, of near four acres, was bought in 
777^ for ;^9 io.y=;^3 1.67." 

''March 28, 1774, Elisha Blackman, of Wilkes-Barre, sells to 
Alexander Lock of same place, one quarter right of lot in Wilkes- 
Barre No. 32, for £2 14s. Connecticut currency = ;g9.oo. In- 
dorsed on outside, 'deed left for record by Wm. Stewart, April 6, 
1799.' Recorded in D. B. 6, page 133." — Westmoreland Records. 

Sept. 5, 1775, Jabez Fish, of Wilkes-Barre, sells to Darius Spaf- 
ford, lot of about 24 acres, on the south-west side Main road, in 
Wilkes-Barre, part of the first division meadow lot, for a considera- 
tion of ;^47 \os. Connecticut currency=;^ 158.33^. Recorded 
in Westmoreland Book of Records, pages 478 and 479, on Jan. 24, 

^u?- 3> 1 801, Elisha Blackman, administrator of estate of 
Darius Spafford, deceased, sells to Eleazer Blackman, part of lot 
No. 30, in third division in Wilkes-Barre, bounded north by the 
Main road, east by lands of heirs of Robert Durkee, south by 
lands of heirs of Robert Durkee, on the west by lands of Aziel 
Dana, containing about forty acres, consideration £'^'^ Pennsyl- 
vania currency=;^ 101.33^. 
. • 

*Upham — Life of Timothy Pickering. 


Thus far the history of Hanover has been the history of Wyo- 
min<T. They could not be separated so as to give an outh'ne of the 
history of the times for Hanover alone, for the leaders in Hanover 
were, much of the time, the leaders of all the settlers in all the 
settlements, and their acts were the acts of all; but it has been 
the intention and epdeavor in this book to write nothing that was 
not directly or indirectly connected with Hanover. (Some 
matters in the preliminary chapter may be considered a long ways 
off; but, it should be, or ought to be, admitted that the histor)- of 
any country or part should begin with the very first traditionary 
story of its people, its discovery, and from there trace its way down 
to historical times, and on to the present.) Her neighbors had her 
assistance always, as she had theirs, in any endeavors made»to cap- 
ture an enemy, or defeat him, or to- recapture and rescue any of 
their people or property that had been taken prisoners or plundered 
by the Indians or tories. 

Hanover was not one of the most populous of the five townships, 
but she took a leading part in those stirring and dangerous times, 
those terrible times of Indian massacre, murder, captivity and 
plunder, because she had a number of leaders by nature among her 
population; though every man among them was a working man 
and had to raise his own food and clothing from the groun^d with 
his own hands or hunt it in the woods. They were all farmers and 
all worked with their own hands, upon their farms which they 
themselves had made by clearing the land of its original woods, 
trees and brush, and fencing and tilling the ground. And they 
loved that land. 

"Westmoreland (including Wayne and Pike counties) in 1781, 
contained 114 males from 21 to 70, and 26 males from 16 to 21, 
making 140; quadruple this and we shall have 560 inhabitants, for 
all the county of Westmoreland three years after the battle and 
massacre of Wyoming." — Miner. This was one year before the 
Decree of Trenton, and the same length of time before the State of 
Pennsylvania undertook to drive them out of the State by force. 

The Pennsylvania legislature set out in 1783 by outlawing the 
people of Wyoming. It sent its soldiers and most treacherous 
officers here to drive them out. They did; but the very sufferings 
of the expelled people forced the government to call them back 


again, and it finally compelled the government of the State to treat 
them as citizens of the State, though they were charged treble for 
their land. 

For many years their lands were assessed as first, second, third 
and fourth class, and valued as the commissioners (who had sur- 
veyed and certified them) had valued them. Then for many more 
years they were assessed as, — tillable land=^ per acre, — un- 
tillable land=;^2.50 per acre. Naw, 1885, all the land underlaid 
with coal is assessed at ;^ioo.cxD and at ;?75.00 without regard to its 
being tillable or untillable. 

" Luzerne county was carved out of Northumberland county in 

"Northumberland was erected out of parts of Lancaster, Cumber- 
land, Berks, Bedford and Northampton counties in 1772. Luzerne 
was therefore, a part of Northampton until 1772, then a part of 
Northumberland till 1786. 

" Wayne and Pike were never a part of Luzerne, but were cut off 
from Northampton in 1798. They had been part of Westmoreland. 

"Susquehanna county was carved out of Luzerne in 1810. 

"Bradford " " " " " . " " 18 10. 

"Wyoming " " " " " " " 1842. 

"Lackawanna " " " " " " " 1878. 

"The first three counties in the State were Philadelphia, Chester 
and Bucks, formed in 1682. 

"Northampton formed from part of Bucks, March 11, 1752. 

"Wayne formed from part of Northampton, March 21, 1798. 

"Pike formed from part of Wayne, March 26, 18 14. 

"Monroe formed from parts of Northampton and Pike, April i, 

Rep. Secty. Internal Affairs i8y^-j — •//. J2-j. 




HE exact time when Hanover was first settled is not known. It 
was, of course, taken possession of in a general way, by the 
first hundred men that came as settlers into the valley in February 
and April, 1769, and some cultivation of land was probably done 
within its bounds in the upper end. A step-daughter of Matthias 
Hollenback related many years afterwards, that HoUenback, a 
member of Captain Lazarus Stewart's company of forty men from 
Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, came into the valley with Stewart 
and his party by way of Mauch Chunk and the Warrior Path over 
the mountains into Hanover in the fall of 1769. We hear nothing 
further of them during that fall. They were driven out of the 
valley if they were here, by the Pennamites in September, 1769, 
with the rest of the Yankee settlers. 

Early in February, 1770, Captain Stewart and his forty ment 
and having with them ten Connecticut people, came into the valley, 
surprised the Pennamite garrison in Fort Durkee, at Wilkes-Barre, 
and expelled them from the valley. He took the dreaded four- 
pounder from its housing at Mill Creek, with its ammunition, and 
transported it to Fort Durkee. The list of the names of the forty 
Lancastrians that Captain Stewart had with him at this time is as 
follows : — 

The "Paxtang" or "Paxton Boys" that came with Captain 
Lazarus Stewart to Wyoming valley and Hanover in February, 
1770: — * 

Lazarus Stewart, Adam Storer, George Aspen, 

Thomas French, Jacob Stagard, John Lard, 

Robert Young, George Ely, John McDonnell, 

James Stewart, Lodwick Shalman, George Meane, 

♦Steuben Jenkins furnished this list and the succeeding letter. 


Lazarus Stewart, Jr., Joseph Neal, Nicholas Farrings, 

William Young, John Neal, Conrad Philip, 

Peter Kidd, Baltzer Stagard, Casper Relker, 

John Robinson, John Stellie, Jacob Faulk, 

Thomas Robinson, John McDonner, John Sault, 

John Simpson, William Stewart, Peter Szchewer, 

Adam Harper, Lazarus Young, Robert Kidd, 

Peter Seaman, William Carpenter, Ronemus Haine, 

John Poop, Luke Shawley, Adam Sherer. 
Matthew Hollenbaugh. 

It will be seen, as we proceed, that all these men dropped out 
within one, or at most two years, except Lazarus Stewart, Lazarus 
Stewart, Jr., James Stewart, William Stewart, Robert Young, 
William Young, John Robinson and Thomas Robinson — eigkt — 
from Lancaster county, and their places were partly filled by 
Charles Stewart, David Young, John Young, James Robinson, 
Wm, Graham, John Donahow, Josias Aspia, Hugh Coffrin — eight — 
from Lancaster county, and John Franklin and Silas Gore — two — 
from Connecticut — making ten new men — altogether numbering 

The preliminary correspondence so far as we have it is as fol- 
lows : — 

*' Colony of Connecticut, Windham, January 15, 1770. 
*' Gentlemen : — 

''We received a letter some time ago, directed to Major John 
Durkee, wherein it was proposed by John Montgomery, Lazarus 
Young and others, that as we had been so unjustly treated in re- 
moving our settlers off from the Wyoming lands, that if we would 
give unto the said Montgomery, Young and their associates to the 
number of fifty, a township of land six miles square in our pur- 
chase, at some suitable and commodious place, that the said Mont- 
gomery, etc., to the number of fifty would immediately enter on 
our lands at Wyoming, take care of our houses and effects and 
with our people that are there, and such as shall from time to time 
join them on. said land, and hold possession of said lands with us. 
We have, with the advice of a large committee of s'd company, 
considered of s'd proposals and do in behalf of ourselves and the 
Susquehanna purchasers, agree to and with the said Montgomery, 
Young and their associates to the number of fifty, that they shall 


have a good township of land of six miles square, within said pur- 
chase, invested with the same right to s'd township as the s'd 
company now have, and shall further promise to be laid out when 
it shall be convenient for the purposes aforesaid, and not so as to 
prejudice, but in aid of our settlers, that have already been on, and 
it is to be understood that the s'aid Montgomery, Young, etc., are * 
to become parcel of our s'd settlers, and be under the same regu- 
lations with our settlers as such; and we have sent herewith two of 
our Proprietors as a com'tee, to treat with you on the affair, and 
go with you to Wyoming, to wit: Capt. Zebulon Butler and Mr. 
Ebenezer Backus, and to lay out said township as they and you 
shall agree if you think best, Gapt. Butler to remain at Wyoming 
with you, Mr. Backus to return and bring us advice as soon as the 
circumstances of the case will permit. You may expect Major 
Durkee to join you as soon as his affairs will permit. And whereas 
many of the settlers will join you soon, we have a good deal of 
reason to expect success with our Assembly in May. Now as 
there are sundry things in favor of the Colony title that we have 
discovered lately we wish you good success in this and every lawful 
enterprise and are your sincere friends and very humble servants. 

''Eliphalet Dyer, ^ 

" Sam'l Gray, V " Committee for said Compayiy!' 

"Nath'l Wales, Jr., J 

It is remarkable that "Captain Lazarus Stewart and William 
Stewart and their associates" are not mentioned in the above docu- 
ment. It is John Montgomery and Lazarus Young and their 
associates to the number of fifty. It is not known that Mont- 
gomery was ever here, but Lazarus Young certainly was. He was 
drowned while assisting in bringing mill-irons up the river. 

There was some pretty sharp fighting during the months of 
March and April following, but the men sent by the Proprietary 
government were defeated, and on the 29th of April they left the 

Some of Captain Stewart's men seem to have had enough of it 
during this first campaign. One of his men was the first killed in 
the contest. His name is given as William Stager, but the name 
was probably Jacob or Baltzer Stagard. John McDonner sold his 
right or claim in February and left. The men were constantly 


changing — some were probably badly wounded and retired ; some 
were killed, some were drowned. New men were coming in and 
taking their places, but their number was diminishing. Land was 
now teing surveyed, plotted and numbered preparatory to allot- 
ment, or division by lot. Farming went on swimmingly, when sud- 
denly in September, without any warning, they were all either cap- 
tured in their fields at work, or they escaped by fleeing to the moun- 
tain. They were taken by surprise by the Pennamites. The lead- 
ing Yankees that had been captured were sent to jail, and the 
others driven out of the valley. A garrison was left in the fort to 
hold possession for the Proprietary government. 

On the 1 8th of December, the same year, 1770, without any 
previous notice, suddenly in the night, "Hurrah for King 
George," awoke the sleeping garrison of Pennamites to find them- 
selves prisoners, and Captain Lazarus Stewart with thirty men had 
possession of the fort. Six of the garrison escaped nearly naked 
to the mountain. The prisoners were unceremoniously expelled 
from the valley. Thus ended 1770. 

January 20, 1771, the Pennamites were before the fort in Wilkes- 
Barre in superior numbers ; an assault was made and repulsed with 
loss of life to the Pennamites, but during the night Stewart 
abandoned the fort and took to the mountains. Early in April 
Capt. Stewart and Capt. Butler came back together, laid siege to 
the Perlnami'te forces in the fort, carried on their farming operations 
at the same time, repulsed all the eflbrts at relief by the Proprietary 
government, and by the 14th of August had the garrison starved 
into a surrender. This was the end of the first Pennamite and 
Yankee War. It had lasted nearly three years. 

What further arrangement had been made between the Susque- 
hanna Company and Captain Stewart and his men up to this time 
is not known to the writer. There had, doubtless, been one of 
some kind, but circumstances were changing as well as men, and 
the company's arrangement witl^ them had probably changed also. 
It is asserted that when Hanover was granted to Stewart and his 
forty associates, ten men were to be added to them, taken from the 
two hundred Yankees that had come on ahead of them in 
1769 — that the number of proprietors of a township there- 
after — with the exception of Kingston — was to be fifty, — Kingston 


having been taken possession of by the first forty that came alone 
ahead of all the rest, was to continue the possession of the forty. 

It will be seen that Hanover had in fact, at the time of the dis- 
tribution or allotment of the lands, only cighfeen proprietors — "as- 
sociates" — but these eighteen had eighteen others — "hired 
men" — to make "not less than thirty-six- settlers." And the town- 
ship was not six miles square, but only five, as was Wilkes-Barre 
and the others in the valley. 

Hanover was divided into three divisions called first, second 
and third. Each of these divisions was cut up into thirty-one lots. 
Twenty-eight of these lots were apportioned among " Captain 
Lazarus Stewart and William Stewart and their associates," and 
three were given for public use. These lots in the first division 
were about forty-two rods wide and reached from the Susquehanna 
River, back five miles to the township line beyond the top of the 
Big Mountain, and contained about four hundred and thirty acres 
each. These were divided among the "associates" in 1771 or 1772. 

The twenty-eight lots in the second division were divided 
among the very same men — with one additional associate — as the 
first division. If any had died, or sold out and gone away, since 
the other division had been alloted, the heirs and successors drew 
in the allotment of this division in the name of the original owner 
or associate. Each of the associates had at least one lot in each of 
the divisions. The lots in the second division contained about 
fifty-five acres each and in the third division about one hundred 
and twenty acres each on an average — the latter divided or dis- 
tributed in 1787. 


"At a meeting of the Susquehannah company held by order of 
adjournment at Windham, January 9th, A. D. 1771 : — 

"Voted, That the company taking into consideration the 
special services done this company by Capt. Lazarus Stewart, Wm. 
Stewart and others, their associates, in taking and regaining posses- 
sion for us on our purchase on Susquehannah river, that they and 
their associates shall have and be entitled to all the company's right 
to the Township they have chosen, called Hanover, unless they may 


be willing to admit some few others whome they esteme the most 
deserving, to come in for a share with them, Provided they keep 
and hold possession according to the former voates of said company. 

"A true coppy, Test Samuel Gray — Clark. i 

" A true coppy taken from a copy by me 

''James Lasley — Clark." 

"At a meeting of the Susquehannah company held at Windham 
by adjournment June I2th, 1771, Major Elijah Talkett, Moderator, 
Samuel Gray, Clark. Whereas, this company at thare meating held 
at Windham March the 13th, 1771, Voted, that it was necessary and 
best for the interest of this company to regain and hold possession 
of our settlements at Wyoming and in order thereto it was voted 
that those 540 settlers formerly voted, as also those settlers to 
whome the Township of Hanover was granted, should go forward 
and take the Possession of our lands at Wyoming by the first day 
of June instant; and at the meeting of the company in April last it 
was voted and agreed further to suspend entering the s'd land till 
the adjourned meeting held at Hartford, May the 15th last, which 
meeting by adjournment comes to this time, it is now adjudged 
necessary best and voted that the said 540 settlers immediately go 
forward and take the possession of our lands at Wyoming and hold 
the same according to the former voates of this company at their 
meetings held at Windham in March and April last, and that they 
be on said lands by the loth day of July next. 

" Whereas, it is probable that some of the settlers will fail of 
going on and taking Possession of thare settling rights according 
to the voats of this Company, and some others have forfited thare 
settling rights by unfaithfulness, and it will be necessary to fill up 
the said number to 540 settlers, it is now voated that the Company 
of settlers when thay have got the Possession of said lands, either 
by themselves or a committee by them chosen, shall have full 
power to admit new settlers upon such forfited rights and fill the 
said number up if good, able and faithful men shall offer themselves, 
and if any Person or Persons shall be agrieved at the doings of 
said company of settlers or if such committee as they shall appoint 
respecting the disposal of any such forfited right or rights they 


shall have liberty to lay such a grievance before this company at 
some futer meating, to be determined by this company at such 
futer meating." 

*'A true coppy Test Sam'l Gray, Clark. 

"Taken from a coppy by me. James Lasley, Clark." 

These 540 settlers for Wyoming formed too large a force for the 
Pennsylvania Proprietaries to contend with, and the war was not 
renewed till 1775 in the Plunkett invasion. 

"Proprietors' Meeting, Wilkes-Barre, Oct. 19, 1772. Capt. Zeb- 
ulon Butler, Moderator for ye work of ye day. 

"Voted, That Capt. Lazarus Stewart and William Stewart are 
deserving the town of Hanover, agreeably to the votes passed at the 
general meeting of the Proprietors of the Susquehanna Co., held at 
Windham, Jan. 9, 1771." 

The writer has been unable to learn that anything was ever paid 
the Susquehanna Company for the lands in Hanover except the ser- 
vice of driving the Pennamites from the valley. The lots were 
probably divided out to each man in proportion to the service he 
had thus rendered. Capt. Stewart had six lots in the first division, 
Lazarus Stewart, Jr., two — Wm. Stewart three — Thomas Robinson 
two — Wm. Young two, then one lot each to the other thirteen 
men; total twenty-eight lots without counting the three public lots. 

In the second division it is the same, except that Capt. Lazarus 
Stewart has only five lots and Elijah Inman — a new man — has one. 


"'Thus' says Cooper, Mn Hanover, one part of the township 
was marked out and divided among the settlers at an early day, or 
stage, of the settlement. 

"'A second division was made 8 June, 1776. 

"'A third division was made 12 Sept., 1787.' 

"The owners of these settling rights sometimes sold out before 
all the divisions were made; sometimes they sold one division and 
retained the rest, etc., etc. — sometimes the undivided share was sold 
and the divided land retained, etc., etc."* 

At what particular date these lots in the first division of Han- 
over were divided or allotted among the associates is not now 
known, but it was sometime between 1771 and 1772, and it was 

♦Steuben Jenkins. « 



probably in 1772. Silas Gore was one of the Stewart ^^ associates',^ 
and it is assumed by the writer that he could not be one of them 
and at the same time own a settling right in another township, with 
the obligation to man and defend it. Well, Silas Gore owned a 
whole settling right in Wilkes-Barre in 1772. On July 6, 1772, he 
sold it to Jonathan StowelL* Now it is assumed that after this he 
joined Capt. Stewart's associates. As early as Dec. 22, 1782, we 
find David Young, another of the Stewart associates, sells to 
Thomas Robinson, also a Stewart associate, lot No. 7 — i Div. 
Hanover. 13 Oct. 1774. Ebenezer Hibbard to Edward Spencer, 
lot No. 10 — I Div., 400 acres. July i, 1775, Silas Gore sells part 
of lot No. 28 — I Div. Hanover, to Samuel Ensign. These lots 
were allotted to Young and John Robinson and Gore when the 
division was made. This is pretty good evidence that the division 
was made in 1772 and after July 6, and before December 22. First, 
because Gore could not have owned a "settling right" in Wilkes- 
Barre and at the same time have been one of the associate owners of 
Hanover; second, because a part of lot 7 in Hanover was sold 22d 
Dec, 1772, and must have been previously allotted; third, they 
were not allotted before Gore joined the associates. 

''A list of Capt. Lazarus* Stewart and William Stewart's asso- 
ciates, and their names, and numbers of their lots: — 


Capt. Lazarus Stewart 
Capt. Lazarus Stewart 
Capt. Lazarus Stewart 
Lazarus Stewart jr. . 
Lazarus Stewart jr. . 
John Donahow . . . 
David Young . . . 
Capt. Lazarus Stewart 
William Graham . . 
John Robinson . . . 
James Robinson . . 
Thomas Robinson . 
'Josias Aspia .... 
'Hugh Caffron . . . 
John Franklin . . . 
' Robert Young . . . 

. No. 





3 ' 



























"John Young 



"William Young . . 


"William Stewart . . 


"Thomas Robinson . 


"James Stewart . . . 


"William Young . . . 


" Capt. Lazarus Stewart 


" Capt. Lazarus Stewart 


" William Stewart . . 


"Charles Stewart . . 


"William Stewart . . 


"Silas Gore 


"Parsonage Lot . . . 


"Public Lot . . . .* 


" Public or Local Lot 


* Miner, page 162. 


" We do certify that the above named is our associates, with as 
many other hired men, to the number of thirty-six exclusive of the 
three pubHc lots. 

" Lazarus Stewart, Capt 
"William Stewart. 

** Delivered to James Lasley to put on Record. 

"Recorded April 10, 1777 by me 

"James Lasley, Clark." 

Among the first two hundred New England settlers that came to 

W'yoming Valley in 1769 were: — 

Moses Hibbard, Jenks Corey (Corah), 

Moses Hibbard, jr., Silas Gore, 

Ebenezer Hibbard, John Franklin, 
Joseph Morse. 

These seven men were all New England men, they all came 
with the first two hundred settlers in 1769 to Wyoming. Each 
owned a settling right somewhere, that is, land to the amount of 
400 acres, as granted to the first forty settlers in each township. 
That was the quantity of land in each settling right, except in 
Hanover. • 

Silas Gore owned such a settling right in Wilkes-Barre. He 
sold it in 1772 and took a settling right in Hanover, as one of the 
associates of Lazarus and William Stewart. Here in Hanover, a 
settling right or the quantity of land owned by each of the asso- 
ciates was not less than 600 acres. 

John Franklin owned a settling right in Hanover. He was one 
of the Stewart associates. He had owned a settling right some- 
where else before he came here or joined the Stewart associates. 
There is no record known to the writer of his sale of it, but he had 
to dispose of it before he could hold land under that title in Han- 
over. ^ 

The other five had probably sold their settling rights that they 
had owned elsewhere, as they owned land in Hanover and resided 
on it. In Hanover they were simply proprietors. They might 
own more or less than a settling right, but they did not own by 
right of a settling right. Every owner of land whether much or 
little was a proprietor, and had a voice equal to any other in a town- 
meeting of the proprietors, provided he was a resident. 


Col. Wright, in his Sketches of Plymouth, has Joseph Morse as 
one of the pioneer settlers of Plymouth. That being true, then he 
had sold his settling right there and came to Hanover. 

Five of them were in the Wyoming Massacre, and three of 
them were slain. 

At a meeting of the Susquehanna Company at Hartford, Con- 
necticut, in 1773, it was resolved and voted that: — 

'' Whereas, there is some difficulty with respect to the voats rela- 
tive to the town of Hanover, and the number of settlers to be 
placed in said town, it is the understanding of this meeting, that by 
the voates of this company Capt. Lazarus Stewart and Wm. Stewart 
and their associates shold have the Derection of filling up said 
town of Hanover, and that there shall not be less than thirty-six 

settlers on said : . . to hold the same, the reglation of 

said. . . . . . to be nevertheless under the controal of this com- 
pany as other towns are. 

"At adjourned meeting at Hartford, June 2d, 1773. 

"A copy taken by Wm. Stewart. 

"A true copy taken from a copy by 

"James Lasley — Clark." 

Now, there was nothing to disturb the settlers and they went to 
work clearing land, building houses and making rough homes for 
themselves, when they were startled December, 1775, by the news 
that another invasion of the valley was preparing at Sunbury. 
While the tension of affairs between the colonies and the mother 
country was becoming severely strained, the English governors of 
the province chose that time as the particular moment in which to 
make a final attempt to dislodge the settlers and expel them from 
the valley. 

The second Pennamite and Yankee War — Plunkett's invasion in 
December, 1775 — called upon the Hanover men in an especial 
manner to defend themselves. They and the inhabitants of 
Plymouth would first feel the tread and the devastation of the 
hostile invader. Captain Stewart was in command of them, but his 
forces of probably forty men, were divided, half of them with the 
main army on the west side of the river, and twenty men with 
Stewart on the east side to repel any attempt to land in Hanover. 


The story of the fight has been told in a previous part of this 
book. The only thing that need be said here is that Stewart was 
not accustomed to firing blank cartridges. When the boat, filled 
with soldiers said to have been under the immediate command of 
the redoubtable Colonel Plunkett himself, arrived within fair shoot- 
ing distance of the Hanover shore, a volley of ball cartridges were 
fired into them. One man was killed outright, two were severely 
wounded, as afterwards learned, and a dog killed. The men, or 
soldiers, all lay down in the boat and begged of the Yankees to 
cease firing and permit them to steer their boat down the falls. It 
is said that Plunkett lay down flat on the bottom of the boat, fear- 
ing if he were seen he would be surely killed. As they promised 
to leave and not attempt to land anywhere on the east side of the 
river below, the Yankees, or the Hanover men, allowed them to 
steer down the falls. Col. Wright, in his Sketches of Plymouth, 
says Benjamin Harvey, Jr., a Plymouth man, a prisoner with the 
Pennamites, was put upon this boat as a kind of shield, and that he 
begged of Stewart after the first volley not to fire upon them any 
more as he might injure his friends. 

Captain Lazarus Stewart's lot had fallen upon Nos. i, 2, and 3 
in the first division (among others), the latter lot afterwards known 
as the Alexader Jameson lot. That is the third lot from the Wilkes- 
Barre line (as it is now), and upon that land about midway between 
the river road and the river bank was — and is — an elevation in 
the flats slightly higher than the surrounding plain, upon which 
there stood a block-house at the time of the Wyoming battle and 
massacre in 1778. This block-house was also the dwelling of Capt. 
Stewart's family. His family was there when he was slain in that 
battle and massacre and fled with the rest of the inhabitants in the 
neighborhood, some down the river in boats and some on foot. The 
people of the lower end of Hanover fled across the mountain by 
the Warriors' Path. This Stewart block-house was probably not 
the fortification built by the residents of the township at the re- 
quest of the general town-meeting immediately after the declara- 
tion of independence by Congress in 1776. This block-house and 
the other buildings in the neighborhood and along the river road 
in the upper part of the township were burnt by the Indians and 
tories after the inhabitants fled, and all the furniture and property 


left in the houses and barns and fields was destroyed or carried 
away. No buildings have ever been* erected there since. There 
was, however, some kind of a defensive work at the "Stewart 
Place" in 1782. 

The writer has been unable to find where the township built its 
block-house in 1776 (it was not a fort), but it was probably about 
three miles or less further down the road, towards the west, say two 
miles above Nanticoke, where the block-house afterwards stood, 
that was so often defended by Lieutenant Rosewell Franklin and 
his neighbors against Indian attacks. 

There were other block-houses in Hanover besides these, after 
1778. People that lived in the township at all after 1778 and until 
peace was declared, lived in block-houses or in the immediate 
vicinity of one. How many there were is not known, but there are 
persons still living who have seen such a house, then in use as a 
dwelling, standing near the river road, a short distance east of the 
house of the late Samuel Pell. There was probably one at Nanti- 
coke. The ordinary dwelling-houses of the times from 1778 to 
1782-3 were loop-holed, and prepared for defense from hostile 
attack. • 

Captain Stewart and his associates were not all Pennsylvanians. 
There were two or three Yankees among them. We have no list* 
of the names of the inhabitants except the nineteen and the names 
of some found through their town-meetings, and those who were 
remembered that were killed, or escaped from the massacre in 
1778; but from the names among the inhabitants of the township 
after the Pennamite troubles of 1783 to 1785 it would be supposed 
that they were mostly descendants of the Puritans of New England. 
The Scotch and Scotch-Irish Pennsylvanians had been nearly alL 
killed off by the massacre, and few others from Lancaster county 
came in to take their places. So there were then "Yankees" from 
Connecticut, Pennsylvania " Dutch," New York and New Jersey 
" Dutch," English, Irish, Welsh and a Negro, and the remnant of 
the Scotch-Irish Pennsylvania Paxton Boys. The Yankees were 
Congregationalists, the Scotch-Irish were Presbyterians, and it may 
be fairly presumed that the Pennsylvania and other Dutch were 
Lutherans, or German Reformed. The settlers were all very relig- 
ious and took care to have a clergyman with them, or at least a dea- 



con accustomed to conducting religious services. The Pennsylva- 
nians or Lancaster men had a Presbyterian church or "meeting- 
house" somewhere in the township, though it is now uncertain where 
it stood. Christopher Hurlbut's journal speaks of the murder of 
John Jameson at the Hanover Green in 1782, and says it was near 
where the church was aften.vards built, showing that no church 
edifice had been built there since the lot had been set off for that 
purpose up to 1782, at least. The lot was set aside for church uses 
in 1776. The Yankee Congregationalists held religious meetings 
in private houses and in barns, not being at all particular where 
they worshiped, but always being very particular to worship, even 
if it was in the open air. They believed they could worship God 
as well in one place as another. 

The Book of ''Records" of the Proprietors of Hanover town- 
ship or district, in the "Town of Westmoreland," in the county of 
Litchfield, Connecticut, commences in 1776. 

A record of some kind must have been kept from 1 770-1 — the 
end of the first "Pennamite and Yankee War" — to 1776, or to the 
opening of the war of independence. Houses were built and build- 
ing, school-houses were built in every township, taxes were levied 
and collected, school and township committees were appointed in 
town-meeting, — and a record must have been kept. It is now 
lost — or at least not known to exist. The one we have begins as 
follows: — 

'* To James Lasley of the District of Hanover in the town of 
Westmoreland * * *" requiring him to: — 

" Warn all the Proprietors of said District of Hanover to meet 
at the dwelling-house of Titus Hinman in said district on the 25th 
*day of March instant, at one of the clock afternoon, and then and 
there, first, to choose a Proprietors' Clark and committee for said 
district; secondly, to come into some proper method to get the un- 
divided lands laid out in s'd district; ////r^/;^, to any other business 
gone over and necessary to be done at s'd meeting; hereof fail not 
and make due return of the warrant with your doings thereon ac- 
cording to law. 

"Dated at Westmoreland the 5th day of March, 1776. 

"Nathan Denison, • 

"Justice of the Peace." 


In obedience to the above mandate, the proper written ''warning" 
was posted up and the meeting was' held at the house of Titus 
Hinman, March 25, 1776: — 

'' Voted, that John Jameson be Moderator for s'd meeting. 

"Voted, that James Lasley be Proprietors' Clark for s'd district. 

" Voted, that Captain Lazarus Stewart, William Stewart, John 
Franklin, Titus Hinman and Robert Young be appointed a com- 
mittee for said district. 

" Voted, that there be left six acres where the committee shall 
think proper for the use of a meeting-house and other things neces- 
sary for public use in the common land." 

Adjourned to April 25, 1776. 

April 25, 1776, meeting held at Titus Hinman's. 

Caleb Spencer, Moderator for the day. 

James Lasley, Clerk. 

"Voted, that the two great roads from Wilkes-Barre line through 
this district to Newport line be six rods wide each ; and from the 
first great road nearest the river, of the above-mentioned roads, to 
the south end of the district, be six rods wide each, only the road 

next Newport to be rods wide, and all roads from the north 

great road that runs east and west to the river, be as wide as our 
committee shall think proper; said roads to be given for public 
use forever from us, the Proprietors of the District." 

At a meeting held May i, 1776. 

Titus Hinman, Moderator for the day. 

James Lasley, Clerk. 

Voted, "That all the undivided land between the mountain and 
the river shall be laid out thus : that it shall be laid out as nearly 
square as it will admit of or the committee shall think fit, not more 
being laid out in one lot than belongs to a right, and when the re- 
turns of the surveyor are made, then each man draws for his lot." 

"Voted, Lieut. Lazarus Stewart and James Spencer is appointed 
a committee to go with the surveyor to say where proper to run 
the line by the mountain." 

These are the lots in the second division in Hanover. 

Meeting, June 8, 1776. 

Titus Hinman, Moderator for the day. 

James Lasley, Clerk. 



"Voted, that the District pay James Lasley six shillings for a 
book to keep the District Records in." 

List of second division lots, their names and numbers as they 
drew according to the original, June 8, 1776. 


"Thomas Robinson . 

** Robert Young . . . 
" Charles Stewart . . 
** William Young . . 
"Thomas Robinson . 
" Capt. Lazarus Stewart 
" Lazarus Stewart, jr. . 
"James Robinson . . 
" Capt. Lazarus Stewart 
" Capt. Lazarus Stewart 
"William Stewart . . 
"William Young . . 
" John Danahough . . 
"William Stewart . . 
" Capt. Lazarus Stewart 
"William Stewart . . 

. No 

. 29 ! 


19 1 


22 1 


26 1 


9 ' 


















10 i 


28 i 


20 ; 

"Elijah Inman . . . 
22 I " Lazarus Stewart, jr. . 
"Capt. Lazarus Stewart 
"William Graham 
"Public Lot . 
"John Young . 
"John Robinson 
"James Stewart 
"Silas Gore . . 
"David Young 
" Parsonage Lot 
"Public Lot . 
"Josias Aspiey 
"John Franklin 

No. 30 

" 12 

" 8 

'' 4 

" I 

" 16 

'' 3 

" II 

" 2 

" 13 

" 17 

" 6 

'' 5 

" 23 

" 27 

The above are all the same names as those drawing the lots 
in the first division with one name added* (Elijah Inman) making 
nineteen persons. 

There was no halting in their work. The meeting, where it was 
determined to have the undivided land surveyed, was held May i, 
1776, and the land was divided by "lot" on June 8, 1776. 

There were other settlers in the township besides these and 
their hired men; why did not some of them draw settlers' rights 
in the land? The Hopkins, the Campbells, the Caldwells, the 
Spencers, the Bennetts, the Hibbards, the Jamesons, the Hin- 
mans, the Wades, Lasley, McKarrican, Espy, Line, Pell, and num- 
bers of others. A Proprietor was the owner of land whether much 
or little; a settler's or associate's right in Hanover was about six 
hundred acres. 

At a meeting of the Proprietors of Hanover at the house of 
Titus Hinman-^May 28, 1776: — 

"Voted, that number one in the second division is of more 
value than the other lots, it is to be fifteen acres less in number than 
the rest of the lots." 


This was the lot upon which James Cofifrin, — [Cofron, Cockron, 
Cochrane) — had erected a grist-mill several years before. The 
division or drawing of the lots took place June 8, 1776, and 
William Graham, — [Grimes, Greames) — drew the lot. It was more 
valuable as a mill seat than the other lots of the second division. 
Cofifrin bought it of Graham after the drawing. 

June 8, 1776. "Voted, for the futer our meetings shall be warned 
by five or more of the Proprietors making application to the Pro- 
prietor's Clark for a meeting and then he shall set up his warnings 
one at the upper end of the District and the other at the lower end 
of the District at the most Public places not less than six days 
before said meeting." 

, On June i6, 1776, James Coffrin deeds to John Comar [Com- 
mer) a lot of land in the District of Hanover, Lot No. i, second div- 
ision, bounded as follows: "N'ly by Susquehanna River; S'ly by 
James Stewart; E'ly by William Stewart; W'ly by Newport line; 
being drawed to ye Proprietorship of William Grimes." This is the 
lot on which Col. Washington Lee's house stood at Nanticoke. 
After 1830 the backwater from the dam covered and hid the place 
where Coffrin's Mills stood. No one now — 1885 — remembers the 
place where they stood. The old "Lee's Mill," well remembered 
still, did not occupy the site of the original Nanticoke mill of 
James Coffrin. Coffrin's Mill was much nearer the river, and with- 
in Hanover's boundaries, while Lee's Mill was within the boundaries 
of Newport. 


The first of the two great roads, (the River Road and the Middle 

" Beginning at a stake on the line of said District of Hanover, 
(the Newport line) near to Mr. Coffrin's Mills; thence N. 79° E. 68 
rods, — thence N. 84° E. 116 rods, — thence N. 85° E. 15 rods, — . 
thence S. 75° E. 38 rods, to a stake on Capt. Stewart's land, — (lots 
No. 23 and 24), thence N. 6^° E. 1 14 rods, — thence N. ^j° E. 236 
rods, — thence S. 88° E. 40 rods, to an oven on James Lasley's land 
(lot No. 17), — thence N. 85° E. 20 rods, — thence N. 70° E. 44 
rods to a stake at the land of Ebenezer Wickesham, — thence N. 84° 
E. 40 rods, — thence N. 55° E. 204 rods to the upper corner of the 



meeting-house green, — thence same course 447 rods, — thence N. 
76° E. 40 rods to Edward Spencer's lot, — thence N. 70° E. 25 rods, 
— thence N. 73° E. 56 rods, — thence N. 79° E. 56 rods, — thence N. 
59° E. 56 rods, — thence N. 50° W. 18 rods crossing Moses' Creek, 
(Solomon's Creek), — thence N. 58° E. 96 rods, — thence N. 50° E. 
122 rods to the Wilkes-Barre line." "Sept. 23, 1776." 

The road was six rods wide, commenced on the line between 
Hanover and Newport townships, at Nanticoke near Coffrin's Mills. 
This road was run out and report made 23 Sept. 1776, Coffrin's 
Mills are assumed to be the mills so often mentioned by Miner as 
"at Nanticoke," "on the borders of Hanover and Newport," etc. 
William and James Coffrin were killed in the massacre, 1778. Sol- 
omon's Creek is called " Moses' Creek." There had been a road, 
where this one was now located by law, for five or six years, and 
the mills for making oil, and the forge for making iron had been 
built some years before on the Newport branch of the Nanticoke 
Creek beyond the Hanover line, but now — 1884-5 — ^^^ place is 
within the borough of Nanticoke. 


''Beginning at Newport line at a yellow pine tree; thence N. yy^ 
E. 244 rods to white pine tree on Capt. Stewart's land, — (lots 23 
and 24) — thence N. 88° E. 164 rods, — thence N. 55° E. 116 rods, — 
thence N. 40° E. 112 rods, — thence N. 58° E. 256 rods, — thence N. 
50° E. Ill rods, — thence N. 37° E. 215 rods, — thence N. such 
course as will meet Wilkes-Barre line one rod westward of the main 
road through said Wilkes-Barre, said road to ly southeastwardly 
from said marks and bounds six rods wide. 

"Dated at Westmoreland the 23 day of September 1776. 

" Christopher Avery, 
•' George Dorrance, I Select 

" William McKerachan ( Men." 
" John Jenkin.s. J 

At the same time cross-roads were surveyed and made, generally 

six rods wide. This was all under Connecticut jurisdiction. 

ancient transfers of real estate in HANOVER. 

1772 — Nov. 25. Lazarus Stewart to David Young (Guarantee) 
— Lot No. 7 — I Div. 


1772 — Dec. 22. David Young to Thomas Robinson — Lot No. 
7 — I Div. 

1774 — May 8. James and John Robinson to Richard Robinson 
— Lot No. 7 — I Div. 

1774 — June II. Ebenezer Hibbard to Cyprian Hibbard — 

1774 — Oct. 13. Ebenezer Hibbard to Edward Spencer — Lot 
No. 10 — I Div. 400 acres. 

1774 — Oct. 25. Robert Young to Samuel Howard — Undivided 

1775 — July I. Silas Gore to Samuel Ensign — Lot No. 28 — i 

1776 — July 13. John Jameson to Wm. and Cyprian Hibbard — 
Lot No. 25 — I Div. 

1776 — August 30. Lazarus Stewart, Jr., to Wm. McKarrachan 
—Lot No. 8—2 Div. 

1776 — Robert Young to Samuel Gordon — Lot No. 16 — 1 Div. 

1776 — John Franklin to Samuel Gordon — Lot 15 — i Div. 

1776 — June 16. James Coffrin to John Comer — Lot No. i — 2 

1776 — Sept. II. Lazarus Stewart, Jr.j to Nathaniel Howard — 
Undivided land. 

1776 — Sept. II. Matthew Hollenback to Samuel Ensign — Lot 
No: 12 — I Div. 

1777 — Jan 15. Wm. McKarrachan to Gideon Booth, Jr. — Lot 
No. 8 — 2 Div., "ye meeting-house lot." 

1777 — Feb. 5. Silas Gore to Wm. McKarrachan — Lot No. 28 
I Div. 

1777 — Mar. 15. John Franklin to Nathan Howell — Lot No. 15 
I Div. 

1777 — Mar. 19. Gideon Baldwin to Caleb Spencer — 

1777 — Mar. 19. Caleb Spencer to Gideon Baldwin — 

1777 — Mar. 19. Caleb Spencer to Peleg Burritt — Lot No. 7 — i 

1777 — May 2. William Hibbard to Cyprian Hibbard — Lot No. 
25 and 18. 

1777 — May 13. Margaret Neill to Richard Robinson — 


^777 — M^y 20. James Lasley to Jenks Corey — Lot No. 14 — i 

^777 — May 25. Dr. Samuel Cooke to John Staples — Lot No. 6 
—I Div. 

1777 — June 7. Jenks Corey to Dr. Samuel Cooke — Lot No. 14 
— I Div. 

^777 — June 24. Matthew Hollenback to John Hollenback — 
Lots No. II and 12 — i Div. 

1777 — June 24. Matthew Hollenback to James Lasley — Lot 
No. 17 — I Div. 

1777 — July 6. James Cochran (Coffrin) to John Comer — Mill 
and 50 acres in 1775. 

1777 — Sept. 9. Wm. McKarrachan to John Ewings — Lot No. 
18 — I Div., where McK. lives. 

1777 — Sept. 12. Peleg Burritt to Gideon Burritt — Part of No. 7 
—I Div. 

1777 — Nov. 12, John Hollenback to {Deaco7i) John Hurlbut — 
Lots No. II and 12 — i Div. 

1778 — Jan 15. William Stewart to Cyprian Hibbard — * 

James CofTrin's (or Cochran) Mill in Hanover. 

"28 February, 1777, attachment. 

" Nathaniel Dav^enport vs. James Coffrin of Hanover. 

"September term, 1776, Damages ;^8o. Cause of action." 

" Ye Plff. declares that ye Deft, brought his action of 'damages 
against ye Plff. in Litchfield County Court," {Westmoreland) "at 
September Term, 1776, for the sum of £^0. L. M. for enticing 
and evilly contriving and persuading one. Job Scot, who ye Deft, 
had then agreed and bargained with to build and erect a certain 
Grist Mill in said Westmoreland at a place called Hanover District, 
etc., etc. 

"Writ issued by Zebulon Butler, J. P., to William Stewart, 

James Stewart — Hanover — "Claims about 60 acres of Lot No. 
16 — first division, drawn by Robert Young." 

Deed. — Westmoreland Records. — Robert Young to Samuel 
Gordon. " Tract of land situate on N. branch of Nanticoke Creek 
(No. 16), adjoining and below where John Franklin's line between 

♦I am indebted to Steuben Jenkins for nearly all this list of transfers. 


John (No. 15) and said Young's lot crosses the creek at the lowest 
place, and as the said line runs from the one branch to the other, 
thence on the high bank runs on both sides of the creek down to 
the bank next above the fence made by John Ewing's (lot No. 1 8) 
to run from the end of the bank which points to the creek square 
across to a line run between said Young's lot and Matthias Hollen- 
back'slot;" (No. 17). 

Dated ^77^- Consideration, £\2. ($40.) 

The above attachment and the conveyance seemed to the writer 
very interesting papers, and for that alone are introduced. 

The last entry before the massacre is i/Z^- On 

July 3, 1778, the terrible battle, and massacre of the people took 
place at Wyoming. The people left alive all fled from the valley in 
the wildest confusion and disorder, and the whole country was left 
without inhabitants. Nearly all the Westmoreland Records were 
abandoned in the flight. Almost everything was left behind; but 
the person in possession of the Hanover Book of Proprietors' 
Records — probably James Lasley, the town-clerk — carried it away. 
He survived, and returned in 1786, and the book is again 
brought into use in town-meetings, although the jurisdiction of 
Connecticut, under which the book had been commenced, had 
ceased by the Decree at Trenton in 1782, and Pennsylvania had 
succeeded to it. The meetings of the proprietors in "town-meet- 
ings" now go right on as if there had been no change in the state 
to which they belonged. This proprietors' book shows nothing of 
the occurrences of the reign of tyranny and treachery under Penn- 
sylvania rule from 1782 up to 1785. They have been sufficiently 
detailed in the first part of this work and were called the third 
Pennamite and Yankee War. 

Of the time from 1778 to 1782 the Indian and tory raids and 
murders were so frequent that the settlers had no time nor heart for 
town-meetings, and probably none were held. But now, when the 
meetings and the regular town business are resumed, we find but 
very few of the old names. William Stewart is here, and James 
Lasley, Robert and Wm. Young, and one of the Robinsons; the 
Jamesons, Hibbards, Inmans, Burretts and Spencers have represent- 



Now we will introduce the names of the Hanover men in the 
Wyoming Massacre, the killed, and the escaped, and the names of 
the residents of Hanover at the time that were not in the massacre. 

Hanover men that were in the battle and massacre July 3, 1778, 
and were killed: 

Capt. Lazarus Stewart, 
Lieut. Lazarus Stewart, 
Ensign Jeremiah Bigford,* 
Samuel Bigford,* 
William Coffrin, 
James Coffrin, 
Isaac Campbell, 
John Caldwell, 
Janks Corey,* 


John Franklin,* 

Capt. William McKarrachan, 
Ensign Silas Gore,* 
Ensign Titus Hinman,* 
Cyprean Hibbard,* 
Elijah Inman, Jr.,* 
Lsrael Inman,* 
Robert Jameson, Jr.,* 
William Jones, 
William Lester, 
James Spencer,* 
Josiah Spencer,* 
Levi Spencer,* 
Nathan Wade.* 

Jonathan Franklin,* 
James Hopkins,* 

Total, 26 killed. Fifteen New England men in above. 

Hanover men that were in the Wyoming Massacre of July 3, 

1778, and escaped: 

Rufus Bennett,* John Jameson,* 

Coe,* William Jameson,* 

Rosewell Franklin,* Joseph Morse (or Morris),* 

Arnold Franklin,* Thomas Neill (or Neal), 

Ebenezer Hibbard,* Josiah Pell, Jr., 

William Hibbard,* » Walter Spencer,* 

Jacob Haldron, Edward Spencer,* 

Richard Inman,* William Young. 
David Inman.* 

Total, ly escaped. Twelve are of New England. 

List of names of men resident in Hanover from 1776 to 1778 
who from old age, sickness, want of weapons or absence from the 
township were not in the Wyoming Battle and Massacre July 3, 


Robert Alexander, Joseph Jameson,* 

George Asbie, Alexander Jameson,* 

Peley Burritt (too old),* Thomas Jones, 

Stephen Burritt,*. Wm. Jackson (too old), 

Gideon Burritt,* James Lasley (too old), 

Gideon Booth, Jr.,* Edward Lester, 

Jonathan Corey,* Conrad Line, Sr. (too old), 


Asa Chapman,* • Asa Lyons, 

John Coleman, Josiah Pell, Sr. (too old), 

John Ewings, John Robinson, 

Wm. Graham, Wm. Stewart, 

Hagaman (too old), Caleb Spencer (too old),* 

Christopher Hurlbut (absent),* Thomas Wigton,* 

Elijah Inman, Sr. (too old),* Ebenezer Wickersham, 

John Inman (no gun),* David Young, 

Isaac Inman (no gun),* Robert Young. 
Robert Jameson, Sr. (too old).* 

Total, J J not in the massacre ; Fifteen are from New England. 

There were 26 killed, 17 escaped, 33 residents of Hanover not 
in the battle — total male inhabitants over 21 years, "j^. Out of the 
whole seventy-six, forty-four are New England men. They are 
marked with a star (*). Fourteen are Scotch-Irish. The remainder 
are Pennsylvania Dutch — 18. 

There may have been — there probably were — a few others in 
the Wyoming Massacre besides those named above. The list of 
those that escaped is about full. The list of those not in the mas- 
sacre, ijiostly old men, sick men, and men that had no fire-arms, 
and men absent from the valley, is not and cannot be entirely full, 
and there may be two or three under 21 years, but with two or, at 
mosty. three exceptions they were resident land-owners. Those 
known to have been too old are marked so. The return of the in- 
habitants and their sufferings and murder by Indians, and their 
further sufferings from the Pennsylvania government, after the 
Decree of Trenton, by murders, arsons, robbery, tyranny, evictions 
and expulsions have been sufficiently detailed in previous pages. 

In the third division allotment four of the original associates 
had left and their names had been dropped and two others taken in, 
so that now there are only sixteen associates. In each division 
there were three lots reserved — or rather drawn — for public use. 
The third division of lots was surveyed and allotted Sept. 12, 1787, 
after the Pennsylvania government had succeeded to the jurisdic- 
tion and the county of Luzerne had been erected. The third 
division seems to have been allotted in a different manner from the 
others : 

1 66 











) " 









) " 


'* Capt. Lazarus Stewart(^)No. 
" Capt. Lazarus Stewart(^) " 
"John Donahow ..." 
" Lieut. Laz. Stewart {d) " 
"John Robinson ..." 
"John Franklin (d) . . " 
" Robert Young . . . . " 
" Wm. Young {d) . . . " 
" Lieut. Laz. Stewart {d) " 
"James Robinson ..." 
"Wm. Young {d) . . . " 
"James Stewart {d) . . " 
"Thomas Robinson . . " 
" Parsonage Lot . . . . " 
" Capt. Lazarus Stewart {d) " 












"Wm. Stewart 

"Wm. Stewart 

"Wm. Stewart 

"Wm. Stewart 

"School Lot . 

"Wm. Stewart 

" Capt. Lazarus Stewart(^) 

" W^m. Graimes (Graham) 

"Elijah Inman 

"John Young . 

"James Lasley 

"Public Lot . 

"Wm. Stewart 

"Thomas Robinson 

" Sila» Gore {dead) . 

" Capt. Lazarus Stewart (^) 

"This division drawn by John Stewart and Jowel Burritt, in- 
different persons." Others besides those marked were probably 

At a meeting of the Proprietors of the town of Hanover legally 
warned and held at the house of James Lasley on Saturday, 31 
January, 1789. 
^ John Hurlbut, Moderator for the day. 

" Resolved, Whereas Elisha Delano is about to build a saw-mill 

on or near one of the public lots, first division. No. 29, by which 

means it will flow a quantity of land on said lot No. 29. Resolved 

that the Clark be impowered to make out a lease of all the land 

the mill pond flows for any term of time not exceeding ninety-nine 

years, the said Elisha Delano paying the sum of yearly rent of one 

shilling for each acre that said mill pond * * * ^^d necessary 

for logg way and board yard for said mill — Provided that the said 

Elisha Delano builds a sufficient saw-mill within one year from this 

date, 31 of January, 1789. 

"James Lasley, Clark." 

Lot No. 29 leased to Frederick Crisman for fourteen years, 
" Elisha Delano's lease for raising a pond on this lot reserved." This 
was the Red Tavern lot. The mill was afterwards made a grist- 
mill and became finally the Behee Mill. The leases to Delano and 
to Crisman were dated January 31, 1789. Crisman built the Red 
Tavern on the "six-rod road" adjoining lot No. 29 on the east. Of 


course there was no real road over on that "six-rod road," nor any 
part of it. The map will show these narrow strips of land along 
the lines of lots in the first division about a mile apart, running 
from north to south across the township, called "six-rod roads." 
Wherever they could be used as roads they were so used; but 
there were very few places along them where they could be used 
for a road. Therefore, where not used for roads they were leased 
out as any other public land was. 


Before we give the condensed history of these lots we may say 
that the back end of all of them, from about the top of the Little 
Mountain running southerly, was dropped off as unseated land 
before the survey and certification of the lands to the claimants in 
1802. Those parts of the lots are sold every two years for taxes. 
The railroads have caused some parts of them to be bought for 
residences of employes of the railroads. 

Nos. I, 2, 3. Drawn by Captain Lazarus Stewart, descended to 
and were divided between his children after his death in the Wyo- 
ming Massacre, July 3, 1778. The Stewart block-house stood on 
No. 3, between the River road and the river, about midway. Certi- 
fied in 1802, part of No. i to Nathan Waller, descended to his 
daughter, Mrs. Miller Horton, and to the Horton heir after them. 
Part of Nos. i and 2 certified to Jacob Rosecrants and John Hannis ; 
transferred by them to others unknown. The back end of i and 2 
at Newtown is divided among many owners. Thomas Brown 
owned No. i there for many years. Petty 's Mill is on No. i. Part 
of 2 and 3 long remained the property of Alexander Jameson who 
married a daughter of Capt. Stewart. It was certified to Jameson 
in 1802; in 1863-4 the Germania Coal Co. had amine and breaker 
on the back end at the foot of the mountain. It now belongs to the 
Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre Coal Co. The larger part of No. 3 fell 
to Josiah Stewart and was certified to him in 1802, but has long 
been in other hands. [The actual dates of certificates are not known ; 
but as certification commenced in 1802 and ended in 1804, the time 
in general is given as 1802]. 

No. 4. Drawn by Lieut. Lazarus Stewart {Jr) He was slain 
in that disastrous battle and massacre in 1778 by the side of his 


cousin the Captain. He left one descendant, a daughter, Fanny, a 
year old at the time of his death. She succeeded to his estate in 
this lot. It was certified to her in 1802. Her only living descend- 
ant, Mary F. Sively, daughter of George Sively, and widow of B. 
F. Pfouts, still resides on this lot on the River Road. The part near 
the Back Road has long belonged to others. 

No. 5. Drawn by Lieut. Lazarus Stewart (Jr.), was sold before 
his death to Matthias HoUenback, was certified to him in 1802, 
transferred to George Lazarus about 18 18. His children and grand- 
children reside on it yet on the part near the river; the back part 
near the Back Road has long belonged to coal companies, at least 
since 1850. Much of Ashley is on this lot, and all on 4, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9. 

No. 6. Drawn by John Donahow; came into possession of Dr. 
Samuel Cook, and was transferred May 25, 1777, to John Staples, 
sold in 1788 to John and Richard Inman and Nathan Wade, certi- 
fied 1802 to M. HoUenback, Vandermark, C. Carey, Ashbel Waller, 
J. Carey, Richard Inman, C. Carey, N. Wade, and was constantly 
being transferred in parts. The ownership cannot be followed. 

No. 7. Drawn by David Young; transferred by him to Thos. 
Robinson, 22 December, 1772; afterwards owned by Caleb Spencer, 
and March 19, 1777, part transferred to Peleg Burritt, then by Bur- 
ritt to Gideon Burritt, his son, Sept. 12, 1777, and in 1788 the part 
from river to Solomon's Creek sold to Richard Inman; in 1802 it 
was certified to R. Inman, A. Waller, W. Shoemaker, C. Wickiser 
and G. Baldwin. This lot is in many pieces from the river to 

No. 8. Drawn by Capt. Lazarus Stewart; descended to his 
children, certified in 1802 to Ed. and Richard Inman, J. Shoonover, 
J. Vandermark, and Comfort Carey on the Back Road; the Comfort 
Carey part long belonged after his death to John Davis; belongs to 
the Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre, Coal Co., or Charles Parrish. 

No. 9. Drawn by William Graham, was certified in 1802 to 
William Caldwell and William Ross; Ross had the end at the Back 
Road and in 1829 had a mill on it on Solomon's Creek at the foot 
of the mountain. In 1846 coal was taken out of the Ross vein and 
shipped across the mountain on the Lehigh Coal and Navigation 


R. R., otherwise the Lehigh and Susquehanna R. R., by horse 
power. This is believed to be the first coal ever taken over the 
mountains to White Haven, 

No. 10. Drawn by John Robinson, -came early into possession 
of Ebenezer Hibbard who sold it on Oct. 13, 1774, to Edward Spen- 
cer, (400 acres); it was certified in 1802 to Edward Spencer and 
Christian Saum with part of lot No. 9. The northern, part — Spen- 
cer's — was afterwards owned by Edward Inman. 

No. II. Drawn by James Robinson — and 

No. 12. Drawn by Thomas Robinson — both early came 
into possession of Matthias HoUenback, who on June 24, 1777, sold 
them to John HoUenback, and he, on Nov. 12, 1777, sold them to 
(Deacon) John Hurlbut. They descended to his children in 1782, 
and in 1788 Christopher Hurlbut transferred the part of No. 12 to 
Elisha Blackman, his brother-in-law, from the top of Hog-Back at 
the Middle Road back to the township line. In 1802 the two lots 
were certified to Naphtali Hurlbut, Elisha Blackman, Rufus Ben- 
nett and Willis Hyde, They were afterwards owned by Arndt, 
Garringer, Bennett, Blackman, Collins, Metcalf, Plumb, Rummage 
and Courtright. On No. 11, at the Middle Road, Wm. Hyde built 
a stone house about 1796. That house is still standing and in use. 
On the Hyde part is the Askam Post Office. 

No. 13. Drawn by Josias Aspia. Nothing further is 
known of him or any ancient transfers. In 1790 it was sold at 
sheriff's sale, with half of No. 14, from Jonathan Corey to Abraham 
Bradley. In 1802 it was certified, with half of lot 14, to Bradley. 
It afterwards belonged to Henry Minnich — and at the Back Road to 
Henry Mock. The Mock part afterwards belonged to Col. H. B. 
Wright, now to the Warrior Run Mines; the Middle Road and 
River Road parts to the D. L. & W. Co. 

No. 14. Drawn by Hugh Coffrin, came into possession of 
James Lasley, who on May 27, 1777, transferred it to Jenks Corey, 
Corey was slain in the Wyoming Massacre. In 1790 the sheriff 
sold the half of it to Abraham Bradley with No. 13. In 1802, the 
half of it with No. 1 3 was certified to Bradley, and the other half to 
Lord Butler with No. 15. The back end belongs to the Warrior 
Run Mines. 


No. 15. Drawn by John Franklin. March, 15, 1777, he 
sold part to Nathaniel Howard. In 1776 Franklin sold a part con- 
taining a mill seat in part to Samuel Gordon, and Gordon to Nathan 
Carey, and in 1793 Carey to Christopher Hurlbut. Franklin was 
slain in the Wyoming Massacre. In 1802 it was certified to Lord 
Butler, including half of No. 14. He sold part of them to Harvey 
Holcomb on the Middle Road, and at the Back Road to Jacob Rum- 
mage, and at the River Road to the Robins. The Rummage portion 
belongs to the Warrior Run Mines. 

Nq^ 16. Drawn by Robert Young. James Stewart claimed 
and held sixty acres of it. In 1776 Young sold part containing 
part of a mill seat to Samuel Gordon, and Gordon to Nathan Carey, 
and in 1793 Carey to Christopher Hurlbut. The transfer included 
a mill seat on lots Nos. 15 and 16. In 1802 it was certified — 48 
acres at the river to Frederick Crisman, 57 acres to James Stewart, 
and the part from near the Middle Road southwardly to Abraham 
Sorber. John Bobb afterwards owned the Sorber part, then Hol- 
land, now the D. L. & W. Co. The Crisman and Stewart parts 
belonged to George Kocher and the Robins, now to the D. L. & 
W. Co. 

No. 17. Drawn by John Young, came into possession of 
Matthew Hollenback, who on June 24, 1777, sold it to James Lasley. 
The western half of it, 21 rods wide, was transferred to Rosewell 
Franklin and here Rosewell Franklin's house stood near the River 
Road. Franklin was in the Wyoming Massacre and escaped. 
Franklin removed to New York State and in 1794 his half came 
into possession of Aaron Hunt. In 1802 the whole lot was certi- 
fied to Jonas Brush. It afterwards belonged to Barnet Miller at the 
river end and George Kocher at the back end. On this lot, or 
on No. 18, near the house of Rosewell Franklin stood a block- 
house that was several times attacked by Indians and defended 
by (Lieut.) Franklin. Here is where his family was captured by 
them. It may be doubted whether he commanded in the defense 
of the Stewart block-house at Buttonwood. 

No. 18. Drawn by William Young, came into possession of 
William Hibbard, who on May 2, 1777, transferred it to Cyprian 
Hibbard. Wm. McKarrachan afterwards owned it and on Sept. 9, ' 
1777, he transferred it or part of it to John Ewins. There was a 


block-house on this lot on the River Road or else on No. 17. In 
1802 it was certified to Joseph Horsefield, and a part near the river 
to Josiah Pell. The property afterwards belonged to Charles 
Streater, then Cox, then Collings, now D., L. & W. Co. 

No. 19. Drawn by William Stewart. No record of ancient 
transfers. In 1802 it was certified to Josiah Pell, who in fact owned 
it before the Wyoming Massacre. Here his son, Josiah, Jr., who 
was in the battle and escaped, lived with him. It descended to his 
son Samuel and daughter Polly. Samuel owned it till his death, 

No. 20. Drawn by Thomas Robinson. There are no records 
of its transfer, except that in 1788 Caleb Spencer sells to Walter 
Spencer a lot called on the record No. 24, but giving the bound- 
aries of this lot. No. 20, for iJ"300=;?8oo.oo. The mistake was 
afterwards discovered and corrected when they were about to sell to 
Andrew Lee. The Spencers never owned No. 24, which descended 
to and was held by the heirs of Capt. Lazarus Stewart, Mrs. James 
Campbell. This lot No. 20 was assessed as early as 1799 to Capt. 
Andrew Lee as owner, and was certified to him in 1802. After 
him his son James S. Lee owned it and resided there till his death, 
in 1850, when it descended to his heirs, and is now owned by the 
D., L. & W. Co.* 

No. 21. Drawn by James Stewart, brother of Capt. Lazarus 
Stewart. He returned to Lancaster county before the Wyoming 
Massacre and died there in 1783, leaving a son, Lazarus Stewart, to 
whom this lot was certified in 1802. He transferred it to his step- 
father Capt. Andrew Lee. This was part with No. 20 of the James 
S. Lee estate. It now belongs to the D., L. & W. Co. 

No. 22. Drawn by William Young. There is no record of its 
ancient transfer, but it was owned by John Jameson as early as 
1774. It was here his father settled when he came from Connecti- 
cut in 1776. On the occasion of the murder of John Jameson by 
the Indians in 1782, at the Hanover Green, it descended to his 
son Samuel Jameson and daughter Hannah, afterwards the wife of 
James Stewart, son of the Captain. It was certified to Samuel 
Jameson in 1802, and he resided on it, and died there in 1843. 
This was afterwards the residence of Dr. H. Hakes. It adjoins the 
upper line of Nanticoke Borough. 


No. 23. Drawn by Captain Lazarus Stewart. After his death 
(in the massacre), it descended to his heirs, and in the partition was 
chosen by James Stewart, his son. In 1802 it was certified to James 
Stewart who resided there till his death about 1812. His dwelling 
was on the Middle Road east of the cross-road at the Keithline 
Place. His widow (Hannah Jameson) afterwards married Rev. 
Marmaduke Pierce, and they sold the place to Robert Robins about 
1837, Robins resided on it at the River Road till his death. It in- 
cluded a part of lot 24; a cross-road runs from the upper end of 
Nanticoke to the Middle Road between this land and the part of 
No. 24. 

No. 24. Drawn by Captain Lazarus Stewart. At the partition 
of his estate part of 24 was assigned to his daughter Margaret, 
who married James Campbell, and they resided on it. In 1802 it 
was certified to James Campbell, who afterwards sold it to the 
Mills. It descended to Peter Mill, who about 1830 transferred the 
back end from near the Middle Road to John Keithline, and about 
1864 Keithline sold to the D., L. & W. Co. and left. The whole of it 
now belongs to the D., L. & W. Co. Peter Mill resided near or 
in Nanticoke on this lot and died there. It belongs to the D., 
L. & W. Co. ^ 

No. 25. Drawn by William Stewart. It came into the pos- 
session of John Jameson, who July 13, 1776, sold it to Wm. and 
Cyprian Hibbard, and on May 2, 1777, Wm. Hibbard sold it, 
together with No. 18, to Cyprian Hibbard. In 1792 William 
Stewart again owned No. 25 and on that date sold twenty rods in 
width of it on the side adjoining No. 26 — the west side — from the 
river running four hundred perches towards the south, containing 
fifty acres, to Conrad Lines, and the easterly side twenty rods wide 
and running back from the river about four hundred rods, making 
another fifty acres, to Nathaniel Davenport. Consideration ^^^125 
each=$340 each — total, $680. In 1802 it was certified to Conrad 
Line and Esther Treadaway from the river four hundred rods back, 
and the back end of it to George Espy. Treadaway and Line sold 
to John Mill; Espy's part descended to his children, and his son 
John owned it and resided there and died there in 1843, leaving it 
to his heirs. It belongs now to the L. & W.-B. Co. 


No. 26. Drawn by Charles Stewart. We have no early 
transfers of this lot. In 1802 it was certified to George Stewart 
near the river, or about four hundred rods in length from the river 
towards the south, and to George Espy from near the Middle Road 
and back; the Espy part descended to his son John and after him 
to his heirs; belongs now to the L. & W.-B. Co. John Mill bought 
the river end, four hundred rods, soon afterwards, and it descended 
to his heirs. The Mills sold it out to various parties forty years or 
more ago and left, except Peter Mill, who died on No. 24. It be- 
longs now to the Susquehanna Coal Company. 

No. 27. Drawn by William Stewart. Part transferred in 1778 to 
Cyprian Hibbard. Hibbard was slain in the Wyoming Massacre. 
This lot was certified in 1802, between the river and Nanticoke 
Creek, to Capt. Andrew Lee, and from the Nanticoke Creek, run- 
ning southerly, to William Stewart for about three hundred rods in 
length, and to Conrad Line as far as the Middle Road, and to 
Hugh Forsman to the foot of the Little Mountain. In the "Town 
of Nanticoke"* will be given a special notice of the Wm. Stewart 
part of this lot at Nanticoke. In 1793-4 it was cut up into house 
lots by Stewart and sold to many persons, but for some reason, in 
1802 it was certified to the same Wm. Stewart. 

No. 28. Drawn by Silas Gore. July i, 1775, he sold part 
of it to Samuel Ensign, and Feb. 5, 1777, to William McKarrachan. 
Both Gore and McKarrachan were killed in the Wyoming Mas- 
sacre, July 3, 1778. In 1789 Elisha Delano had some of it — a 
mill seat afterwards known as Behee's Mill — and rented ground on 
No. 29 for a mill pond. He built a saw-mill and afterwards the 
grist-mill there. In 1792 Naphtali Hurlbut owned No. 28 there 
and sold about four acres where the house and mill stood to 
Delano, and the next year, 1793, John McCoy sold to Delano 
seven acres, twenty rods wide and running south from the four 
acres above mentioned so as to include the mill pond adjoining lot 
No. 29. This seven acres and the four acres was the Behee Mill 
lot in after times. From this to the Middle Road belonged to 
Willis Hyde, and from the Middle Road or Hog Back south, to 
Cornelius Gale and Jonathan Frisby, who in 1789 and 1790 sold to 

*See below. 


Rufus Bennett. Frisby's part was thirteen rods wide along the 
Middle Road joining No. 29 and running back towards the moun- 
tain southeast one hundred and sixty rods (thirteen acres). Con- 
sideration for both ;£"52=$i54.66. In 1802 No. 28 was certified to 
Joseph Steele at the ferry, Frederick Crisman to the River Road, 
Naphtali Hurlbut (and Jonathan Dilley — mill lot), to the creek that 
fed the mill pond, Willis Hyde to the Middle Road, Rufus Bennett 
beyond to the south-east line. It afterwards belonged to Joseph 
Steele, "Beckey" Thomas, George Behee, Richard Metcalf, 
Rufus Bennett and O. Collins, now to D., L. & W. Co. 

No. 29. Town Committee lot. It ran five miles from the 
river to the township line at the southeast. On Feb. 11, 1790, the 
Town Committee leased it in perpetuity to Rufus Bennett from the 
Middle Road back south-east, from the Middle Road north-west to 
Behee's Mill Pond to Lorenzo Ruggles (supposed to have been 
bought of Bennett) from across the mill pond north-west to the 
river leased to Frederick Crisman — the Red Tavern property. The 
Red Tavern was owned by various parties, but now is owned by 
the D., L. & W. Co. The Ruggles part belongs to the L. & W.-B. 
Co., the Bennett and Collins parts to the D., L. & W. Co. 

Nos. 30 and 31. Drawn by the Town Committee. These com- 
menced at Solomon's Creek, the western line, eight or ten rods 
above the mouth of the creek, and ran south-east to the town line 
passing over Penobscot Knob — the high peak on the mountain at 
Solomon's Gap. In later times Ed. Inman had some of it, Jacob 
Fisher had some of it, Williston Preston had some of it, and 
others not remembered. From the river to Solomon's Creek was 
certified in 1802 to Calvin Hibbard, afterwards belonged to Edward 
Inman and descended to his heirs on his death in 1848. 

The six rod roads across the township from the river to the 
back line were also public lands. Where they were in places that 
could be used as roads they were so used, but when they could not 
be so used they were leased ouUthe same as any other of the public 

The Red Tavern was built on one of these roads about 1789 (it 
may have been rebuilt or partly rebuilt in 1805), the year he leased 
the public lot No. 29 for fourteen years. After his house was built 
the town-meetings were generally held there. After his death in 


1815 his son Abraham kept the house. It was, and is still, the 
place for holding the elections, town, county, state and national, of 
the voting district within which it is situated, for there are now 
within the boundaries of the ancient township about twelve separ- 
ate voting districts, including wards in boroughs. The Red 
Tavern was a famous old hostelry in its time. It has been some- 
what changed in repairing and additions, but the building, now 
almost a hundred years old, stands yet. 


No. I. Drawn by William Grah3.m (Grimes, Grea7nes)\s the lot 
adjoining Newport township at Nanticoke at the mouth of Nanti- 
coke .Creek, lying on both sides of the creek. James Coffrin had 
built a grist-mill there at a very early date, probably as early as 1773. 
It was before the survey of the second division, and it was supposed 
the lot would contain fifty acres of land and was sold in 1775 as 
containing fifty acres. But at a town-meeting during the survey. 
May 28, 1776, it was voted that No. i was deemed more valuable 
than any of^the other lots in that division and that it should there- 
fore be fifteen acres less in extent. It was drawn by William 
Graham. James Coffrin had therefore to buy the lot of Graham. 
On June 16, 1776, James Coffrin sold it to John Comar (Commar, 
Comar, Camer). Coffrin was slain in the Wyoming Massacre. On 
December 25, 1789, it was sold by John Comer and wife of the 
Manor of Livingston, New York, to Washington Lee, of Dauphin 
County, Pa. In 1 802 it was certified to Capt. Andrew Lee. This 
was the Lee homestead, and here Capt. Andrew Lee came in 1804 
to reside and died here in 1821. On the bank of the Susquehanna 
below the mouth of Nanticoke Creek, Col. Washington Lee, son of 
Capt. Andrew Lee, resided till 1868. It belongs now to the Sus- 
quehanna Coal Co. Coal mining had been carried on here from 
about 1 81 2 by Col. Washington Lee. 

Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6 lie along the line of Newport. They con- 
tain about fifty acres each. No. i at the river has thirty-one* acres, 
and No. 7 at the Little Mountain has sixty-six. The second 
division here goes no further south than the Little Mountain. 

The other part of the second division is a " gore." The narrow 
end at the river reaches from the high grounds or hills about eighty 


rods above the mouth of Solomon's Creek, down to below the rocks, 
but some forty or fifty rods above the old Steele ferry. The narrow 
end is about three-quarters of a mile wide altogether. The other 
end of the gore, at the foot of the Little Mountain is about two 
miles wide. 

No. 8. Drawn by Lazarus Stewart, Jr. He was slain in the 
Wyoming Massacre. This is the lot surrounding the " Hanover 
Green," or grave-yard and church lot, and extending from the River 
Road to the river. Its western line is a couple of rods above the Red 
Tavern. Lazarus Stewart, Jr., transferred it to Wm. McKarrachan,, 
August 30, 1776, and it is called "ye meeting-house lot." January 
^5» ^717 y Wm. McKarrachan transferred it to Gideon Booth, Jr., 
and to Gideon Burritt. Booth owned and resided on the north- 
eastern half of it and Burritt on the south-western. In 1 802 it was 
certified to Stephen Burritt and Joel Burritt. It descended to 
Stephen Burritt, Jr., who died there childless about 1850. It was 
afterwards owned by Jacob Fritz, then by Reuben Downing, now 
by the D., L. & W. Co. 

No. 13. Drawn by Silas Gore. There is no ancient record 
of its transfer. Certified in 1802 to Cornelius Garrison. It is in 
the hollow near the foot of the mountain and belongs to the L. & 
W.-B. Co., and has on the eastern end of it the Sugar Notch Mines 
— a slope — No. 10, and near the western end part of No. 9 — shaft — 
Sugar Notch. The most of No. 9 Shaft, Sugar Notch Mines, is 
on lot No. 13 — third division. The Lehigh Valley R. R. depot at 
Sugar Notch stands on the lower or western end of this lot. 

No. 15. Drawn by John Donahough. It is the next above 
— north-east — and adjoining No. 8, the church lot, and is bounded 
on the north-east by lot No. 31 — first division. There is no record 
of ancient transfers, but in 1790 Nathan Wade, Richard Inman 
and Abraham Adams sold it to Richard Dilley for ^^37 icr, equal 
to $100. In 1802 it was certified to the heirs of Richard Dilley 
and has had two descents since to heirs of Dilley down to 1879. 
It now' belongs to the D., L. & W. Co. 

There are no other lots in the second division that deserve 
special mention. The most of those along the line of the third 
division at or near the foot of the mountain are pretty well under- 
mined now by L. & W.-B. Coal Co.'s Sugar Notch Mines called No. 


9 and No. lO. No. lo Mine — a slope and breaker — is on the east 
side of the cross-road that runs from the Back Road at the old 
house of Andrew Shoemaker to the Middle Road at the old house 
or home of Samuel Burner, the breaker standing only eight or ten 
rods east from the old Jacob Garrison house. 

The Nanticoke branch of the Lehigh & Susquehanna R. R. 
passes west down this hollow between the hills to Wanamie and 
to Nanticoke. 


No. I. Drawn in the name of Lieut. Lazarus Stewart, 
who had been slain in the Wyoming Massacre nine years before. 
In 1802 it was certified, if these lots were ever certified to anybody, 
to Matthias Hollenback. It descended to his son, George M. Hol- 
lenback, and afterwards — about 1865 — became the property of 
William R. Maffett. No clearing or cultivation was ever done on 
this lot. It lies within the coal area on the north side of the Little 
Mountain, and is now the location of the Hanover Coal Company's 
mines — a tunnel, shaft and breaker. 

No. 12. Drawn in the name of William Stewart. He was 
alive at the time. It appears on the map now as certified in the 
name of John Robins. It was partly tillable land. It is also on 
the mountain side mostly, and in the gap called Sugar Notch, is 
mostly coal land, and belongs to the Sugar Notch Mines No. 9 of 
the L. & W.-B. Co. It joins No. i on the east side. 

No. 13. Drawn in the name of John Donahow. It ap- 
pears on the map as if certified in 1802 to Abraham Adams. It 
was tillable land ; was owned and worked by Andrew Shoemaker 
till about 1838. After several transfers it became the property of 
the L. & W.-B. Co. at Sugar Notch and their Shaft No. 9 and 
breaker stand on the edge of it close to the lower end of the Gar- 
rison lot No. 13 — second division. Close to this breaker stands 
the Lehigh Valley Railroad depot at Sugar Notch on the lower or 
west end of the Garrison lot. A half mile or more west in this 
hollow commences the steep grade on the L. V. R. R. to ascend 
the mountain, and curving around in Newport township and skirt- 
ing the side of the Big Mountain reaches Fairview to the south-east 

of this depot. 


No. 14. Drawn in the name of Robert Young. Certified 
in 1802 to Abraham Adams, transferred to Conrad Knoch, de- 
scended to his heirs in Germany in 1828. It is owned in Germany. 
The N. J. Coal Co. had a mine and breaker here in 1866. It is now 
leased to the L. & W.-B. Co. and coal is mined from it through 
both No. 9 and No. 10, Sugar Notch. 

No. 30. Drawn by or in the name of John Robinson. It 
is situated within the lines of the gore of the second division. 
Was tillable land like the second division, and coal land — was the 
same size, 55 acres. It was certified in 1802 to Benjamin Perry, 
sold to John Hoover, who lived there to very old age and died there, 
in 1866. It belongs now, and since 1864, to the L. & W.-B. Coal Co. 

No. 31. Drawn by Robert Young. He sold it Dec. 20, 1788 to 
Andrew Millitt, Millitt sold it to Elisha Blackman April 14, 1792, 
for £2S=$66.66}^. It was sold by the heir of Elisha Blackman 
in 1853 to Jonathan J. Slocum, and after his death came into the 
ownership of the L. & W.-B. Co.'s Sugar Notch Mines No. 9. 

No. 21. Drawn by William Stewart. It is at the top of 
the mountain at Solomon's Gap. Part of the buildings around 
Fairview Station are on this lot, but the station itself is beyond the 
line of Hanover — in Wright township. The Plane-House at the 
head of the L. & S. planes, is in Hanover. The employes of the 
two railroads that pass into and out of the valley of Wyoming 
through this elevated Gap, number several hundred, and to pro- 
vide for them, houses, stables, roiind houses, shops, stores, 
taverns, saloons, etc., had to be built and has given some value to 
this land; but the most if not all of the employes of the railroads, 
on the top of the mountain live beyond the present line of Hanover 
and beyond lot No. 21. 


No. 29, 30 and 31 — First division of lots and Nos. 5, 6 and 16 
second division were leased out, from the earliest times, for longer 
or shorter periods. At first the term was only for seven years; but 
by 1789 leases of these lands were made for terms as long as ninety- 
nine years, and some were perpetual, — *'as long as trees grow and 
water runs." A Bo?ici — as it was called — was given by the lessee, 
covering the land. The interest, together in some cases with a 


bushel or two bushels of wheat, (or the value of it) was collected 
every year by the Proprietors' Collector. This was the interest on 
the amount fixed as the value of the land at the date of the exe- 
cution of the lease. In some cases the lessee paid the price fixed 
as the value of the land at once, and his lease in such cases was- 
drawn for a nominal rent or interest, as, for a "pepper-corn" a year. 
These leased lands were bought and sold and transferred just as 
any other lands were, and the persons from whom the interest was 
collected were constantly changing. It is difficult if not impossible 
now to tell where the land of each of the persons named on the 
Collector's list below for the year 1816 lay. 

Conrad Line probably had the two lots Nos. 5 and 6 — second 

Rufus Bennett had part of lot 29 — first division. 

Edward Inman had parts of lots 30 and 31 — first division. 

Frederick Crisman had part of No. 29 — first division. Cris- 
man had part of a six rod road and built the Red Tavern on it. 

John and George Sorber had part of six rod cross-road between 
lots Nos. 15 and 16 — first division, at the Middle Road. 

These bonds were collected, paid, canceled and probably de- 
stroyed about twenty years ago — say 1865. It is understood that 
patents have been taken out of the land office for all these lands 


Interest due on the bonds belonging to the Proprietors of Han- 
over township from the lessees of the public lands of the town- 
ship, for the year 1816. 

Copy of the Collector's list and warrant. 
Interest on Rufus Bennett's bond ;^9.44 and one bushel of 

wheat ; .,..,$ 10.44 

Interest on Conrad Line's bond ^32.32 and one bushel of 

wheat ' 33-32 

Interest on Edward Inman's bond ^22.24 and two bushels 

of wheat 24.24 

Richard Dilley • 12.00 

Edward Inman 10.08 

Nathan and Abner Wade 6.00 


Administrators of Frederick Crisman, dec'd 7.92 

Joel B. Burritt and Philip Abbott 5.28 

Richard Dilley IS-^S 

John and George Sorber 2.40 

Edward Spencer . . 1 17.OO 

Nathan and Abner Wade 1.20 

Benjamin, Jacob and Ebenezer Brown 2.01 


"To Elisha Blackmah, Collector of the public money for the Pro- 
prietors of Hanover township. You are hereby authorized and im- 
powered to collect the sums above annexed to their respective 
names as soon as the law will admit and pay the same to the Pro- 
prietors* Treasurer. 

"December 30th, 18 16. 

"Jonathan Dilley,^ 

" Isaac Hartzell, > Committee." 

"James S. Lee, j 

In olden times and down to as late as 1864, the schools had the 
benefit of this fund, but by an act of the legislature the proprietors' 
trustees were authorized to collect these bonds in full and pay over 
principal and interest to the Central Poor District. It was done. 
Thus the paupers have the benefit of it now. 

A Bloomery Forge is one where the iron is made in a forge fire 
direct from the ore. Bog ore was found in Newport and in Hanover. 

The Bloomery Forge in Newport on the Newport Creek, a few 
rods beyond the Hanover line, was originally built by Nathaniel 
Chapman, Joseph Beach and Mason Fitch Alden. The date of its 
erection is not known, but it was previous to the Wyoming Mas- 
sacre — previous to January, 1777, for at that date Mason Fitch 
Alden enlisted in Captain Ransom's company in the Revolutionary 
army. In 1783 the buildings were in ruins, according to a German 
traveler of the time. Nathaniel Chapman died and the administra- 
tor of his estate sold his interest in it in 1791. At that time Capt. 
Andrew Lee owned one-half interest on it and Chapman the other 
half. The land or lot adjoining and containing a mill seat, within 
Newport township along the Hanover line, had been bought of 
William Stewart by Capt. Andrew Lee and Nathaniel Chapman in 


1789. In this same year, 1789, Washington Lee bought of John 
Comer and wife of the Manor of Livingston, N. Y., lot No. i, 
second division, Hanover: ''bounded on the east by Wm. Stewart's 
land, on the west by the mill lot, on the north, or in front, by the 
river Susquehanna, and on the south by lands now or late of James 
Stewart," "which lot was purchased by the said John from one 
James Caffron," ''and is supposed to contain thirty-one acres." The 
consideration is thirty pounds New York Currency=;^75.0o. This 
would indicate that Coffrin's Mill was no longer in existence and 
that Lee's Mill, as it was afterwards known, had been built some 
time previous to 1789, in Newport township. 


In 1793 William Stewart, who had taken up his residence in 
Hanover, Dauphin County, Pa., (formerly Lancaster) who owned 
lot No. 27, first division, at Nanticoke, had it surveyed, plotted, 
streets laid out and lots marked,— sold, between February 9 and 
March 14, 1794, thirty -six lots. He called the town Nanticoke. 
There was Spring Street, Walnut, Pine, Broad, Market, Chestnut 
and Water streets, and the Great Road, and Strawberry Alley. 
The lots numbered from i up to at least 1 36, and contained from 
6yy2 perches to 88 perches each. The price was invariably ^3 15.^. 
^g 1 0.00. 

The names of the purchasers were:— 

Jared Nelson, John Martin, William Wood, 

John Field, Henry Stein, Michael Killinger, 

George Miller, George Stein, John Rickle, Jr., 

Michael Palm, Thomas Peas, John Harrison, 

Daniel Herrnan, Christian Srauder, Peter Heimbrick, 

Thomas Beady, Zekiel Bamboc, John Fox, 

Michael Moyer, James Ainsworth, Jacob Miller, 

John Ewing, George Hegetshwiller William Allen, 

Elizabeth Stein, Henry Thomas, Jacob Miley, 

John Palm, Jr., Peter Withington, George Sloan, 

Jonathan Hancock, Ebenezer Felch, Jesse Fell, 

Wyllys Hide, Peter Steele, Christian Beck. 

All of these, except Hancock, Hide, Felch, Steele, and Fell, 
were residents of Dauphin county. Whether any of them ever 
came to Nanticoke to reside is not known. Fell and Hancock re- 
sided in Wilkes-Barre, and died there; Hide lived in Hanover, re- 


moved to New York State about 1811 ; Felch lived in Huntington 
township; Steele resided in Hanover till his death in 1823. 

These town lots were all on William Stewart's lot No. 27 on the 
end of it beginning at the Nanticokc Creek and extending south- 
ward about three hundred rods. The lot was forty-two rods wide. 
The present older part of Nanticoke stands in the same place. 

Ferries were established from the very earliest times. There 
was an absolute necessity for them. There was one at Nanticoke, 
one at the Stewart Place and one at Steele's, as it was afterwards 
called. It is possible that this last one was not established before 
Steele kept it about 1789 or 1790. A road was laid out to this Ferry 
from the River Road, April 13, 1778. This road was made expressly 
for the purpose of getting to the ferry. The Steele family came 
about 1790. This seems to have been the only ferr}^ where the 
ferrymen lived on the Hanover side of the riv'er. 

"Course and Distance of a road laid out in Hanover between 
William McKarrachan's lot (No. 18) and ye Public Lot (No. 29) — 
Beginning at ye river, at a marked box wood tree, running south 
21° (E.), 121 rods, by marked trees and stakes until it joins ye first 
great road at a marked black oak, and is allowed to be six rods 
wide and to lay south-west of said marked trees. 

"Dated April 13, 1778. Voted and accepted by ye town and 

ordered to be recorded. 

"John Jenkins, '^ 

"Nathan Denison, [Select 
"Christopher Avery, [ Men." 
"Wm. McKarrachan. J 

When we came under Pennsylvania jurisdiction this road shrank 
from six rods wide to two. 

The two great roads running from Wilkes-Barre west through 
Hanover that had been laid out under Connecticut jurisdiction six 
rods wide shrank to three. What magnificent roads the township 
would have had if these wide roads had been maintained! Plenty 
of room for sidewalks and shade trees along both sides with- 
out in any way injuring^ the cultivated grounds on either side. All 
main roads and cross were of the same width — six rods. There is 
no ferry and no road there now, but there is a house there 
yet, and the bars at the River Road can be taken out and a wagon 
can drive down to the house or the river, (1885). 



y OW, without regard to chronological order, we must go 
^^J \ back to the first coming of settlers in order to describe the 
conditions of things. Until 1771 there was no peace, or security 
for life or property, yet new men were constantly appearing and 
taking the places of those that became disabled or discouraged. 
After 1 77 1 new settlers were constantly coming in and it was 
necessary to have their township organized and ready to enforce 
any such legal authority as they had assumed to themselves by per- 
mission or direction of the Susquehanna Company. This township 
organization has been sufficiently explained in previous pages. 

The first settlements were made on the highest places on the 
flats, or in the woods close to the edge of the flats. In the latter 
case and in some of the former, the trees and brush had to be 
cleared away before a house could be built. Some portions of the 
flats had been cleared by the Indians — or at least were without 
trees — and had been cultivated by them for ages before the white 
people came. Of course land could not be very well cultivated by 
implements made of sticks, and stones, and bones, and horn, but 
nothwithstanding the crudeness of their implements, the Indians 
cultivated at this time here and up in the country of the Six 
Nations, " corn, beans, potatoes, pease, turnips, squashes, pumpkins, 
cucumbers, water-melons, tobacco, apples, peaches, and all kinds of 
vegetables."* In the old cultivated spots the land was at once ready 
for tillage. These spots were only on the flats, and though there 
was considerable of it ready for cultivation there was not nearly 
enough for the forty proprietors — or thirty-six — with their con- 
stant increase by new settlers. There were Indians still in posses- 
sion of some of these places and they were not molested or dis- 

*Journal of Major Hubley, with Sullivan's expedition. 


turbed. The Indians had mostly left for other parts after the mas- 
sacre of 1763 and had not returned before the white settlers came 
this second time for settlement. 

The lands had to be surveyed after the settlers came. Lots 
could not be drawn till after the surv^eys were made and up to 1771 
the surveys and allotments had not been made. The people here 
previous to this time as well as afterwards, had to support them- 
selves either by the chase, or fishing, or the cultivation of the soil, 
or all together, and, as in other settlements, the labor performed 
was all in common and for the general good, and its products were 
not subject to private ownership. This ended now, the land was 
allotted, and every man was left to his own exertions for his own 
livelihood. Our present certified lots on the certified township 
maps are very nearly the same as the old Connecticut surveys. 
The numbers of divisions and the numbers of the lots are' the 
same now as those of 1771-2 to 1776 and 1787. (See the map). 

The land on the flats was very rich and productive. It was only 
necessary to plant the seed and keep down the weeds to produce — 
what seemed to the settlers — magnificent crops. The earth was 
soft and easily cultiv^ated with a hoe, without plow^ing, as was evi- 
denced by the Indian cultivation. The flats were overflowed nearly 
every year by the melting snows and the rains in the spring of the 
year up the river and were enriched by the materials these floods 
deposited, so, as in our time, never to need any other fertilizer for 
ordinar}^ farm crops. Where the ground was already cleared, the 
first thing planted seems to have been apple seeds. A nursery was 
prepared at once where the ground would permit and the seeds 
planted. Wherever they saw a chance for an apple tree to grow, 
even in the woods, they planted seed, especially near a spring. The 
trees in the woods near a spring were frequently cut away, so that 
apple seeds, and probably peach stones, could grow, though the 
writer never saw any peach trees in such a place. They also 
planted artichokes, because they were perennial and needed no 
cultivation, grew like a weed, were difficult to destroy, and would 
always produce food. 

The dense woods came down from the mountain — some three 
or four miles distant — over the hills and across the valleys to the 
very edge of the flats and covered, also, part of the flats, leaving 


only those parts of the flats open that the Indians had probably at 
some time cultivated. Much more than half the trees in these 
woods were of the various varieties of oak. There were also 
hickory, chestnut, yellow and white pine in abundance. Many of 
the trees were very large, the white pine overtopping all the rest, 
the next in height being the shell-bark hickory. Trees could fre- 
quently be found three to four feet in diameter, but five feet was 
very unusual. It is doubtful that a tree ever grew in these woods to 
six feet in diameter. As none of these trees grow so slowly as to 
produce a ring less than one-sixteenth of an inch in thickness, it 
follows then that a tree of six feet could not be more than 576 
years old. But we know now, by actual experience, that in woods , 
as thick and dense as they will grow, these trees will grow to a foot 
in diameter in less than 50 years. So probably no tree was ever 
found in Wyoming Valley as old as five hundred years. Trees 
growing as closely together as they will by nature, as they grow 
older and larger, crowd each other and some die out while young, 
others live and send their tops skyward while their side branches 
are killed off by the closeness of their neighbors, and as they have 
no chance or room to spread out sidewise they all grow upward 
together. Now, it is a slow tree that grows in height less than a 
foot a year, but where must be the top of a tree that grows only 
six inches in a year, after it has grown only 300 years? About 150 
feet high, and that is about the height of our very tallest white pines. 
Then there is too much height for the body and the winds break 
them off, — oak and hickory as well as pine. Of such as shed their 
leaves every fall, limbs have been broken off or killed out as they 
grew and have rotted down to the trunk of the tree and made a 
hole, into which the rains send water, and in the course of time the 
whole heart of the tree, from that rotten limb to the root, has been 
rotted out. Now, how short a time before that tree falls and decays 
and others take its place? Thus were the woods constantly dying 
treq by tree and being renewed, the whole accelerated by forest 
fires hastening the destruction of the dying trees. Thus it will be 
seen that a tree 300 years old was probably a rarity in our woods. 

The woods reached unbroken for sixty miles towards the near- 
est settlements, south-east to Stroudsburg, nearly south to Bethle- 
hem and Easton and south-west to Shamokin — Sunbury — the near- 


est being about sixty miles off, and all of them under a state juris- 
diction hostile to these settlers, and in the north and west about 
the same distance to numerous savage Indians, who, if not hostile 
now, were far from being safe neighbors. 

There were no roads to this valley when the first settlers came, 
nor even paths in the beginning from the east, for three or four 
years after settlement was made. To get here they could not come 
in wagon or cart. They did not in fact in the beginning immigrate 
here with horses and wagons, oxen and carts. There were no paths 
for more than sixty miles, through dense forests over steep and 
rocky hills and mountains, but only a course marked out for them 
by large marks on the sides of the trees where a piece of bark had 
been cut out by the axe, "blazed," as it was called, by guides sent 
ahead, or sent on some time before to mark the way. They had to 
make the paths as they came and drive or lead their horses and 
cattle and sheep and hogs, with packs on the backs of everything 
that could carry a pack, whether man or beast, large or small, old 
or young, male or female, during all these years; for i"<?;;/^ provisions, 
clothing ammunition, weapons, tools, seeds and many other neces- 
sary things had to be brought along. There were no drones among 
them. Tramps did not colonize, if there were any tramps then. 
For three or four years of the first or early settlement of the valley, 
the head of the family generally — not always — came first in the 
spring, drew his land by lot, cleared up ground on the flats where 
it was not already cleared — (old Indian clearings) — built a house, 
fenced his clearing, planted such crops as were proper for the 
season and for the case, and then in the fall returned to Con- 
necticut, his home, staid through the winter preparing for the 
move to his new home in the spring. In the spring he brought 
his family and made as permanent a settlement as he could, for in 
this case in Hanover and all Wyoming Valley, almost invariably 
when the immigrants arrived here in the spring he found his house 
and fences burnt, and his crops destroyed as nearly as they could 
be by the Pennamites or Indians. Then commenced the work of 
driving off the destroyers, rebuilding his house, his fences, plowing 
and planting, and all with the family on hand to starve or not as the 
case might turn out. All his last year's work except the clearing, 
had to be done over again, and in the meantime nothing for him- 


self and family to eat. His neighbors were all like himself, with 
their houses all burnt and their crops destroyed. Game was plenti- 
ful in the dense woods that came close to their houses, and they 
did not have far to go to find it. Ammunition was not abundant 
with them, but was scarce, and it was uncertain how soon it would 
be badly needed to protect themselves and families from hostile 
savages. All the ammunition they had for years was what they 
could carry on their own persons for the year's use. Of course it 
had to be used with the greatest economy and care. When it was 
found necessary to get more ammunition — as they had no money 
to buy with — they would load a horse or two, on home-made pack- 
saddles, with the choicest ''peltries/' and send a man or two with 
them to the nearest market for such furs, and there trade them off 
for the desired powder and lead. This was during the troublous 
times, and while they all had to act in concert, and nearly every- 
thing they had was in common. 

This pack-saddle business grew, and in a few years became a 
fine business, and was not confined to any particular kind of mer- 
chandise but reached to everything that would pay for the time and 
expense put upon it, and it increased. Roads and wagons soon 
superseded the pack-saddle, however. 

What kind of a house of logs could one man build alone? He 
could not hire any one to help him; he had no money nor other 
property to pay with, and they were all situated like himself and 
needed a house at once. He had to produce his own food and that 
of his family, when they were with him, at the same time that he 
did this work. It seems to us now that they must have come near 
starving. The whole thing seems impossible. They could help 
one another some, and did, but the work was mainly done by the 
proprietor alone. He selected the place on his land where he 
wanted his house to stand, cut down the trees and prepared the 
ground for the house to stand on, cut other trees in the vicinity, as 
near the place as possible, and cut off such lengths as he needed 
for his house. He could roll together, near the site of his proposed 
house, logs enough of say eighteen or twenty feet long for the ends 
of his house, and thirty or forty feet for the sides, and enough of 
them to lay up to the eaves, or higher if he liked, and these would 
make, under the circumstances, a pretty good sized house. Bark 


about four feet long was peeled off the proper kinds of logs to be 
used in the place of shingles; for it must be understood, that these 
first settlers had no nails. They could not carry them, nor the iron 
to make them of. So they could not nail on shingles if they had 
them, and they had no tools then to make them with. Cut nails 
were not then known. All nails were made by the blacksmitli, as 
was also ev^ery other iron thing used. Now, as the settlers had no 
tin, tiles, straw, slate nor shingles, nor any tools to make them with, 
he was compelled by necessity to use bark for roofing his house. 
He was only a farmer, but he had to be a builder here at that time. 
The writer having himself seen such a house in a new settlement, 
may be allowed to try to describe it. It is possible that the time 
may come when such a "cabin" will be entirely unknown and 
unthought of, and such a description may then be the only record 
of it. 

Some neighbor might help to roll up these logs for this man, 
and receive his help in return to roll up his own into the walls of a 
house. Now, help or no help: — 

Two logs are first rolled into position on the ground the proper 
distance apart and parallel for the sides, or front and rear of the 
house, cut on the upper side near the ends of each like an inverted 
V thus y\. This was the shape. Now two logs for the ends of the 
house, to lie on these, are rolled on, notches are cut in each near 
the ends V-shaped to fit down upon the inverted V {/\). They 
are rolled on the place and fitted down as closely as need be with 
the axe. This is one course, and will be more than a foot and a 
half high unless very small logs were used. Course after course 
is rolled up on skids and laid in the same manner until the height 
of the first story is reached (about seven feet), and that was about 
all the story there was to these first houses. Now lighter logs, 
peeled, are laid on these upper ones across the house for joists for 
the attic or garret, and on these, rafters are set up at a very steep 
pitch like a Gothic roof. Across these rafters poles are pinned, in- 
stead of roof boards, about three feet apart, and on these double 
thicknesses or courses of bark are spread out so as to break joints. 
Course after course is laid on, the lower ends of the course above 
resting on the upper ends of the course below as they went up, 
each course of bark, or double course, had a light log laid on it 


and pinned to keep it and the bark on. The gable ends had lighter 
logs laid up, one above the other, and fitted and pinned to the end 
rafters to keep them in position. Doors and windows were sawed 
through and heavy hewed jams put in and strongly pinned to the 
ends of the logs. The joints or spaces between the logs were filled 
with split wood pinned in and covered over inside and out with 
yellow clay to close the cracks. This was called '^ chinking," but 
stone was used in place of wood for chinking in later times. In 
these earlier houses, and in all during the Revolutionary war, loop- 
holes were cut for the purpose of watching and firing upon an 
enemy in case of being attacked. The door and window shutters 
were made of hewed planks fastened to a strong hickory frame like 
a gate, and hung to the jams or " door post " and window post 
(when the window was made large enough), with a strong piece of 
hickory, bent around the upright piece of the frame, one at the top 
and one at the bottom, and the ends driven into holes bored in 
the jams, and securely wedged. 'Sometimes they had another plan 
for hanging doors and window shutters.* Both were hung alike. 
There was no casing, but only very heavy jams strongly pinned 
against the ends of the logs. These were intended to resist an 
enemy for some time in cases of sudden attack. They were made 
for security as well as comfort, if such a word as comfort can 
properly be used in connection with such houses, or cabins. Glass 
was for years here an unknown comfort and convenience. Their 
floors were at first made of earth, but such industrious, persistent 
and energetic people as these were not long without floors of hewed 
timbers or split logs, with a place dug out beneath them for a 
cellar.f The earth remaining inside these cellars was afterwards 
utilized, as has been told in previous pages, in making salt-peter. . 
The door was fastened with a wooden latch. The handle and 
catch were all of wood. A small hole was bored through the door 

*In most of the earlier houses, and in many of the later ones, the window was only a 
hole cut between two logs, being about one foot high— -up and down — and about two 
feet wide — horizontally. A white cloth could cover this and still let in a little light, or 
a greased paper when they had paper to grease. 

fThere was no saw-mill in Wyoming Valley till the fall of 1773, more than four years 
after the first settlement. All houses after that had floors of the very best yellow pine. 
In the same year the first grist-mill was built. All this time there had been no lumber 
used except what had been hewed out with the axe ; and no flour except such coarse 
meal as could be made by beating in a mortar with a stone pestle. They had no hand 


above the latch three or four inches, and a string fastened to the 
latch hung out through the hole, so that a person outside could 
lift the latch by pulling the string when he wanted to come in. 
If there was a knock on the door outside, no one went to open the 
door if the string hung out, but called out " Come in." There was 
reason in this, and the arms of the proprietor or inhabitant were 
alwas "handy" or near at hand. The joists were about six or 
seven feet above the lower floor, and on these joists were fastened 
wooden hooks for the gun to lie in, and the owner had only to 
raise his hands up to these beams or joists to get his gun for 
instant use. The gun was always kept loaded. To lock the door 
they pulled in the string. Of course they had still stronger bars 
also for securing the doors and windows in those Indian times of 
which we are speaking. 

They had no fuel then but wood, which was **all too plenty." 
They knew nothing about coal at that time for domestic use. They 
did know about coal, but they called it ** stone coal" on account of 
its hardness,* and they never knew how to use it for household 
domestic purposes till 1808. A citizen! of Wilkes-Barre dis- 
covered that it could be burnt in an open grate, set up in an 
ordinary fire-place built for the burning of wood. 

The chimney of such a house was made large, and was gener- 
ally, but not always, built inside the house. When it was a small 
house an opening was cut through the logs in one end of the 
house large enough for the chimney and fire-place, and the chimney 
was then built on the outside tight up against the end of the house, 
closing this opening. It was generally built of stone laid up with 
yellow clay for mortar, — but was sometimes built of wood from the 
upper beams to the peak of the roof and out. It was always built 
large so as to carry oflf the smoke and was well lined with yellow 
clay inside. It was frequently very large below so that seats could 
be put inside the jams of the fireplace at the ends of the fire. 
They would all smoke, for people did not then know how to build 
chimneys that would "draw." An American — "Count Rumford" 
— after the Revolutionary* war discovered, that by making a throat, 
smaller than the chimney above it, down behind the mantel piece 

♦Blacksmiths used it here from the first, 
t Jesse Fell. 


in the chimney, would cause a draught. Wood was abundant and 
large fires were needed in such houses in cold weather, as much 
heat could go out through the roof as well as up the chimney. 
These houses were never plastered. 

Such were the houses, or rather "cabins," of the first settlers. 

Now, having a house over their heads, the next thing was food. 
They had to produce their own or starve. There was none to buy, 
and they had nothing to buy with. Hunting and fishing would 
produce some, but no time could be spent at that when it was 
possible to work in the soil ; no time for sport, food was something 
not to be dispensed with for a single day. Hunting and fishing 
were matters of business the same as farming was, and the proper 
season and time were matters of thought, experience and 
knowledge just as much as the other, for it did not do to waste 
time and labor. 

The clearing of a farm of trees and brush for cultivation was no 
small job. The trees and brush had to be all cut down, and the 
limbs of the trees cut off and piled in heaps. Trees large enough 
and fit for rails were split into fence rails, and parts not fit for rails 
were cut into cord wood and piled up for winter use. The refuse 
and remainder was piled into heaps, and when dry enough was 
burnt. The cleared ground was then fenced with the rails made, 
and plowing was done, as well as it could be among the stumps 
and roots, and seed of some kind sowed or planted. Such a piece 
of "new ground" was got in order if possible by July, and turnips 
sown. With good cultivation wnth the hoe after they came up, a 
good crop could be produced the same year on such new ground 
of several hundred bushels per acre, by the time of late frosts. 
Artichokes and mustard were sown along the fence in the corners. 
Another early crop, that is, a crop the same year the ground was 
cleared, if it could be got in early in July, was buckwheat. By 
hard work and faithful industry the husbandman generally got these 
two crops the first year — always providing he was not driven 
away in the fall and his crops taken by somebody else. This was 
too often the case as has been related in previous pages. 

It took about two weeks to clear off an acre of ground lightly 
timbered, and longer if heavily timbered, and split the rails to fence 
it. It would take about 800 rails and stakes to fence an acre of 


ground on an average — less rails if the fields were large, more if 
they were small. The stumps and roots were not dug out, but 
were left to rot in the ground till they could be pulled out with a 
team. The small roots were dug out or partly dug out with the 
grub hoe where the plow could not be pulled through. It took a 
number of years to get such ground into good working order. On 
the flats, where these first settlers built the first houses, there was 
considerable land already cleared, and that was used for the first 
few years in common. 

Clothing was one of the necessities as well as food, for man, 
woman and child, though pretty much all went barefooted about 
their homes and farms in the summer time. These settlers brought 
flaxseed with them, and always, as soon as a crop could be pro- 
duced it was necessary to produce it. These were ingenious 
people, for with iron and a blacksmith to make a spindle they 
would soon make a spinning-wheel and spin their own flax and 
wool. They had to have a room for a loom and all the other 
necessary machinery for preparing the yarn for weaving, both flax 
and wool, for they were never without sheep. They made their 
own looms and all the necessary accompaniments at home, and the 
wheel and shuttle seemed to be in never-ending use. Each farmer 
had a plot of grass-sod of an acre or so, lying near a spring or 
brook, where he rotted his flax and bleached his cloth. Such plots 
were almost constantly covered with bleaching cloth except in 
w^inter — all this when they were not driven out by the enemy. All 
this could be seen in 1773 and dewn to 1830, and on some farms 
as late as 1840. Linen cloth was bleached by sprinkling it every 
day with water and letting it lie in the sun. Flax was rotted in 
the same place that the bleaching was done, and in much the same 
manner — by spreading out the flax in thin swarths on the grass and 
turning and sprinkling it every cfey once or twice with water. The 
treatment of flax was in this wise: — When ripe in the field, it was 
pulled, dried, the seeds stripped off, rotted as described above until 
the woody part was brittle and would easily break and separate from 
the fiber, then broken, swingled, hackled, or hetchelcd, spun, 
woven, bleached, — now it was linen cloth. 

The men could and did wear leather clothing, and it was neces- 
sary therefore, that tanneries should be early established, and they 


were, and public officers elected in general town-meeting to see 
that their work was properly done. These officers w^ere called 
Leather Sealers. Tanneries were established at least as early as 
1774, the year of the election of the first Leather Sealers, but 
prqbably tanneries had been established the year before. 

Some kind of furniture was necessary in the house, and for the 
first three years — till better roads were made — none could be 
carried on horses and oxen .through the woods along mere paths. 
It all had to be made here, and every man made his own or had 
none; but there were no men here then that could not make their 
own. It did not take long for such people as these to make pretty 
good furniture. When building their houses and, clearing their 
land they had selected out the particular kinds of woods wanted 
for the different kinds of furniture, and laid it away to season for 
use, and afterwards at night and on rainy days they worked at 
some article of furniture. Hickory was used for chairs, the splint 
bottomed kind was made, and they were very good and serviceable. 
Wild cherry was saved for tables and various other articles. 
Hickory was also saved for wagon spokes, and red oak for barrel 


staves, and such woods as were of the proper kinds for tubs, bowls, 
trays, troughs, plows, ladles, spoons, dishes, cups — for everything 
almost was made of wood — and all the different kinds were at 
once and without delay hunted for, found and prepared for season- 
ing and use, and were made into such articles as they needed, in 
the evenings, on rainy days and in the winter time. In the mean- 
time, parts of trees or logs were sawed off the proper length for 
stools and used as chairs. Boards were made for a table by 
splitting a log and hewing it down — this, of course, was before 
1773, for it was possible for all to get sawed lumber after that, 
except that for about four to six years from the Wyoming Mas- 
sacre, when they had no mills again — 1778 to 1782-5. They had 
to accommodate themselves to circumstances, and what they could 
not make for themselves they had to do without. Having no 
furniture they had to get along without until they could make it 
themselves. Splint bottomed chairs "were generally used, but 
rushes were to be found in plenty and were also used for chair 
bottoms. Their furniture was altogether unpainted, unstained and 



The greatest trouble was that for three years in the beginning, 
they had to continue to make it over and over again, as, when they 
returned after being driven out, they would find their buildings all 
burnt and all their furniture carried off or destroyed, and they 
had very similar experiences in Patterson's and Armstrong's time, 
from the beginning of 1783 to 1785. It is no small job by any 
means, to build such a house as has been described above, and all 
the furniture that to these people seemed necessary, and a loom and 
all its necessary accompaniments — big wheel, little wheel, quill 
wheel, reel, swiffs, big and little spools, quills, warping bars, reeds, 
shuttles, harness, and many other things necessary with the loom, 
and plows, har4-ows, wagons or carts, rakes, forks, flails, fans, tubs, 
barrels, and every necessary thing about a farm, especially where 
they had to raise on their own ground everything they w^ore as well 
as ever^'thing they ate. And all had to be made over again by 
themselves, year after year, for three years. This was very dis- 
couraging, but these were very persistent people. Probably no 
other people ever lived that would thus have continued the struggle 
and won. This was good land according to their notion, better 
than they had ever seen in Connecticut, and they had settled it, and 
they were determined to have it and keep it, and they did. 

Hear what John Robinson, the first minister of the first settlers 
in New England, said of them soon after their landing — and these 
were the progenitors of the first settlers in Wyoming : 

"We are well weaned from the delicate milk of the mother- 
country and inured to the difficulties of a strange land; the people 
are industrious and frugal. W^e are knit together as a body in a 
most sacred covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we 
make great conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves 
strictly tied to all care of each other's good and of the whole. It 
is not with us as with men whom small things can discourage." — 
{Green s History of the English People). 

Sheep were brought here by the first settlers in 1769. They 
were driven all the way from Connecticut and much of the way 
through pathless, deep, dark woods, the eastern part of which was 
mostly beech, birch, bass-wood, maple and hemlock. They were 
brought here for the purpose of producing the materials for the 
winter clothin^r of our fathers and mothers, whether from their 


wool or from their skins, and not so much for their flesh. Buck- 
skin, when it could be got in sufficient quantities was used for 
clothing in preference to sheepskin, but it must be understood that 
it took a good many skins to clothe a family and it cost half the 
skin for tanning, unless the family could tan them at home. The 
cost of tanning a buck-skin or sheep-skin, if one paid for it, was three 
shillings, Connecticut Currency, (50 cents), the price of a full day's 
work of a skilled mechanic at that time. The value of a full sized 
deer-skin untanned, was from eight to ten shillings Connecticut Cur- 
rency, {$1.33/^ to $1.66^). In an old account book of 1800 is a 
credit to a debtor: — ''Dec. 19, 1800 — By two deerskins at three 
dollars and a half, to be four dollars if they last two years without 
patching=i!"i 6s. 3^. Pennsylvania Currency." 

Oxen were used for farming and teaming purposes in the early 
settlement more than horses, and for more than forty years after- 
wards. The oxen were yoked together by a short wooden yoke 
for plowing or hauling, with a bow for the neck of the ox at each 
end, so that the yoke rested upon the neck and shoulders and not 
upon the head and horns. A "long yoke" was used to plow the 
corn and potatoes after they were sprouted high enough above the 
ground to be hoed. They had in this case two rows between them. 
In all cases oxen were driven without any guiding lines. They 
went ahead, or back or to the right or left by the command of the 
driver — as "g 'long," "back," "haw," or "gee." This has a strange 
sound to ears of this day. No oxen have been used in Hanover 
for farming now for more than thirty years. Pigs were also brought 
along and have never failed since. Cows and oxen, of course, were 
with the first comers. The Indians had chickens, geese, and ducks 
when the first whites came, and turkeys ran and flew wild in the 
woods in flocks of a dozen or more in each flock. No wild 
turkeys have been seen here now for more than forty years (1885). 

"The valley itself is diversified by hill and dale, upland and in- 
tervale. Its character of extreme richness is derived from the ex- 
tensive flats, or river bottoms, which in some places extend from 
one to two miles back from the stream, unrivalled in expansive 
beauty, unsurpassed in luxuriant fertility. Though now generally 
cleared and cultivated, to protect the soil from floods a fringe of 
trees is left along each bank of the river — the sycamore, the elm. 


and more especially the black walnut, while here and there scatter- 
ed through the fields, a huge shell-bark yields its summer shade 
to the weary^ laborer, and its autumn fruit to the black and gray 
squirrel, or the rival plow-boy. Pure streams of water come leap- 
ing from the mountains, imparting health and pleasure in their 
course ; all of them abounding with the delicious trout." It has 
been long since this was the case — the mines having been pumping 
the mine water into the brooks and. streams of the valley for many 
years past, there is not a trout or any other kind of fish in one of 
them, as no fish or anything else can live in such water. But to 
proceed with the quotation from Miner's History, now forty years 

"Along those brooks and in the swales, scattered through the 
uplands, grow the wild plum and the butternut, while wherever the 
hand of the white man has spared it, the native grape may be 
gathered in unlimited profusion. I have seen a grape vine bending 
beneath its purple clusters, one branch climbing a butternut loaded 
with fruit, another branch resting on a wild plum, red with its de- 
licious burden, the while growing in their shade the hazel-nut was 
ripening its rounded kernel." Such things are no longer to be seen. 

" Such were the common scenes when the white people first 
came to Wyoming, which seems to have been formed by nature a 
perfect Indian paradise. Game of every sort was abundant. The 
quail whistled in the meadow; the pheasant rustled in its leafy 
covert; the wild duck reared her brood, and bent the reed in every 
inlet; the red deer fed upon the hills, while in the deep forest, within 
a few' hours' walk, was found the stately elk. Several persons now 
— 1844 — delight to relate their hunting prowess in bringing down 
this noblest of our forest inhabitants." All these have long ceased 
to inhabit our woods and waters. " The river yielded at all seasons 
a supply of fish. The yellow perch, the pike, the catfish, the bass, 
the roach, and in the spring season myriads of shad." 

" From various points the valley can be seen to advantage, but 
from Inman's Hill," (Dilley's Hill in Hanover) "the eye embracing 
part of Hanover and the broad expanse of the Wilkes-Barre and 
Kingston meadows, the prospect is eminently picturesque pre- 
senting a scene rich in a single aspect, but in detail studded with in- 
numerable beauties." And speaking of the river shad in a note he 


'says: — "The fact is worth recording that this fish, excellent as it 
was justly esteemed, caught in the Chesapeake Bay or at the mouth 
of the river, attained to a superior size and flavor when taken as far 
up as Wyoming. In point of fatness and excellence there could be 
no comparison. Possibly only the largest and strongest could 
stem the current for so great a distance, but a better reason, I ap- 
prehend, is to be found in a favorable change in quantity and 
quality of congenial food. In 1778 a haul was made at Nanticoke 
of uncounted thousands. The fishermen threw on shore while pur- 
chasers could be found, and gave to those who were unable to buy. 
The supply of salt being exhausted, the seine was raised and the 
rest allowed to escape." — Miner. 

The present generation knows nothing about any yellow bass, 
shad, or pike in the river. Since the dams for the canal were put 
in the river, there have been no shad, and all other kinds of fish 
seem to have been nearly exterminated, at least in the valley above 
Nanticoke dam. Black bass have lately been introduced, but are 
scarce above the dam. They are caught in moderate numbers 
below the dam at Nanticoke, with hook and line. 



(^^ S to tradesmen, the blacksmith stood at the head of all in 
Cpk this new country. He never need be idle. Almost every- 
"^^ \^ thing made of iron in those early days in Wyoming 
Valley was made by the blacksmith. He made the plows. The 
cast-iron plow was invented and patented in 1814 by Jethro Wood. 
Before that they were made of wood and sheathed in iron. He 
ironed off the wagons and carts — two wheeled vehicles that the 
farmers used mostly with oxen. He made scythes, reaping-hooks, 
axes, knives in general, chisels, drawing knives, shears, sheep shears, 
garden hoes, grub hoes, spades, shovels of all kinds, hammers, 
rakes, harrows, pitchforks, stable forks, and-irons, flat-irons, door 
handles, latches, hinges and locks, barn door hinges, cow-bells, shod 
horses and oxen, made the irons of hames and harness, steel for 
"flint and steel" — for striking and kindling fires before "friction 
matches" were inver^ted — ("lucifer matches" they were first called) 
— iron lamps for burning lard, nails of all kinds, griddles, tongs, 
pokers, sled shoes, skates, cranes for the chimneys, pot hooks, 
cranks for grindstones, and flax spinning-wheels, and for saw-mills 
occasionally, and otheF irons for mills, spindles for spinning wool, 
and flax, chains, and thousands of other things that one cannot re- 
member and that have long been out of date, or are made now by 
other tradesmen or by machinery and in other ways, and the. suc- 
ceeding generations have lost the tradition of them. The gun and 
locksmith was a different trade, and not altogether in iron and steel. 
If the work to be done was heavy, the employer of the black- 
smith frequently had to help him. He had to blow the fire and 
wield the sledge. The writer remembers hearing one tell of going 
to the blacksmith with some iron to have a griddle made. He blew 
the bellows and wielded the sledge while the blacksmith handled 


and heated the iron and hammered with a smaller hammer. They 
worked hard a half day together, beating that iron into shape, 
welding it and flattening it out, and fashioning and finishing that 
griddle, handle, swivel and all to the end. It was a good griddle 
for either wood or coal fires, and has been in constant use from that 
day to this, more than ninety years, and the writer has eaten buck- 
wheat cakes baked on it this very day, and he also thinks, if his 
memory serves him, that the same person said he dug the ore out 
of his own farm and took it to the furnace, or ** forge" it was called, 
and it was made into iron for him. At all events he dug ore and 
took it to the forge at Nanticoke and got iron for it. Iron thus 
procured was used, among other things, to pay for work done. 

It took a pretty skillful blacksmith to make a spindle for a flax 
spinning-wheel, or even a wool spinning-wheel, but they made 
them in the earlier times of the settlement here, and the farmers 
themselves made the wood work, with axe, saw, auger, spokeshave, 
drawing knife and a gimlet, awl and knife, and chisel, and these 
tools were also made by the blacksmith. This was when they had 
to have the wheels " right away," when they had no time to wait 
for tradesmen or mechanics, or for the appearance of dealers in 
hardware. The writer has seen some of these old wheels, for they 
were good and durable and lasted till his time, and he knows where- 
of he speaks. Necessity compelled them to produce- these 
machines in some way to do the necessary spinning, for they had 
to have thread to make and repair garments. They hardly knew 
how to use the sinews of deer. Of course they would have used 
them had the necessity compelled, but they were white men and of 
too ingenious a kind ever to let the necessities of the savage come 
upon them in a matter of this kind. 

Now, perhaps, will be as good a time as any to describe the 
carding of wool by hand, for no other way was then known, and 
describe the wheel, also, for the spinning of it at that time. 


The cards were made of a thin piece of wood about a half inch 
thick, twelve inches long, and six or seven inches wide, and with a 
handle to each card on one edge about six inches long. The face 
of the card was covered with hard leather filled with teeth of fine 


steel wire about three-fourths of an inch long, bent slightly in the 
middle so the points leaned slightly towards the handle of the card. 
A small handful of wool was separated from the fleece and laid 
upon one of the cards, then another card was taken and the wool — 
between the teeth of the pair — was rubbed and combed by moving 
the cards back and forth on the wool, sometimes with the handles 
of the cards both in one direction, and sometimes with the 
handles — and, of course, the teeth — of the cards in opposite direc- 
tions. By these movements, continued long enough, all the kinks 
and knots in the wool were drawn apart and separated so as to 
leave a fine loose and fluffy mass of the handful, which was then 
patted lightly on the backs of the cards so as to form a bat about 
an inch thick and six or seven inches wide and thirteen or fourteen 
long; this was then rolled up on the back of the cards by the 
cards, into a roll for spinning, some three inches in diameter and 
fourteen or fifteen inches long. This was hand-carding and this 
was the ** roll." The spinning was sometimes done from the bat, 
but generally the bat was rolled up for spinning. 


The spindle was made of steel, about a foot long, a quarter of 
an inch in diameter, with one end brought down to a sharp point. 
The butt end had journals cut in smaller than the rest of the 
spindle and about four inches apart, one being close to the butt 
end. A wooden disk was driven tight on the spindle about midway 
between the ends. Between the two journals a wooden **whir" 
was fastened tightly on the spindle, having V-shaped grooves cut 
in around it for the driving cord to run in. This spindle was 
fastened in place by two thick leather journal bearings to two up- 
right pieces of wood an inch in diameter and five inches high, 
standing fastened in holes in a horizontal, piece of wood about 
three inches in diameter and seven or eight inches long. This was 
called the ''head" of the spinning-wheel. This head was fastened 
on the top of an upright post set in one end of a heavy bench 
made expressly for the spinning-wheel, and the spindle was run by 
a cord driven by a wheel about four feet in diameter, turning on an 
axle or journal fastened in an upright post set or standing in the 
other end of the bench, the cord running round tfie wheel and the 


whir on the spindle. The wheel was turned by one hand while 
the roll was held in the other, with a thread from it fastened to the 
spindle and winding out and over the point, and as it was rapidly 
turned and spun, drew out the thread or yarn from the roll. When 
the thread or yarn was sufficiently twisted it was wound up on the 
spindle, outside of the wooden disk, and this operation was con- 
tinued until the spindle was full. This was the old original wheel 
here, but in later years there was a ** patent" head introduced. 
This had a small wheel on the "head" from which a second cord 
ran to the whir on the spindle. This improvement twisted the 
thread with much less turning of the larger wheel. 

In flax spinning a very different wheel — and spindle — was used. 
The flax was held on a distaff, and the wheel was turned by the 
foot with a treadle. 


The flax spinning-wheel was made of oak. It consisted of a 
bench about two feet long, seven or eight inches wide and two 
inches thick. The spindle end was elevated a few inches higher 
than the rear end where the wheel ran. The legs spread wide 
apart at the floor, the back or rear ones being about a foot long. 
In the back end were erected two posts about eighteen inches high 
and leaning back. Between these posts ran a wheel about eighteen 
inches in diameter, the iron axle through the hub being let into the 
posts at the top. The iron axle has a small crank on it at the back 
end outside of the post for the connecting rod of a treadle under 
the wheel, to be attached to, to turn the wheel. At the elevated 
end were two other posts about eighteen inches high erected from 
a cross-piece for the spindle to run in. The bearings for the spindle 
to run in were of stiff leather. The end of the spindle toward 
the spinner was hollow for the thread to pass through, and so 
through the bearing and journal of the spindle, and came out at 
the side of the spindle through a hole. The spindle had ''fliers" 
on it with hooked wires in the sides to carry the thread over the 
spool. The open ends of the .fliers were towards the back or little 
end of the spindle, so as to allow the spool and whir to be put on 
and taken off the spindle. The ''whir" was a grooved piece of 
hard wood about two inches in diameter for the driving cord from 



the wheel to run in to turn the spindle. One part of the driving 
cord ran in a groove on the end of the spool next to the whir. 
This groove was a little smaller than those in the whir, so as to 
make the spool run a little faster than the spindle, thus winding up 
the twisted thread on the spool. This wheel ran with one long 
cord in two grooves around the wheel, the cord doubled to run 
around the wheel to the whir, back to the wheel and around again 
and then around the groove in the end of the spool. This cord 
ran like a double cord, but it was only one, and crossed itself to go 
twice around the wheel and once each around the whir and spool. 
The distaff was set at the head of the wheel in a hole with a pro- 
jecting arm and bows standing up (the real distaff) to hold the flax. 
The spinner sat at this wheel on the side with the spindle and 
distaff at the left and the wheel at the right and a foot on the 
treadle underneath. 

Every girl learned to spin and to knit in those days, and most of 
them learned to weave, to make laces, fringes and tassels and work 
figures of men and animals, and landscapes, and embroidery of 
various kinds with the needle, and the dying of woolen cloth and 
yarns. It may be too much to say that every one learned all these 
or most of them, but it is not too much to say that every one tried, 
however poor her family was. These were accomplishments that 
our grandmothers, and grandfathers too, thought of the highest 
value in those days, when idleness produced want. They were all 
taught to do housework, and the boys and girls both learned to 
read and write. The boys learned not only to farm in the ordinary 
sense of it, but to raise and rot flax, to break it, to swingle it, to 
"hetchel," "heckel" or "hackel" it, to bleach it, and many even 
learned to spin and weave it. Weaving was no mean trade for a 
man. We have now in actual use in our own house, coverlets of 
blue, and also of red woolen yarn, woven in and over linen warp 
and filling, making a figure of raised blue, or red, on white, on 
either side of the coverlet, woven by one who came here with her , 
father's family in 1779,* a young girl of sixteen, and died fifty -six^ 
years ago. She was not among the first settlers, for it was ten 
years after the first settlement was made that she came. The 
Wyoming Massacre had taken place the year before, and the Revo- 

♦Ann^ Hurlbul, afterwards wife of Elisha lilackman, of Hanover. 


lutionary war had been in progress for more than three years. At 
this time the people had some things that might be called comforts 
when compared with those of the settlers of the first three or four 

The first store in Hanover was kept by William McKarrichan, 
in Nanticoke, who came to Wyoming in 1774. He taught school 
a short time and then established a store. He was captain of the 
Hanover Militia, and was killed in the massacre of Wyoming July 

Before the massacre and expulsion in 1778 several saw-mills 
had been built, and boards and other lumber could be got, but in 
general their houses and barns were built of logs, and after the first 
three years were roofed with shingles, but some were thatched with 
straw. After the end of the Revolutionary war when peace had 
been declared, and the third Pennamite and Yankee war had ended, 
better houses began slowly to appear. The houses were then built 
larger, and of hewed logs with the ends sawed off close to the 
corners. Some of these houses are still standing and are occupied 
as farm houses. (Indeed, one still in use, standing in the fields 
south-west of Petty's Mill, about eighty rods, is understood to 
have been removed some sixty or more years ago from " Button- 
wood," where it had been used for defense against the Indians in 
more than one attack before the end of the Revolutionary war.) 
These houses were generally built one and a half stories high — 
sometimes a two-story one was built. Frequently they had a 
porch along one side, more frequently along the rear than the 
front, and were very comfortable houses ; but they had to have the 
chinking replastered with clay inside and outside every year for 
winter. These houses were never lathed and plastered. The logs 
were bare inside and out. The rains during the spring and 
summer beating against the sides would wash out the clay, and 
it had to be constantly or yearly renewed. • Good shingle roofs 
were put on these houses. Frame barns were the first frame 
buildings built. They wished to have their harvested crops well 
protected from *the weather. A log barn was not a very good barn 
for various reasons.' 

The early settlers maintained free schools of their own free will 
and choice. There was no law here then to compel them, except 


such as they made in their own town-meetings, but, although on 
the far frontiers and very poor, they determined to have the rising 
generation — the* future hope of safety, of defense — fitted for their 
duties in the best manner possible, and that it should not be scant 
even here in the wilderness, but equal to, if not better than their 
fathers received in the older settled and safer community. Several 
of their school-masters were killed in the battle and massacre, 
among the rest Capt. McKarrachan who taught school in Nanticoke 
as early as 1774. Probably there was a school there in 1773. 
Afterwards when it became too dangerous to send their children 
to school, they were taught at home. Indeed, this was done 
long after fears of the Indians had ceased to exist, and the wars 
were ended. Some one who was thus engaged in teaching her 
own children, would announce to her neighbors that she would 
take a class at certain hours of the day at her own home to teach 
certain branches; nearly always in the case of girls it was coupled 
with needle-work in various branches, of knitting, making laces, 
netting, embroidery, etc., and families would send good sized 
children, girls and boys, more than two miles to such teachers, 
for the most skillful hand with the needle was not unknown to her 
neighbors for many miles round. This, if nothing- else, would 
attract the girls, and the boys went to learn to "read, write and 
cipher." Money of any kind was so little in circulation that all pay 
was "in kind," that is, some product of the farm, dairy, or household. 
School books were taken care of in those days, and every one fur- 
nished his own. Books were something that could not be made 
by the father of the family, and often the books used by the father 
were the same books used by the children, and even the grand- 

Physicians were, as a matter of course, not very numerous, and 
in the scattered population of a new settlement they were far apart. 
In such new settlements the inhabitants were liable to disease at 
least as much, if not much more so, than in an older settled country, 
as experience has abundantly shown. What then was to be done 
here incase of sickness? Well, in such cases they had what are 
called "old women" doctors. Everybody In those days, and 
especially the women, was more or less informed as to the sup- 
posed medicinal qualities of certain roots, herbs, plants, shrubs, and 



barks, all to be found in their gardens or in the neighboring woods. 
Every garden — and they prided themselves on their gardens — was 
provided with hops, sage, rue, wormwood, tansy, peppermint, spear- 
mint, catnip, thyme, hoarhound, camomile, mustard, rhubarb, yel- 
low-dock, comfrey, opodeldock, dill, colt's-foot, and many others 
equally good and equally nauseous, and they were very liberally 
administered, together with hot baths, and sweats, and salves, and 
poultices in what they considered proper cases. 

The people of those early days had no very high opinion of the 
profession of an M. D,, and in most cases would not call a doctor 
at all, even when he was within easy reach, or if they did, it would 
be as the very last resort. They did not wish to be poisoned for 
life — if they lived through it — by calomel. But they made it a 
practice to go once a year to the doctor and get bled ! There were 
other people also, besides doctors, who used the lancet for bleeding 
people. It was not necessary, they thought, for one to be sick at 
all, in any way, that he should have that done, but he had himself 
bled so as to keep himself well, just as some people in this age 
physic themselves sick in the spring, in order to keep well during 
the rest of the year. 

In these early times the people, though surrounded with stumps 
and stohes, and brush and woods, and general disorder in their 
new clearings, yet had some taste for the beautiful in spite of cir- 
cumstances, and gratified it in a small way. Every house or family 
had a clump of rose bushes in the door-yard or in the garden, and 
a bunch or two of peonies, a clump of lilac bushes, and sunflowers, 
and hollyhocks, and many had white poppies and made their own 
opium. And if there were young girls in the family, they would 
have pinks, and pansies, and marigolds, and morning-glories, and as 
many other kinds of flowers as they could get. It took time, of 
course, for these things to be brought in from Connecticut. After 
the jurisdiction reverted to Pennsylvania there was not much 
beautifying of anything for three years, during a great part of which 
time Pennsylvania soldiers were trying to dispossess the inhabitants. 
But there were too many 'inhabitants and they were too widely 
scattered through the valley, for the soldiers to keep them out after 
throwing them and their goods out of the houses and nailing up 
the doors and windows, for as soon as the soldiers were gone to the 


next place, the women would break open the doors and carry their 
things, that were not destroyed, back into the house again — unless 
the soldiers had set fire to the house and burnt it down, which was 
frequently done. But in that case they would go to work at once, 
and build a new one. It maybe supposed that few of these soldiers 
liked this work. All these things happened more than once along 
the River Road in Hanover, where almost the only houses werfe 
then, from 1783 to 1785, inclusive. It is proper to say, but few of 
their houses or barns were burnt in Hanover. This portion of my 
narrative is intended to take in and describe the condition of things 
in general in the township from the first settlement down to 1800. 

With the troubles these people had with the government of 
Pennsylvania for their land, there were mixed other troubles from 
natural causes. After a winter of unusual severity in 1783-4 about 
the middle of March (13 and 14) the weather became suddenly 
warm and rain fell in torrents, melting the snows throughout all 
the hills and valleys in the upper regions of the Susquehanna. The 
ice began to break up and the river rose with great rapidity. The 
ice gave way in some places, and blocked up and refused to move 
in others. In this way several large dams or gorges of ice had 
formed, and the water and ice from above had spread out over the 
lowlands — the flats — to find an outlet. A gorge was formed among 
others, at Nanticoke, and the water had spread over the flats as 
far up as Pittston. Finally the gorges — or dams of ice — above, 
broke away and came rushing down upon this dam at Nanticoke. 
Houses and barns, and cattle, and stacks of grain and hay, and 
pig-pens with their pigs, were swept away by the rushing, roaring 

At the Hurlbut house below the Red Tav^ern, they were pre- 
paring to fly to the hills, but the water was too quick for them. 
The good Deacon John was dead, but his family was there, and 
two of his sons who had gone down to the river bank to get a boat 
of theirs to use in case of necessity, were compelled by the 
rising water to run, but the water came up so fast, that, as they 
held the rope of the boat in their hands, the boat followed in the 
water to the door of their house. They tied the boat to the door 
and tried to get the family up stairs, but the water rose so fast and 
there were so many of them and some neighbors who had come 


there for safety, that their sister Anna (a young woman, being the 
last, or, for other reasons) had got into the boat to keep out of the 
water. The steps or ladders were swept away, and as she could 
not get from the boat into the house, and so up stairs, and there 
being no window up stairs on that side of the house, and the water 
being above the door, she had to stay with a brother in the boat 
all night. The rush of the water being so great they did not dare 
to untie the boat to get to a window or to the hill near by. By 
daylight the flood subsided. Many cattle were drowned and much 
provisions lost. This was always known afterwards as the " Great 
Flood" or "Ice Freshet." In order to determine the height of this 
flood the writer with two assistants went to the site of that house, 
and with a level took the height of the flood above the general 
level of the flats. The position of his level was five feet above 
the gfound where the house stood. This was probably several 
feet lower than the surface of the water was there. The level 
was found then to be twenty-eight feet above the level of the 
flats near the road by the side of the creek. The writer does not 
know how high the flood of* 1865 rose to at that place, but from 
what he does know of that flood of 1865, he will say that the 
flood of 1784 must have been from twelve to fourteen feet higher 
than that of 1865. In other words, such a flood as that of 1784 
would submerge the Public Square of Wilkes-Barre, about twelve 
feet under water. 

The position or site of the Hurlbut house was on the east side 
of the creek— (Behee's Creek) — below the Red Tavern and on the 
north side of the River Road, on some nearly level ground there.. 
Back of the house was the garden, and near the garden apple-trees 
were planted. Some of those apple trees are still standing, and 
near these trees Deacon John was buried in 1782. 

There was another flood in October, 1786, known as the 
''Pumpkin Flood," on account of the river being covered with 
pumpkins floating off*. This was the last; both nature and the 
Pennsylvania government became more propitious ; the three years 
of trouble had ended. 

The clothing worn after leather clothing was discarded, was 
called "homespun," and until within the last forty years was home- 
made. The materials were raised on their own sheep and farms, 


and the wool and flax were carded or hetcheled and spun at home, 
and woven, and dyed, and fulled, and cut and made into clothing at 
home, sometimes by the family, and sometimes by a tailor who 
came to the house and directed and did the work for the male mem- 
bers of the family. The female part of the family wore pretty 
much the same kind of materials in their dress that the males did. 
Although it did not look quite as well as clothing does now, it was 
just as thick, close, and heavy, warm and comfortable as any now 
worn. There were no carding machines in the township nor even 
in Wyoming Valley, it is believ^ed, before 1814.* At least the 
writer so understands it. After that time clothing of various colors 
and degrees of fineness began to be produced even as home-made. 
Previous to that time the carding of wool was all done by hand 
with hand cards, and all spun on a single spindled wheel. The 
"Spinning Jenny" was not invented or at least introduced h«re till 
more than ten years later than 18 14. The cotton gin was invented 
by a Yankee school teacher in Georgia in 1793; before that the 
amount cleaned by a good hand at cleaning cotton was one pound 
per day; by this invention one machir^e performs the labor of 5000 
persons. From about 1800, inventions in the United States have 
produced a wonderful change in labor. In these old times of which 
we are now treating, everything pretty much was done by hand; 
there were rude threshing machines, but nearly all threshing was 
done by hand with the same old flail, one stick fastened to another 
with a leather string, was hammered upon the grain. The winnowing 
of the grain was done with a ''fan" as it was called, but it was done 
.by hand and the natural wind that blew the chaff out. It was 
tedious work. The grain was cut with the "sickle," or with the 
reaping " hook ;" nothing else was known then for the purpose. 
The cradle came into use a little before 1800. 

It was no great matter to make a cap out of the skins of any 
such fur bearing animal as was caught and tanned for the purpose, 
but they were not dressed, and sheared, and trimmed and dyed, so 
as to look very nice, still there was wear and warmth and service 
in them all the same, and when others all around the country wore 
the same kind, what was there to be ashamed of? There was a 
hatter in Wilkes-Barre soon after its settlement, and those who had 

♦At this date Jacob Plumb built a set of carding machines at Pittston. 


a desire for a fine beaver hat would have it made to order, and fre- 
quently of the fur produced by their own hunting skill. Or they 
could have it made of wool. We do not know when the first 
hatter came to Wilkes-Barre, but we do know that such hats were 
made there to order. There was no hatter in Hanover. 

Moccasins were frequently worn, but necessity only would com- 
pel white men to wear them, and the necessity did not last long. 
The boys and girls would go barefooted in the summer till they 
were sixteen or seventeen years old, and in fact many men and 
women managed to save their shoe leather in the ^ame way while 
about home or on the farm. Tanneries on a small scale were es- 
tablished almost in the very beginning of the settlements, and shoe- 
makers were not wanting. The tanning was generally done for 
half the hide. Thus the farmers all had their own leather made 
from the hides of their own cattle, horses, sheep, dogs and some- 
times, hogs, and from deer-skins, and they had only to pay for the 
making into shoes, boots, clothing, saddles, mittens, etc. It cost 
three shillings and ninepence (50 cents) to four shillings and six- 
pence (60 cents) in Pennsylvania Currency to get a pair of shoes 
made. Shoemakers often went to the house and made up the shoes 
for the winter's wear of the family. Then they got their board and 
pay by the day for their work. Tailors also, usually, in the early 
times, went to the house and made up the family clothing for the 
male members of the family, except the leather clothing, which the 
tailor only cut or marked and the shoemaker cut and sewed 
together. Such seasons were frequently taken advantage of for 
calling together the young people and having a jollification. As 
all the women could sew the trade of a tailor was not a very good 
one, the sewing being pretty much all done by the family. There 
were tailors here in these early days and good ones, too, having 
served their time at learning the trade, but the trade of a shoemaker 
was so good a one, that many, if not most of the shoemakers were 
themselves "home-made," that is, they had never learned the trade 
by working with a shoemaker, but had "picked it up," as it were, 
and could make shoes and boots that would answer the purpose. 

•Some such ingenious and naturally skillful men there were in 
other trades too. Such persons made barrels, tubs, half-bushel 
riieasures and various other kinds of cooper work. Any person 



handy at making any kind of particular thing used on the farm, 
could get work at making that, and neeci not farm altogether for a 
living, for he could get all the farm produce he needed in exchange 
for his handiwork, and for less labor. Carpenters in these early 
times were not very numerous compared with the blacksmiths and 
shoemakers, for every man, almost, built his own house, at least up 
to the time of the second generation ; but the wheelwright's trade 
was an important one, for a tradesman of that kind was a 
necessity. A wagon or cart was necessary on every farm, and re- 
pairs had to be .frequently made, and that took tools and skill that 
but few possessed. There has been a time within the past forty 
years in some of the new settlements on our frontiers, where some 
foreigners have made and used a wagon, or cart or "vehicle," made 
by sawing off the end of a large log, and making a hole in the 
center for a wheel,' and with an axle and a pair of such wheels 
made a cart, or with four wheels a wagon. Such a wheel was 
never seen here. They were always made with hubs, spokes and 
fellies, and bound together with iron. The wheelwright built the 
wood-work in his own way and at the price agreed upon for that 
part of the carriage, and then the blacksmith did the iron-work on 
it according to directions of the owner at the price they agreed 
upon. Each tradesman did his own work in his own way, not at 
all connected with each other. No paint was used on any such 
work in the early times, nor on houses nor furniture. Oil mills 
were early established to utilize the seed from their flax, and one is 
forced to wonder why they did not use paint. The fact is well 
enough known, but the reason for it is not. 

Another kind of business was of great importance and of very 
great necessity in those days — now entirely out of date and out of 
use — that was the making of spinning-wheels for wool and flax, 
and shuttles, spools, bobbins and looms, with all their necessary 
other accompaniments. Spoons and dishes of wood have also dis- 
appeared from use. Bowls, trays, ladles, troughs, etc., are still 
made somewhere by hand, but none" are made here. Spoons 
and dishes of wood were superseded by those made of pewter, 
how soon is not known, but probably as early as 1800. -The 
wealthier people had pewter sets before the Rev^olutionary war; 
some of the fugitives after the Wyoming Battle and Massacre 


buried their pewter before they fled, and recovered it after they 
returned. No wooden ware has been made here since 1845. 
Early in this century wooden pegs took the place, in a great 
measure, of flax thread for fastening on the soles of boots. 

The millwright also had a good trade. Almost everything 
about a mill for grinding flour was made of wood, except the 
stones and spindle, and the mills were all run by water. They 
never had heard of steam power. The miller took one-tenth of 
the grist as " toll" for grinding it, whatever it was, and there seems 
to have been doubt sometimes of their honesty, for there was a 
"saying" that "the miller's hogs are always fat ; " but perhaps it 
was only a jest. Perhaps some millers sometimes "tolled" the 
grist twice from forgetfulness. In the earliest settlement and for 
three or four years afterwards there was no mill in the valley of 
Wyoming for grinding flour, and they crushed their grain in a 
public mortar. The ' mills were all burnt at the time of the mas- 
sacre and expulsion, and for a year or less afterwards they had to 
resort to the mortar and pestle again. (It is not certain that the 
Nanticoke Mill was burned after the massacre.) They were too 
poor to rebuild the mills at once and sq they pounded their grain 
in a big public mortar. It was the stump of a large tree that was 
used for the purpose. It was hollowed out by burning in the top 
until there was a large hole deep enough to hold the grain. A 
large stone was dressed and cut and made to fit and nearly fill the 
hole in the stump. A staple was fastened in the top of the stone 
an3 a chain attached and fastened to a young sapling tree standing 
near and bent down to serve as a spring-pole. When the grain was 
put into the mortar in proper quantity, the stone pestle, assisted 
by the spring-pole, was made to pound, the grain, and thus they 
made a coarse meal for flour. There was a mortar and pestle of 
this kind on the River Road in the hollow at the foot of the hill 
below the Red Tavern, near the Hurlbut house. The people of 
a neighborhood used to send a man sometimes, with a horse and 
as large a load of wheat in bags on his back as the horse could 
carry, to mill on the Delaware to have it ground into fine flour. 
When it was brought back it was divided out among the neighbors 
to be used on special occasions, to have something fine and rich 
for grand company and weddings, etc. ^ 


There was little crime among these people, but such small 
crimes and misdemeanors as there were, were generally punished 
by a justice of the peace by fines. The judgments of these 
magistrates were always carried into effect. The public opinion of 
the people always sustained their officers. And their officers were 
conscientious and God fearing Puritans or Presbyterians. There 
was imprisonment for debt in those times — now happily abolished. 
Very infrequently a case would be sent to the county court at 
Wilkes-Barre for trial. These people, we are justified in saying, in 
these early times were always distinguished for their law-abiding 
character. From the very first their respect for the civil authority 
amounted almost to a superstition. A sheriff was considered 
almost too awful a person to be in the least resisted; as witness 
Miner, and Chapman, and Pierce, how often a sheriff, whose juris- 
diction they did not acknowledge, could arrest twenty or thirty of 
them at a time with arms in their hands, and take them unresist- 
ingly to prison, away off more than sixty miles to Easton, or to 
Sunbury, all the way through the woods. Perhaps it was because 
those kind-hearted "Pennsylvania Dutch" or other Pennsylvanians 
would always bail them out of jail right away and send them back 
home again. It may be that these Lancaster County men did not 
submit so quietly to arrest. It would be interesting to know whether 
any of those bail bonds were ever forfeited and collected. This is, 
of course, speaking of the time before the Decree of Trenton, and 
their submission to the jurisdiction and laws of Pennsylvania. 
Then they were not ahuays bailed " right away," but oppressTon, 
t}Tanny, and attempted robbery, if nothing worse, created a re- 
sistance which was fast growing, till the government of Pennsyl- 
vania came to its senses and stopped. 

During the jurisdiction of Connecticut over Wyoming the cur- 
rency in use here was called "Connecticut Currency," and was in 
pounds, shillings and pence; six shillings were equal to one dollar. 
All accounts were kept in that currency. Dollars and smaller 
fractional coins in silver were in circulation to a very limited 
extent, of Spanish coinage, and were the only coins except 
occasionally a crown or half crown of British coin, and a "Joe" 
and "half Joe" Spanish gold. But there was almost a total 
absence of coined money of any kind. Whatever money was 


used the account was kept of it in pounds, shillings and pence, 
Connecticut Currency, and not in Pennsylvania, nor sterling cur- 
rency. After we came under Pennsylvania jurisdiction, the same 
coin in the same very small amount was still in use, but the ac- 
counts were then kept in pounds, shillings and pence in Pennsyl- 
vania Currency, but it took seven shillings and six pence of it to 
make a dollar. When one was paid a fifty-cent piece he gave 
credit in his account for 3^. and 9</.* 

In April, 1778, during the Revolutionary war, and before the 
Wyoming Massacre a town- meeting was held in Wilkes-Barre at 
which they fixed the price of "various articles of sale and service 
of labor:"— 

"Good yarn stockings los.=$i.66^ 

^* Laboring women at spinning, per week 6s. = i.oo 

"Winter fed beef, per pound yd.= .09^ 

^* Metheglin, per gallon 7^. = 1.16^ 

"Shad, per piece 6d.= .08)^ 

^' Ox work, for two oxen, per day 3-^. = .50 

" Good tow and linen, yard wide . . 6s.= i.oo 

"' Good white flannel, yard wide . 5^". = -^3/4 

''Making, setting and shoeing horse all round . . . Ss.= 1.33^ 

"Eggs, per dozen Sd.= .11^ 

"Tobacco in hank or leaf, per pound , gd.= .12)^ 

The above is in Connecticut Currency, six shillings to the dollar, 
and is a quotation from Miner, except in the reduction to dollars 
and cents in the second column of figures. That was done by the 
writer to show at a glance the amount, in recognizable money, or 
currency. In the prices above named some things seem cheap, 
but ten shillings — $1.66^ — seems a rather high price for a pair of 
stockings. At that time they were knit by hand, and came up to 
or above the knee as they were worn with knee breeches, and were 
ribbed or corded all the way up from the ankles; but still that 

*Was it not fortunate for these people that they could all read and write, and so could 
tuy and sell and have any kind of business transacted, and keep a regular account of it, 
and settle when they chose, instead of having to make an actual transfer of goods or 
property of some kind every time they had any dealings with one another as would have 
been the case if they could not keep a book account ? 


seems to be a high price. It would take over three days' work by 
a man then to pay for one pair of stockings ! War was going on 
and prices were high. 

The shoes worn in those early times and up to about 1 800, 
were fastened on the foot by a large buckle over the instep. " Knee 
breeches," or "small clothes," as they were also called, were worn 
instead of trousers, and were fastened at the knee with a buckle 
instead of buttons, these and the shoe-buckles being frequently 
made of silver. The hat was a three-cornered or. ''cocked hat," 
the rim being in three parts or lobes, each lobe fastened up to the 
crown of the hat by a button, hook, ribbon, tassel or feather. The 
coat was long, generally, and of the style called "shad belly" with 
a broad cuff turned up from the end of the sleeve. These things 
were of more or less fine materials according to one's ability to pay 
for them, and the difference between fine and coarse then was 
much greater than it is now. There was imprisonment for debt, 
and people seldom ran in debt to make a fine show. Sheets, 
pillow-cases, and under-clothing, etc., were made of linen, manu- 
factured at home in private houses by persons who did not make 
their living by spinning and weaving, but did- this as part of the 
work on a farm, and as a consequence the linen was not very fine;- 
but it was valuable as may be seen by the fact that even tow-and- 
linen was worth, in 1778, 6s. per yard, that is, one dollar. It grew 
cheaper after the war and could be bought for fifty cents per yard. 

The women wore pretty much the same kind of cloth in their 
clothing that the men did, but as none of the dresses of the women 
of that time have come down to our times, to the writer's 
knowledge, they cannot be described. The coats in some cases, 
and small cloths when made of leather, were made the same in 
style as when made of cloth, except that some parts might be of 
a different kind of leather, as the collar and lapel and pockets of 
the coats. Leather clothing was worn as late as 1815. A coat 
called a "hunting shirt," made of leather, was almost universally 
worn in the country. After leather went out of use this popular 
garment was made of linen, and frequently quilted in fancy figures, 
the body of it being of two thicknesses and wadded with wool; 
and it could be worn either side out. 


In 1778, on the fourth of July, the day after the battle and mas- 
sacre, an old man, one of the Reformadoes in the Wilkes-Barre 
fort, fled through the wilderness to Connecticut, and remained there 
till 1790, when he returned and took possession of his farm- again in 
Wilkes-Barre. Two extracts are here made from his account book 
kept in Connecticut, and one after he returned to Wilkes-Barre. 
They are introduced to show the price of labor at that time, and 
the kind of currency, or denomination of money that was used. 

" Lebanon, July, 1779. [Connecticut] 
" Major Jeems Clark — Dr. 

"To one day reaping £0 35. od.=$ 50 

"To two days' mowing -.06 o = i.oo 

"To one day and half cutting wood ...03 9 = 62^ 

"To one day's work at brick kiln ....03 0"= 50 

"Lebanon, July and Aug., 1784. 
" Major Hyde — Dr. 

"To one day's work mowing £0 3^". od.=$ 50 

"To six days' picking corn ........ 015 o = 2.50 

"To one day reaping ..03 o = 50 

"To one day threshing o 2 0"= 33/^ 

"Wilkes-Barre, 1797. 
"Daniel Downing — Dr. 

"To one day's work £0 3^. gd.=$ 50" 

"To one pound and one quarter of butter .01 8 = 22|- 

"To my oxen one day and half. ....04 6 = 60 

"To cash, one dollar . o 7 6"= i.oo 

The writer has reduced this currency of both Connecticut and 
Pennsylvania to dollars and cents in a separate column. These ac- 
counts go back to a short time after the massacre, and they are in- 
troduced to show the prices of labor and the kind of currency or 
money the accounts were kept in, both in Connecticut and Pennsyl- 
vania. It is strange that such a currency should have been used 
when they had no coin nor paper to represent it. The only coins 
they had were Spanish, it seems. There may have been occasion- 
ally a British silver crown and perhaps an American cent after the 
war. The Spanish coins were dollars, half dollars, quarter dollars 


and pistareens (i8 cents), eighths and sixteenths of a dollar. These 
last two were called here "lev^ies" and "fips" in Pennsylvania 
phraseology, "for short," but their full names were ''eleven-penny- 
bit" and a " five-penny-bit," this last frequently called a " fippennybit." 
In New York Currency these two were called "shilling" and "six- 
pence," and it took just eight of the shillings to make a dollar. 
The New Yorkers still use the word shilling, meaning thereby 
twelve and half cents. In accounts, these coins when receiv^ed or 
paid out were charged or credited in pounds, shillings and pence in 
each of the colonies before the Revolution, and in the states after- 
w^ards until 1806. After 1806 accounts were kept in either, and 
sometimes in both currencies at once. Here is a specimen of the 
double order. 

" Hanover, 1806. 
"John Miller — Dr. 


"Feb. To one shoat 9^. 4^. — i 25 

"To three pecks of beans .... 5 7 — o 75 

"To five pounds hog's lard .• . . . 5 o — o 66 
"To six yards and half tow and 

linen ;£^i 6 o — 3 45 

"To 1 5 lbs of rye flour at 3<^ per It) . 3 9 — o 50" 

The above is not always correct to a fraction. It is, of course, 
in Pennsylvania and United States Currency. After this till about 
1820, accounts were kept in either currency, but not often in both 
at once. These were farmer's accounts. Merchants may have 
kept theirs in one invariable manner. New York Currency was 
used in some parts of Pennsylvania so far as to use sixpences and 
shillings, until within the past twenty years. This was the case 
with that part of our state where their dealings were almost 
wholly with New York. 

Tobacco was from the beginning one of the important crops. It 
was used by nearly every man and was raised on nearly every farm. 
It was manufactured by the farmers at home into "plugs" and sold, 
as well as in leaf The plug was worth about twice as much as 
leaf per pound. Tobacco and iron were frequently used to pay 
small debts in place of money. Tobacco and iron they had, but 
money they did not have. Money did not circulate here to any ex- 


tent There was almost a total absence of gold and silver and any- 
paper representative of it until after the canal was built — 1830. 
Iron was made at Nanticoke and was used as a partial substitute 
for money. Persons who had no use for iron themselves took pay 
in iron for their work and paid it out to others in the same way. 
There was no profit charged by these dealers in iron. It was 
always transferred from one to another at the same price. This 
use of iron continued till 1830. All labor was paid for in kind, 
unless this shall be considered payment in money or currency. 




y^N the early times in Hanover, the trees cut down in clearing 
V up the land were split into rails about eleven feet long for 
^■^-^ fences. It was a way to get rid of the logs, and at the same 
time get a fence. These fences were called "worm-fences." The 
rails were split to about four, five, or six inches in diameter — of 
course, they were triangular in shape. A sufficient number would 
be split to make a fence around the lot, gr to inclose a lot beside 
another lot or field, and to make such cross fences as were desired. 
These fences were always not less than seven rails high, "staked 
and ridered," the top rail or " rider" being heavier than any of the 
others. This kind of fence was laid up from the ground by first 
laying a rail on the ground — a stone was put under the ends, if 
stones were handy — diagonally across the line of direction of the 
fence, the next rail was laid with one end of it across the end of 
the first one, and in a diagonal direction the other way across the 
line of direction of the fence, the ends of the rails crossing each 
other within a foot of the end of each, the further end lay upon a 
stone or upon the ground. This continued around the field, or to 
the end of the contemplated fence, would be one course and would 
be zigzag. Now other courses were laid on these to the number 
of five in the same way, and then the staking was set up. This 
was done by taking a stake, just like a rail, only that it was but 
six or eight feet long, and placing it leaning against the fence at 
the corner where the rails cross each other, with the bottom of it 
sunk a foot or more in the ground about eighteen inches or more 
from the fence. Another stake is sunk in a hole in the ground on 
the opposite side of the fence at the same corner, and the two 
stakes crossing each other over the fifth rail making a crotch. A 
light rail was then laid on, one end in the crotch made by the 


crossed stakes and the other end on the rail at the corner next 
beyond. Then that corner is staked in the same way and a rail 
laid in, and so on to the end. Then the last or seventh rail, called 
a rider, a heavier rail than the others, is laid on each panel all the 
way round and that finishes the fence. Each length of seven rails 
high is called a panel, and two panels thus laid make about one 
rod. The '/zigzag" in the panels makes it stand, and the stakes 
and heavy riders hold it firm. Such a fence will last ten or twelve 
years and most of the rails a great deal longer, but it takes so 
much wood to make such a fence, that, as wood becomes scarce 
such fences are no longer built in Hanover. No new ones of this 
kind have been built in Hanover for twenty or thirty years. They 
are made now of posts and boards, the boards being nailed on. A 
kind of fence used to be built many years ago called ''post and 
rail." In this fence the posts were hewed thin above the ground 
and holes mortised through and thin and wide rails were put in 
the holes, the rails for two panels meeting by the side of each 
other in the mortises in the posts. 

"Fence Viewers" were elected by each township to see that the 
fences had no spaces between the rails of more than a certain 
width, and that they were not less than seven rails high when they 
were worm-fences, for if the owner violated the rules or laws as to 
these matters he could not recover any damages for the trespassing 
of other people's cattle, hogs, sheep, horses, etc., on his crops or in 
his garden. If the fence was "lawful" the damage, whatever 
done, to fences and crops must be paid for heavily by the owner of 
the animals. Some such fences are still in use, of old rails made 
long ago, and perhaps, occasionally, a very few rails of the same 
kind are still made for the repair of such old fences. 

Soon after the third Pennamite and Yankee war ended, the back 
land began to be cleared up for farms. It took a great deal of 
labor; the soil in many places was stony, and everywhere thin 
and poor, at least as compared with the flats. Good crops of 
wheat, rye, corn, potatoes, flax, buckwheat and oats could be raised 
by manuring and the strictest cultivation. 

Farming was the only business carried on here from the first up 
to about 1836, excepting only such other business and trades as 
were necessary to farmers (and a small export of coal down the river 


on arks). A farm was seldom less than a hundred acres, with per- 
haps sixty acres under cultivation for grain, vegetables, hay and 
pasture for cattle and sheep. Few farmers had more than one 
horse. They used oxen. Such a farm would be divided by fences 
into eight or ten fields, with nearly one-half used for hay and 

A garden of about half an acre was attached to each house, and 
was the first thing manured and plowed in the spring. The kitchen 
back door usually led into the garden. The house was situated, if 
possible, near a spring, but if no such spring and satisfactory place 
for the house could be found near together, a well was dug near 
the house. Water could be found almost anywhere by digging 
fifteen or twenty feet. A team of oxen would plow about one acre 
of ground in a day of twelve hours. The ground was plowed as 
early in the spring as it was fit to plow, and when prepared for the 
seed, oats were sown broadcast by hand, and in the case of corn 
and potatoes the whole family, even to children only six or seven 
years old, went into the fields to plant. Nobody was idle then. 
Flax was sown broadcast, and as it grew the women and children 
frequently went into the field and pulled out the weeds. They did 
this also in the corn and potato field sometimes, but these could be 
kept in pretty clean condition by the shovel-plow and the hoe. 

The "cultivator" as known now had not then been invented. 
Beans were generally planted in the garden in hills, and at the 
proper time, when the beans had nearly finished their growth, the 
ground between the hills was dug slightly and turnip seed sown 
in. Thus two crops were raised on this ground in one season. 
The sheep were sheared in June, and from that time there was the 
work of carding the wool — by hand, of course — for carding 
machines were not known till 1814 in Hanover. At the same 
time the spinning followed right along with the carding. The 
spinning-wheel had but one spindle, and only a single thread was 
spun at a time. The jenny and mule were not known at that time. 
Then followed the dying and weaving of woolen cloth. In the fall 
the flax was pulled, dried, stripped of seed, rotted, broken, 
swingled, hctcheled, spun, (on a flax spinning-wheel; of course, the 
wheel for wool would not spin flax) woven, and in the winter made 


up into sheets, pillow-cases, towels, table-cloths, under-clothing and 
all the "thousand and one" things such cloth was used for. 

The crops were harvested in the summer and fall, and the cellar 
filled for the coming year's use with potatoes, turnips, cabbages, 
apples, beets, carrots, pork, beef (corned), vinegar, cider, cider royal, 
metheglin. Apples, potatoes, cabbages and turnips were also bur- 
ied in large heaps in the earth in the garden to be preserved 
through the winter. The winter was a no less busy time than the 
summer, for threshing was all done by hand with the flail, the corn 
was shelled by hand, all grain, such as wheat, rye, oats, buckwheat 
had to be cleaned of its chaff by hand. A "fan," as it was called, 
was used for this purpose, taking advantage at the same time of 
any draught of air passing across the threshing floor. And then 
with all the labor put upon it, it was not very clean. Fanning 
mills for cleaning or separating the grain from the chaff were not 
introduced here earlier than 1825, and the times intended to be 
represented above are those previous to 1800. 

These people worked hard, all of them, unless it was those 
going to school and those too young to go to school. They had 
abundance of such things to eat and for clothing as they could 
raise themselves on their own farms, but there was a great scarcity 
of everything produced elsewhere that was necessary for them to 
have. Salt was two dollars and forty cents a bushel, and poor at 
that. Now, in 1885, salt of a better quality can be bought at 
thirty-five to fifty-six cents per bushel, this last being the best pro- 
duced now. The thirty-five-cent salt is probably much better than 
these people could get then for two dollars and forty cents. But 
whatever it cost they had to have it to preserve their meat and fish 
for the year's use. Furs were caught and exchanged for such 
articles as salt and other things that had to be procured abroad, 
for they had no money to buy with.* 

There was no market abroad for anything produced here, except 
furs and coal, which had to be floated down the river, and there 
was no way to get to market, if there had been any, except by Dur- 
ham boat or by sixty miles of teaming through an uninhabited, 

*Who is to be thanked for the progress of the country in the past hundred years ? We 
hear some persons who seem to be intelligent men say, " The people have not been bene- 
fitted by inventions in machinery and scientific discoveries !" 


woody, mountainous or swampy country with no roads and no 
inhabitants to make roads. The trees were cut, along where a 
road might be made, and places made to ford the creeks and 
streams, but no roads zvere made. Who could make them where 
there were so few inhabitants, and almost no trav^el. No loads 
worth mentioning could be hauled by a team through such ways. 
The river almost alone was used as a highway for the transpor- 
tation of merchandise, except perhaps furs. 

The farmers kept sheep in numbers proportioned to the number 
of persons in the family and those to be supported by the farm, in- 
cluding hired" persons, male and female. As all payments were 
made " in kind " the produce of the farm had to be taken in pay- 
ment of wages by the hired man and hired woman. But the sheep 
in the township would not average more than about one or one and 
a half to each inhabitant, old and young', in 1800. There was no 
market abroad for their wool, and much leather clothing was also 
worn. Yet spinning and weaving seemed to be going on all the 
time. Horned cattle were nearly as numerous as sheep, and a 
great deal of butter and cheese were made. Some of these people 
kept large flocks of chickens, and geese, and ducks, and turkeys, 
and large numbers of hogs, and they were cheap. Some of these 
things were traded off at the stores in Wilkes-Barre, but there 
were so few people that did not raise their own that not much was 
thus disposed of The most that was sold was to their hired 
hands to pay for their work. There had to be some measure of 
value, and that was the price that could be got for these things 
in trade at the merchants' stores in Wilkes-Barre. There was a 
store in Hanover, but prices were fixed in Wilkes-Barre stores. 
The course of trade regulated the prices then as it does now, but 
Wilkes-Barre was the place where that course developed itself. 
No set of merchants could fix the price then any more than they 
can now. 

When saw-mills were built and for fifty or sixty years after- 
wards the very best of white pine lumber could be bought at the 
mill for four dollars per thousand feet, board measure, and delivered 
at one's house for six dollars. It has all been used up now, and 
none of the kind can be found anywhere within fifteen or twenty 
miles from the township, and it is even doubtful if any of the same 


quality can be found standing anywhere in eastern Pennsylvania. 
Yellow pine of the best quality once existed in large quantities in 
Hanover, but there is scarcely a tree now left standing. There are 
but few trees of any valuable kind left in our woods or groves. 
They have been cut and used for props in the mines, or for 
sills — ties — for the railroads. 

Carpenter work and cabinet making were all done by hand. 
The planing was all hand work. It took a great deal of hard labor 
to plane off all the weather boards for a house, together with all 
the flooring, and tongue and groove it by pushing the plane by 
hand. But they knew nothing of machine planing then, or any 
other machine work about house building, or making sash, blinds 
and doors. It may be worth while to let our thoughts turn back 
once in a while and consider with what patience our fathers and 
mothers worked without the labor-saving machinery of this age, 
and did their full share, and more, towards the happiness and well- 
being of their posterity and the stranger that should come after 

Almost all families had weavers among themselves, but the 
weaver's trade was a good and busy one. He or she never need be 
idle. Their work was well done, and much of it as fine and beauti- 
ful as is done at this day even by machinery. The looms were 
large wooden things about eight feet wide and ten feet long, and 
seven feet high to the top of the rollers over which the cords ran 
that held the harness or "heddle." It would take up nearly half of 
a moderately sized room. Frequently there was a separate build- 
ing for it and its necessary accessories. These were a little-wheel, 
a quill-wheel, spools — a large and small — bobbins, reel, swififs, 
reeds, warping-bars, harness or heddle, shuttles, temples, hand 
cards, and big-wheel, and many other things, the names of which 
are not now remembered. There was scarcely a day in the year, 
leaving out Sundays, that some one was not seated on the loom 
swinging the "lay," throwing the shuttle, and working the treadles. 
The machine itself is made to do all that now, and an attendant 
has only to stand near and watch it and several other looms 
together at the same time, all running by steam or water power, 
and with a speed never imagined by these early weavers of the 
eighteenth century. But nothing of this kind is done in Hanover. 


From eight to ten pence per yard was paid for weaving, that is 8|- 
to 1 1^ cents, when it was done by the yard. When a woman was 
hired by the wTek with board and washing she was paid six 
shillings — that is, 80 cents per week. Home-made flannel shirts 
were made and worn here as late as 1849. 

Skilled workmen at their trades received 3^. <^d. — 50 cents per 
day and board, and a day's work was from sunrise to sunset; un- 
skilled laborers got 2s. 6d. — 33}^ cents, and all had to take their 
pay in the produce of the farm, and this was the way wages were 
paid for more than sixty years, or certainly till 1830, and it was 
pretty much the same till about 1850. Laborers worked on the 
farms for ten dollars a month and board through the farming 
season of about seven months. The rest of the year they did jobs 
of treading and of breaking flax, and other work about the prepara- 
tion of it for spinning. But they had no steady work through the 
winter. The fall work was very pressing and busy, in gathering in 
the corn, potatoes, pumpkins, turnips, and picking apples and mak- 
ing cider, hooping barrels, curing tobacco, stripping the flaxseed 
and rotting the flax, butchering the year's meat of porkers and 
beeves, and making sausage and sauerkraut, and cutting and drying 
apples, and securing the winter apples; and apple-cuts and quilt- 
ings had to be attended to by the young people. 

And at this season also, shoes and clothing had to be prepared 
for the children to go to school. There was much more snow then 
than now in the winters, and there was but little travel, and roads 
frequently not broken through the snow to the school-houses. 
Snow fell frequently three and four feet, and sometimes five 
feet deep on the level. Now it is seldom eighteen inches. It 
was much farther to the school-house than now, but the children 
had to go every day and wade through and break their own paths. 
So they needed good warm clothing and thick shoes and boots, 
and these things had to be made up anew every fall for them. They 
did not seem to mind the snow or cold, for what rollicking mischief 
there was among them on the way to and fro — but especially fro ! 
Well, it was much the same, as to that, in later days. 

The mason's trade became a good one soon after the Revolu- 
tionary war ended. He was called on to build all the chimneys, 
and the chimneys of those days were no small affair. They were 


from six to eight feet thick at the ground floor and from ten to 
twelve feet wide, and with an enormous hearth and fire-place. Of 
course this was after the first cabins had rotted down, or the owner 
had grown able to build a better house. These chimneys were 
placed generally near the middle of the house, and had a room on 
each side and a fire-place in each room, and some of them had 
three rooms and a fire-place on three sides, and on the kitchen side 
a large stone oven was frequently built in it with the rest. The 
hearth went across the face of the whole thing, in front of the fire- 
place and also of the oven, and was paved or laid with flat stones — 
as it was very difficult here for these people in those times to get a 
single stone large enough for the whole hearth. The oven had a 
flue leading into the main chimney. The chimney was much 
smaller from the chamber floor up than it was below, but would 
have an opening inside to the top of about two and a half feet 
square or more ; some were nearer three feet. They were all built 
of stone and laid up with yellow clay for mortar, as there was no 
lime in the valley of Wyoming, nor within thirty-five miles of it — 
and that dow7i the river. After 1830 they could get lime by canal. 
Lime could be brought down the river on arks in the spring floods, 
but it was very expensive. It came from New York if at 
all. Plaster or gypsum was procured in that manner by the 
farmers for use as a manure on their corn and potatoes. It cost, 
unground, from thirteen to seventeen dollars per ton at the river, 
and it cost two dollars per ton for grinding. In this way they 
could get lime for plastering their houses, or for laying up chimneys 
or walls, but it cost so much that very few ever used any. 

These houses were pretty large and comfortable farm-houses at 
this time, and rag carpets were usually found upon the floor of the 
best room. These houses and carpets indicated quite a degree of 
prosperity before the year 1800, but all were not thus housed by 
any means. In these early settlements they made brooms, out of a 
young hickory of about three or four inches in diameter, broom- 
corn not being raised here at that time. The bark was peeled off 
and the butt was split up for about a foot or more in very fine 
splints, splint by splint, with a knife, all the splints being held back 
out of the way until the whole stick was thus split or slit. 
Then above these splints up the stick, other splints were split 



do7v?i the stick to within a half or quarter of an inch of the 
tops or upper ends of the other splints, and these last were bent 
down over the first ones. These were split down this way until the 
stick was small enough for a handle, when these last were all fast- 
ened down with a cord and trimmed even on the bottom, and there 
was a broom. The upper part of the handle was then shaved down 
to the desired thickness with the drawing-knife on the shaving 
horse, and they had a very durable broom. After broom-corn was 
produced these hickory brooms were still made, but they were 
used only for scrubbing, sweeping walks, and paths, and barn floors 
and other rough work. It took a great deal of work to make one, 
but they were quite lasting when made. 

Drinking cups and dippers for water and for many other pur- 
poses were made of gourd-shells, (calabash), as soon as they could 
raise gourds for the purpose, and every family had them growing 
in its garden during at least two generations. They were univer- 
sally used in the country, but perhaps not much in town. They 
were needed for water and cider — (it took ten years from the plant- 
ing of the apple seeds to get apples to make cider) and for milk, 
and buttermilk, and they were used as ladles for buckwheat batter. 
There was a more concentrated kind of drink that they did not 
drink out of a gourd shell. For that they took a beef's horn, cut 
off a length of three or four inches of the large end, scraped it 
down thin so light could be seen through it easily, then put a 
wooden bottom in the small end, and there was a drinking horn. 
When one drank from that he took a "horn" of the stuff. 

They were a very hospitable people. When anyone with whom 
they were acquainted came to the house, or any visitors came, the 
pitcher of cider was set out, and if they had any stronger drink, 
as they usually had — metheglin, cider royal, "apple-jack," it was 
always brought forth. At meal times these things were set on the 
table with the rest. Anyone could drink, if so inclined, but it was 
seldom or never urged on him, any more than a drink of water, or 
milk or coffee. "Cider royal" was new cider fermented with one- 
tenth of its quantity of "apple-jack" (cider brandy) in it. Apple- 
jack was a spirit distilled from cider. Metheglin was a fermented 
mixture of honey and cider or water and was very intoxicating. 


From its mild and sweet taste it seemed that it must be innocent, 
but many have been deceived by it and knocked over. 

The ancient way of raising bees and honey and making 
metheglin may as well be told together. There was no other sweet- 
ening substance to be got here in the early times but honey and a 
syrup made of the sap of the soft maple. Hard maple or sugar- 
maple did not grow here, except a few trees in the notch of the 
little mountain called " Sugar Notch." Soft maple sap would make 
only syrup. If boiled quite dry it could be made into a waxy, 
.sticky kind of sugar that could hardly be called sugar. Another 
kind of molasses or syrup will be mentioned further on. Honey 
was almost the only sweetening substance they had. 

The bees were kept in a yard generally fenced off by itself from 
all other ground. Trees were first left standing around the bee 
yard when the land was cleared until apple trees could grow, for 
the bees to light on when they swarmed. They were well watched 
in the season by persons about the house, and when they swarmed 
a hurried fire from a small handful of straw was made, two men 
were called from the fields if there were so many, a hive was held 
over the fire, or in the fire, or fire in it, till the inside took fire, 
(when it was a wooden hive). After burning a little to purify it,- 
water was dashed in, the fire put out, the inside rubbed thoroughly 
with fresh hickory leaves dipped in salt and water, until particles of 
the leaves and salt were left all over the inside of the hive. Then 
the limb of the tree with the bunch of bees hanging on it was 
sawn off carefully and let down to the ground with a rope, where 
the prepared hive had been placed with the mouth up on some 
boards or a table. One then took the limb with the bees and held 
the bunch of bees over the upturned mouth of the hive, and by a 
sudden, sharp knock of the limb on the mouth of the hive shook 
them all, as nearly as possible, into the hive. The bees dropped in, 
and before they had time to fly out, the hive was placed upright 
on the table or boards on two cross sticks, to keep the hive about 
an inch above the table or boards, so' that the bees that had fallen 
down could crawl up and into the hive. The bees would go up 
into that hive in almost all cases, and make it their future home. 
That same evening after dark the hive was taken quietly and placed 
on the platform prepared for /it in the beeyard. The platform was 


made by driving four stakes in the ground, letting them come above 
the ground about twenty inches, and standing fifteen to eighteen 
inches apart, so as to hold up the platform — a board or plank about 
eighteen or twenty inches square — upon which the hive was placed, 
mouth down of course. A roof was put over each separate hive to 
shed the rain. On the side of the mouth of the hive facing the 
south, three or four V-shaped notches were cut into each of the 
hives about a half inch deep for passage ways for the bees to go 
out and into their hives. They would be likely to go to work 
within a day making comb and honey. A hive of bees would 
produce naturally two swarms of bees in a year, and the first 
swarm produced would itself produce another the same season. 
When they have passed the second year, or come to the fall of the 
third year in age, they were supposed to have gathered all the 
honey they would ever get, or rather the hive would be full, with 
about forty pounds of honey in it; they were then killed and the 
honey was taken for use. It always seemed barbarous to kill them, 
but the ancients knew no other way. Bees are not killed now by 
the best honey producers, nor are they propagated in the same way. 
They are now robbed of their honey and left to fill the hive up 
again. Possibly work is their recreation, and they grow sweet on 
it. They were never known to go on a strike till they got their 
hives full and were rich — then they would cease to work, and, if 
left to live on their savings, got lazy, apparently forgot how to 
work, and starved when the honey was exhausted, never returning 
to their work. 

In order to kill them and get their honey, a hole was dug in the 
ground in the frosty weather in the fall, about a foot square and 
about a foot deep, near the hives, in the bottoms of which were set 
a pair of sticks, sharp at the bottom and split in the top, and a 
sulphur match placed in the split of each. This match was two 
inches wide by five inches long, made of linen or cotton cloth dip- 
ped in melted sulphur. There were generally two hives taken up 
at one time, and it was always done after dark. A pair of these 
sulphur matches would be set in each hole or pit with these split 
sticks, the lower corners of each match would be set on fire, and 
a hive taken and set over each pit with the burning matches in it. 
Damp grass or weeds would be put about the edges of the pit and 


hive to keep the fresh air out, and the sulphur fumes in. In fifteen 
or twenty minutes the bees would all have fallen down out of the 
hives into the holes, dead, and then the hives would be carried into 
the house, the honey combs cut loose from the sides of the hive, with 
a wooden instrument shaped like a broad, thin chisel, taken out 
and crushed or squeezed by the hands — of generally young men 
and women — into a basket-strainer over a large tub, and strained by 
dripping through the mass of comb and the strainer for forty-eight 
hours. Then another pair of hives would be taken up until all were 
taken that they desired. This honey when first strained was clear 
and soft like molasses. It was kept in a tub made for the purpose 
of keeping the year's honey in, and would hold from two hundred 
to six hundred pounds. In a few months it would granulate, but 
would never get hard and dry like maple and other sugars. In 
this condition the farmers called it "candied" honey. This was the 
main sweetening material they had for all purposes except the soft 
maple syrup before spoken of, and another sometimes made, that 
may as well be described now : — 

After boiling a large quantity of green corn, to dry for winter 
use, the water in which it was boiled, was strained and boiled down 
to a syrup. It had a slight taste of green corn, but was sweet and 
good and was not a bad change from honey. 

Metheglin. The crushed oi^ squeezed honey comb from all 
the hives taken up would be washed — sometimes with fresh new 
cider, but generally with water — and then melted and skimmed, 
and run into cakes for bee's-wax. The water or cider with which 
they washed the comb, was boiled and skimmed and put into a 
clean barrel and laid down in the cellar to ferment. It was a long 
time fermenting, but after fermenting it was tightly bunged up and 
left to lie there undisturbed till the next summer at harvest time, 
when it was supposed to be fit for use. It was very sweet and 
pleasant to the taste, and very intoxicating. This was metheglin. 

It is to be supposed that nearly everybody of the present age 
knows that friction matches had not been invented earlier than 
about 1838 or 1839, ^^ ^^ least were not in very general use before 
that, but "everybody" does not know how fire was produced 
before matches were made. The writer will endeavor to tell how it 


was done here, in the country, in Hanover. How it was produced 
in town and city he need not tell because it does not belone to anv^ 
history of Hanover. 

Every man, and nearly every boy old enough, carried in his 
pocket a "flint and steel." "Punk," "spunk," "touchwood," was 
also carried in the pocket, always ready for use. To make a fire, a 
piece of this spunk was held, together with a flint, between the 
thumb and bent finger firmly, the spunk close to the edge of the 
flint, on the upper side of it; a piece of steel, made for the purpose, 
about three or four inches long, a sixteenth of an inch or more in 
thickness, a half inch wide and shaped otherwise like the link of a 
chain — but sometimes only a flat piece of steel slightly convex on 
the edge, so it could be held easily in the hand — was sharply 
struck a sliding blow against the edge of the flint as near the 
spunk as possible to make the sparks fly, and the striking and 
spark-making was continued until a spark flew into the spunk and 
set it burning. It would burn very slowly, but very persistently. 
Now with some dry kindling, shavings and chips of wood and a 
little breath judiciously expended upon it, a fire could be made in 
a few minutes. Sometimes it occurred that the family's supply of 
spunk had run out or was lost, or the flint or steel was lost, or not 
on hand, then some one of the family had to go to a neighbor's, 
however far off he mi<^ht live, to "borrow" some fire. Then it 
would do one good to see the "hurry and scurry" of that borrower 
towards home with a live coal of fire in some receptacle! Their 
fires in the early times here being always made of wood the live 
coals at night would be covered up with ashes to keep them alive 
till morning, and generally they kept. 

Flint and steel went out of use when the lucifer or friction 
match was introduced. It seems but a little thing, but that was a 
great invention — or discovery. There was a kind of tinder made 
by charring linen cloth that was sometimes used in place of spunk. 
The rubbing or twisting of sticks or pieces of wood together, to 
make fire, the writer never saw, but he has seen a blaze raised 
by a stick held hard against a revolving piece of wood in a lathe. 
Fire was also made with a sun glass, and has been made with a 
piece of ice melted to the proper convexity for concentrating the 
sun's rays. 


For lights in the house at night, the big wood fire in the fire- 
place in the winter gave a pretty good light, but in warm weather 
sometimes a torch of pitch pine knots split up was used, but it 
made a great deal of smoke and could be used only in the 
chimney. When the people had been here long enough to have 
tallow of their own raising, they had as good lights in their houses, 
if they chose to, as anybody, for candles were about the best of 
anything then known for lights, and they could make their own 
"tallow dips" at home, and of any size they pleased. They some- 
times used bee's-wax mixed with tallow for candles, and sometimes 
used wax alone. Their bee's-wax was not allowed to waste. An 
iron lamp made by a blacksmith was used for burning lard. It 
was hung by a cord from the ceiling or beams overhead, and was 
so made as to keep the lard melted into oil by the heat of the 
flame. These lamps made a good deal of smoke. These were all 
dull lights when compared with the gas, kerosene and electric 
lights of these days — 1884-5. 

Fishing was not a business among the early settlers. But in 
the spring, when the shad ran up the river to spawn, every family 
in Hanover had at least one of its members down at the river, 
generally at Nanticoke. There were falls in the river there then, 
and the shad could be caught in immense quantities. Seines were 
used by some, but the shad could be caught by any one with a 
hook and line. They needed no bait — only just throw in and pull 
out, and you would have a shad on your hook nearly every time. 
Blacksmiths made the hooks. They were large for fish-hooks — 
they had three prongs with a barb on each, and they hardly ever 
missed catching a fish at each cast, and they frequently came up 
with two at once. This method of fishing was especially success- 
ful one season after the dam was built there. The dam or dams 
below had been washed out by the floods in the river, and the shad 
came up to the Nanticoke dam in such numbers that the water 
seemed thick with them. The whole country around came there 
and caught all they wanted. Since the dams were built there have 
been but few fish of any kind in the river. There is a story told 
that about 1809, ^^^ ^^^^ was made with a seine at Nanticoke 
catching 9,999 fish. These exact figures being so near to a round 
10,000, only lacking one fish — and it being a "fish story" — let us not 


express the doubt. Col. Wright says it was between 1790 and 
1800. Miner speaks of the ''great haul" as being made in the 
year 1778. 

Within a few years past black bass have been put in the river, 
and now, persons skilled in catching them can catch a pretty good 
string of them in a day with hook and line and the proper bait. It 
is said they are a peculiar fish to catch, as one never knows from 
day to day what particular kind of bait will tempt them. Hunters 
were very successful in those early days, the woods being filled 
with game. Deer, bears, turkeys, pheasants, wild pigeons, wild 
geese, wild ducks, quails, ground-hogs, squirrels, rabbits and 
beavers were very numerous. Beavers' tails were eaten as a great 
luxury, and their furs were worn as another. Some animals were 
altogether too numerous, and a bounty was soon offered for their 
scalps, such as wolves, panthers, catamounts, wild cats, foxes and 
skunks. Minks and muskrats were hunted for their furs. 

Sheep, hogs and cattle had to be securely housed at night; and 
many men have been overtaken by night in the woods at a distance 
from home, and sometimes only a short distance, and have been 
forced to climb trees to get out of the reach of wolves, and sit 
there all night. As the morning sun began to giv^e a little light 
the wolves would sneak off one by one until they were all gone, 
and the shivering traveler could come down and go home. They 
would frequently howl around the houses of the inhabitants all 
night long. There was constant warfare with them. The settlers 
would sometimes get up large hunting parties for the especial pur- 
pose of hunting wolves, and in the course of fifty or sixty years 
they exterminated them. It is doubtful if a wolf has been seen in 
fifty years past by any hunter in Wyoming Valley. 

Hunters used to meet deer in herds of six, eight and even ten 
together, and sometimes three or four bears together. The early 
settlers had to let their hogs run in the woods in the day-time and 
hunt their own living, and bears frequently, in the spring, killed off 
the settler's whole supply. In such cases his dependence was only 
on a supply of shad, to be caught and salted for the next year's use 
in place of pork, unless he was a pretty good hunter. In that case 
he might kill bears and deer enough to supply the place of his lost 
hogs, but deer and bear meat was a poor substitute. One hunter 



could frequently kill three or four deer in a day and not go so far 
from home that he could not return at night to sleep. These early 
settlers were not hunters, but some of the second generation made 
their living mostly, if not wholly, by hunting. They delighted in 
telling hunting stories, and some of their stories were very queer, to 
say the least. To the right of the Indian Spring on the old 
Warrior Path as you approach it from the north going up the 
mountain, is a large rock lying on two other rocks that are 
elevated three or four feet above the ground and lying some six or 
eight feet apart. It is some rods from the spring and made a very 
welcome shelter in case of a storm. Fire has been made in there 
sometimes to warm, and perhaps to cook by, and looking out from 
it there was to be seen, many years ago, a large tree a hundred 
yards or so distant well marked and scarred with bullets. Hunters 
while sheltered there would shoot at mark. Large oak trees sur- 
rounded the spring and the rock, and grass grew around there, and 
in the summer time there was a beautiful and inviting shade there 
some forty and more years ago. When the writer first remembers 
it apple trees were growing there. There was no underbrush there 
then to speak of, and grass grew all around the spring and along 
the path up to the top of the mountain ten or twenty rods 
further on. 

Sometimes a person would build a hunting cabin in the woods 
on his own land, and when the hunting season came take some 
provisions there and stay for a week at a time, and sometimes two 
weeks, and hunt. The writer knew of one of these hunting cabins 
being turned into a dwelling-house by the owner after some ad- 
ditions had been made to it, and the owner residing in it many 
years, and dying there just forty years ago — a person of no mean 
fortune, character and standing in Luzerne County. 

The troubles in all the townships settled by the Yankees, from 
the attempts of the Pennsylvania government to dispossess them 
and drive them out of the valley, by throwing their furniture and 
utensils out of doors and turning the families, men, women and 
children, out and nailing up the houses, and in some cases burning 
them down, had ceased in 1785. A constitution of the United 
States had been framed and adopted in 1787, and in 1790 the first 
census was taken. The constitution provided that a census should 



be taken every ten years, so as to form the basis and distribution of 
the representatives in Congress. No census had ever been taken 
anywhere in any state or country previously and so they had no 
guide to go by, no precedent. 

1790. In taking the census of 1790 Luzerne County was all 
taken in one district in one body in regular alphabetical order. 
There is no township division, so the population of townships can- 
not be ascertained. The names'of all the persons were not taken 
down, but only the heads of families, whether the head was male 
or female. The head of the family written down, then on the same 
line across the page in figures is given the number in the family 
of free white males under 16 years, over 16 years, then free white 
females, then all other free persons, then the number of slaves: 

Luzerne County had free white males under 16 i.33i 

" " " " over 16 1,236 

" " " females 2,313 

" " " all other free persons . 13 

" slaves II 

Luzerne County had total population 4,904 

Only one of these slaves was owned in Hanover. Luzerne 
County at this time included the most of what is now Bradford, 
Susquehanna, Wyoming and Lackawanna Counties. Before the 
Decree of Trenton of 1782 Westmoreland County, Connecticut, in- 
cluded Luzerne, part of Bradford, Susquehanna, Wyoming, Lacka- 
wanna, Pike and Wayne Counties. 

The act of Congress under which this census was taken, was 
in force until after the census of 1840. 

It is altogether probable that about four thousand of these 
persons lived in^ Wilkes-Barre, Kingston, Plymouth, Huntington, 
Pittston, Hanover and Newport, leaving all the rest of the territory 
with less than a thousand inhabitants in it. 

Immediately after the second Continental Congress met, in 
May, 1775, they appointed a- committee to report a scheme 
of a post, "for carrying letters and intelligC7ice through this 
continent." In July an establishment was made under a post- 
master-general (Benjamin Franklin) to be located at Philadelphia, 
"he to form aline of posts from Falmouth, New England, to 


Savannah, Georgia, with cross posts where needful." In 1776 
authority was given "to employ extra post riders between the 
armies from their headquarters to Philadelphia." 

In 1779 the post was regulated **to arrive and set out twice a 
week at the place where Congress shall be sitting, to go as far as 
Boston, and to Charleston, South Carolina." This was an increase 
of business, so much so that the postmaster-general's salary was 
doubled. There is nothing away back here to indicate the rate of 
postage on letters. ' 


1 790 TO I 800. 

^^^OADS were only mud roads or dirt roads then as they are 
"^ now. These early settlers used as little time for making 
''^'^ ^^ roads as they could and make them passable for teams. 
There was so v^ery little teaming done that they did not need much 
of a road anywhere, and perhaps, from our surrounding mountains 
and the general barrenness of the land for so many miles on the 
east of them, they may have thought that the teaming of any pro- 
duction of theirs would never pay, and so took no care to make 
good roads in the beginning. Their roads were made from two to 
three rods wide (during the Yankee or Connecticut jurisdiction 
they were six rods) generally only two, and if possible on the line 
between two adjoining farms, one rod on each. The roads were 
generally opened after the farms had been made, and of course 
fenced. Then when the officer having authority to open a road 
came on with men to do the work, the fences were set back from 
the line between the lots or farms to the place for the fence on each 
side, then a broad ditch was plowed on each side of the proposed 
road and the dirt scraped from them into the middle of the road 
and rounded up, and that was a road. In places where a brook ran 
across, or a drain had to be made across the road, a culvert or 
little bridge was made by digging a ditch across the road and laying 
two small logs in it a couple of feet apart, and across the road-bed, 
letting three or four cross sticks into the top of these, laying poles 
on them and covering up with dirt. Here was a little bridge that 
would last three or four years without repair. These were their 
roads a hundred years ago, and we have pretty much the same 
kind yet. There was another kind of road made in low and wet 
or marshy places called ** corduroy" roads. These were made by 
laying logs, like the string-pieces of a bridge, across the marshy 


place, and from three or four feet to eight feet apart and parallel. 
Across these, poles ten or twelve feet long were laid side by side 
until solid ground was reached. It was a rough road, but it would 
float on a marsh and bear up heavy teams and loads. These were 
quite common. 

New settlers were coming into the township from other parts of 
Pennsylvania and from New York and New Jersey, and they 
bought land of the Yankees before the titles to the lands were set- 
tled, and some of the old settlers sold all their land and moved 
away. Another war had been fought with the Indians, and the 
Indians had been terribly whipped by Gen. Anthony Wayne in 
Ohio and Indiana, in 1793-4, and now those territories were begin- 
ning to be settled by the white people, and our people were casting 
their eyes in that direction. Some of the old settlers here divided 
up their lands and sold part to the new-comers, heirs divided their 
deceased parents' estates, new farms were cleared up and homes 
made on the back lands towards the mountain. Two roads had 
been opened from Wilkes-Barre down through Hanover to the 
south-west into Newport : the River Road to Nanticoke and 
beyond, and the Middle Road through nearly the center of the 
township, and now, as we approach the year 1800, the 
Back Road was ordered by the court to be opened as a public 
highway. That road enters the township — from Wilkes-Barre at 
what is now called Newtown — and passes down at a distance of 
about half a mile from the Little Mountain, through the town- 
ship. Cross-roads were opened to the Middle Road and River 
Road, and not always in the very be^t places either, but for the 
convenience of the inhabitants. Later on, the Back Road from 
Rummage's Hill down to Newport was vacated, and a road opened 
from the Rummage or Sorber cross-road in the bottom of the hol.- 
low, along which the Nanticoke railroad now runs, down to 
Lueder's cross-road, but it went no farther. 

Every farm, of course, had an orchard. It was generally 
planted in the first field cleared up, perhaps because other crops 
could be raised in the same field while the trees were growing. It 
took ten years to produce a crop of apples from the time of plant- 
ing the seed. Young apple trees could be bought for sixpence 


A new generation had now grown up in the township, and the 
land opened up by the Back Road was settled and cleared up by 
the young men who had grown up here, or by new-comers who 
came in and bought it, the most of whom were Pennsylvania 
Dutch. These Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New York Dutch 
were industrious people, and in a few years the new clearings 
touched each other all the way from the Wilkes-Barre line to 

These new fields waved with grain, and fine herds and flocks of 
cattle, sheep and hogs could be seen on evGry farm. Here and 
there a grove of trees was left standing, and the tops of the hills 
were still capped with their original woods. The prospect from any 
of the hill-tops or mountain was beautiful indeed, and it has re- 
mained so to the present day, notwithstanding the neglect into 
which the farms have fallen. All the necessaries of life were pro- 
duced in abundance. The same ways, customs, and habits 
remained and the same wages and prices that had been obtained from 
the very earliest settlement. Everything was primitive. The early 
settlers had no dishes except iron, wood and pewter ones, and 
but veiy few of them. Wood had to be used for pretty much all 
household purposes, and the fewest cooking utensils possible were 
used, and these made mostly by the blacksmith. How could the 
girl learn to cook? Everything (almost) she had to cook and to 
cook with was produced on the farm, and having had everything so 
often destroyed during the Pennamite and Yankee, and the Revolu- 
tionary wars, they kept as few as possible. 

The meals provided for the family in those early times were 
about the same as they were in 1840, only that in those early times 
their dishes were pewter, or wooden, or both. Breakfast, dinner 
and supper among the farmers were very much alike. The table 
was made of white pine or cherry boards, unpainted and unvar- 
nished, large enough for the whole family, men, women and 
children, and the hired men and women, all to sit down to at once, 
generally the cook and all, for the whole meal was placed on the 
table before sitting down. Very frequently a blessing was asked, 
standing, before sitting down to eat. Everything not too large was 
handed round for every one to take as much as he pleased. The 
• carving was all done before the food was placed on the table. The 


dishes were very freiquently of wood, as were the spoons, knives 
and forks were, of various patterns of iron or steel. A common dish 
was a large, deep, wooden or pewter platter filled high with boiled 
potatoes, cabbage and salt pork or corned beef At every meal 
there was a large dish of fried salt pork swimming in its own fat. 
There was plenty of wheat or rye flour, or a loaf of each, butter of 
the very freshest and best, eggs, cheese — home-made — milk, butter- 
milk, water and cider for drink — frequently a large dish of baked 
beans with a large piece of pork baked with it, radishes, green 
peas in their season, and green corn, and succotash. These things 
were frequently all on the table together. Honey, pepper, mustard, 
vinegar, all of their own production, .and other garden products not 
necessary to mention. In- the winter the principal bread food used 
was buckwheat cakes. Corn and rye flour mixed and baked in 
loaves was a favorite bread. Tea and coffee were scarce and used 
only on special occasions. It was only when they killed a beef, or 
calf, or sheep, or hogs, that they had any fresh meat. It had to be 
salted at once to save it for use, and so it happened that their butcher- 
ing was done late in the fall or early in the winter and was intended 
to be sufficient for the whole year for themselves and their hired 
hands. Laboring men took these things for pay, but they — when 
married — usually raised a hog or two, and often more, for themselves, 
and had as many chickens and geese and ducks as the owners of 
farms, and every family had a cow. His valuation for taxes was only 
the cow — $150, but a single man's valuation was ;^ioo. So their 
meat was all salt meat, except venison and bear meat. Frequently, 
however, when a calf was of the proper age it was killed and divided 
among their neighbors fresh and returned in fresh veal again 
by the neighbor when he killed a calf The same was sometimes 
done also with a sheep. So in their accounts we find them both 
buying and selling the same things in these cases. 

Buckwheat cakes almost exclusively were eaten in the winter 
season, scarcely any other breadstuff being used, unless it was corn 
meal cakes for a change, and sometimes flannel cakes. Mush and 
milk was a favorite dish for children. Indian pudding and pump- 
kin pies were also in great demand, and, after butchering, sausages 
and mince pies were in daily use. They lived well but not high, and 
yet they sometimes had cases of gout among them, and an ex- 


trcmely fleshy person was not an unusual sight. Generally, how- 
ever, these descendants of the Puritans had a lean, lank and solemn 
appearance. Perhaps their troubles here made them have a serious 
look. They wore their hair in a "queue" till about 1800. Then 
fashion compelled them to ''crop it." 

The boys were not unskilled in such things as were possible for 
them to learn under the circumstances. They had the skill — "the 
knack" — of their fathers and whatever implement was necessary 
about their farms they could make. But these young people 
seemed to have the spirit of emigration born in them, and many of 
them left the paternal roof and acres and emigrated to the new 
lands, now at the end of the dying century, opened up to settle- 
ment in Ohio. Tales of the richness of the lands in Ohio, came 
here from those that had gone before, and by soldiers that returned 
home from the war, and by the opening of the new century a full 
tide of emigration had set in, and some of the old as well as the 
new generation went west to try their fortune again in another new 
country, or to be near their children. Streams of the younger men 
and women poured towards the west. One of a family, in some 
cases, kept his ancestral acres until the next generation and then 
again they left, till now there is scarcely one of the old stock left 
remaining in the township. The Pennsylvania and New Jersey 
Dutch came in and took the places of the emigrating Yankees for 
a couple of generations, but even they have mostly "gone west" 
now (1884-5). 

Now, as we approach the end of the eighteenth century, it seems 
proper to introduce a list of the productions of the township which 
the farmers had any hand in producing, and such other productions 
as they dealt in, but which were produced by tradesmen. The 
prices also are given so far as they could be ascertained. They 
were such as the producers — the farmers — charged, and are 
taken from on account-book of a farmer of the time between 1791 
and 1800. In cases where the things were produced by tradesmen 
no price is given. Some things brought from abroad have a price 
given to show the cost of it to these people at this time. 

Tobacco, raw and manufactured, and cloth of every kind they 
used were manufactures of the farmers' families. Siding and boards 
and leather were made on shares by the mill-man and the tanner. 



Of course it was not all done so. Some such stuff was bought out- 
right by the exchange of other produce for it. Shoes and boots 
were made by the farmer that knew how and had the tools, at 
home in his own house for his own family and for his neighbors. 
Everyone, or every farmer, and pretty nearly everyone else, fur- 
nished the leather and thread for his own and his family's shoes. 
The prices here named and the wages of labor continued here with- 
out much if any variation till the war of 18 12. Then,>for six or 
seven years, there was considerable fluctuation, but from 1820, 
about the same prices seem to rule again until they ceased almost 
entirely to produce these things — which was somewhere near 1840. 
Coal was quarried out for blacksmiths and used in their forges, but 
no one knew how to burn it for domestic uses until 1808. 

List of things produced or used in Hanover previous to 1800: 

Apples $ 

Apple trees . . . 6d.= -06^ 
Apple-jack, gal., ys. 6d.= 1 .00 
Beef, fresh .... 4^.= .04^ 

Butter i^.= 'I3}i 

Bear meat, 3^.-4^.=.03^-.04-| 
Bear-skin, tanning, . . 

ys. 6d.= 1. 00 

Buckskin, tanning . . 

...... ios~ i.S3}i 


Buckwheat, bu., 2,^.gd.= .50 

Broom corn 


Buckskin . . . 13^.= i-73/^ 


Bees, hive {$4 in 1840) 


Beans (^2.50 in 1840) . 
Black walnuts .... 
Boots, making . 14.?.= 1.86^ 
Bark, cord . . 115.3^.= 1.50 
Corn, Indian, 3^.-3^. 9^.=.40-.50 
Cows (;^I2-^I5 in 1840) 


Cabbage, 3^.-4<i.=.03^-.04| 


Chickens, each . . is.== .13^ 


Sd.=$ .05f 
15^-.= 2.00 




Chestnuts, quart 

Cider, barrel . . 

Cucumbers . . 

Cheese . 6d ~iod.=.o6^-ii^ 

Cherries, qt . . 5^.= 



Cloth, linen . 3.9. gd.^= 
Cloth, woolen . . 4^.= 
Chairs, splint and rush 


Ducks . 


Dog skins, tanning, 3^.= 
Eggs (6 to 1 2 cts. in 1 840) 
Flax, pound, is.-is.^d.^ 


Flax, hackled . . 2s.= .26^ 

Flax-seed, bu., 6s. 6d.= i.oo 

Fulled cloth 


Flour, rye . . 2j4d.= .02-|^ 

Flour, wheat, 4d.-^d.= .04^.0$^ 

Fur, skins 

Grind-stones . 3^-. gd.= .50 

Geese (1840, 50 cts. each) 






Hogs and pigs . . . . $ 



Hay, ton, 2i:-3i:=5.33-8, 


Half a Crown, 2s. 6d.^= 
Hickor>' nuts .... 


Handkerchiefs, weaving, 

IS. 6^.= 

Iron ore, ton ( 1 820, $2.66) 
Iron, pound, 4.}4d.-6d.= 

• 05-. 

Lace, linen 

Linen thread .... 
** Linsey-woolsey " cloth 

3^' 9^-= • 

Linen cloth . 3.?. gd.=^ 

Linseed oil and oil-cake 

Leather, for pair shoes, 

^s= I, 

Lard 8^.= , 

Log of maple . . 5^.= 










Melons (1840, 25 cts.) . 



Oxen, yoke 

Potatoes, bu . 2s. 6d.^^ 
Pumpkins (1840, $\ per 



Pork, salt, 6^.-iJ.=.o6^-, 
Pork, fresh . . . 4^.= 
Pigeons, doz . . I5.= 
Pheasants, apiece, is.^= 
Pease, bu . . js. 6d.^= i' 




Plaster (gypsum), ton, $13- 








3J. gd. 


8^.= .o8f 


Pack saddles 

Quails . . 

Rye, bu . . 

Rabbits . . 



Raspberries (6 cts. in 1840) 

Strawberries, wild . . 

Sheep (1840, $1.50 and $2.50) 

Sheepskins, 3.^. 9<3^.-6.y.=.50-.8o 

Sheepskins, tanning,3.j.= .40 

Siding, white pine, perM. 6.50 

Shad, fresh, 3^.-4<^,— ^-^ i'^-^"^ 

Shad, salt .... 

Sheeting and shirting, 
linen . . . t^s. gd.= 

Shoes, making, 35'. gd- 

4jr. 6^.=.50-.6o 

Shoes, per pair, 1 2 J". 6^,= i-66;^ 

Shoe thread, spinning, 
per knot . . 6d.=^ 

Spinning run of yarn, i.f= 

Stockings, linen and 

Socks, per pair . . 5^.= 

Straw, bundle . \d.^ 

Sage . 

Sieves, hair, reed, hick- 


Spinning-wheels, wool, 

Splint baskets .... 

Soap, soft, qt . . 6d.=^ 

Salt, bu . . . . \Zs.= 


Turnips, bu . . . 2s.^ 

Tallow, pound, is. 6d.^= 

Turkeys, tame and wild 

Tow cloth, 3^.-3. 9^. =.40-. 50 


Tobacco, leaf, \s., plug 


Tar, gal 2s= .26% 

Vinegar, qt . . 6<^.= -067^ 

06 h^ 






Wagons, carts, sleds, sleighs, 
wheel-barrows, barrels, kegs, 
tubs, bowls, trays, ladles, 
salt-cellars, pepper-boxes, 
plates, dishes, cups, pails, 
spoons, spools, etc. 

Yarns of wool, tow, flax. 

Veal, pound . . S^.=$ .05I 
Venison, pound, 3^.= -03/^ 
Wood, per load . . 3.= .40 
Wool, lb., 2s-2,s. 9^.— .26^-50 


Wheat, bu., 6s -js. 6^.=. 80-1. 00 
Whis*ky, gal . ys. 6d.^ i.oo 

Ishmael Bennett made grindstones at the foot of the Little 
Mountain, about a half mile or less north-west of the present Han- 
over Coal Co.'s breaker, known also as "Mafifett's" breaker or 
mines. Whetstones were made in the Warrior Gap, at the back of 
the conglomerate rock. 

Almost innumerable things about the barns and houses were 
constantly being made, and bought, and sold. Scythes, rakes, 
flails, fans for fanning, that is, cleaning grain, sickles, half-bushel 
and peck measures, troughs, cutting-boxes, hoes, axes, hatchets, 
knives, traps of different kinds for catching bears, foxes, wolves, 
rabbits, mice, rats, minks, skunks, squirrels, nets for catching 
pigeons and fish — all these things were made and sold, and were 
in constant change from owner to owner. Horses, oxen, cows, 
sheep, hogs, dogs and cats, and all the domestic animals were in 
constant transfer in the payment of debts of all kinds. Any kind ^ 
of money used for the purpose was a very unusual exception. 

Leather, linseed oil, oil-cake, lumber, salt, wagons, iron, wooden 
ware, spinning-wheels and looms, after the first few years were not 
made by the farmers themselves, but by tradesmen. Leather was 
furnished to the shoemaker by the person for whom the shoes were 
made as a general thing, and all he paid the shoemaker for was 
for the work of making them. A pair of women's shoes cost 3.?. 
gd. for making. If one bought the leather also for them he paid 
for that ys.Gd., a total of lis. ^d.=^$i.c^o. Perhaps the thread 
should be counted in addition, as they were always sewed. What- 
ever pegs were used the shoemaker made himself They were 
made from soft maple saplings sawed off the length of the pegs 
desired and split. 

Starch, was made by grating up raw potatoes very fine in water, 
rubbing it, pressing it through a cloth to strain it, letting it stand a 
day, or over night, then pouring off* the water and evaporating the 


settlings to dr>'ness. After the rubbing and pressing of the pulp 
and straining it thus from the starch, the starch would settle to the 
bottom of the water in the vessel by standing a few hours, and 
then the water could be poured off, when it was dried for future 

Saleratus was scarce, so a substitute was found. Corn cobs 
were burned to ashes in a clean vessel and the ashes kept for use. 
When saleratus was needed, a portion of the ashes was taken, 
water w'as poured on it, when it was stirred and set away to settle. 
When settled the clear water was taken and used as saleratus is 
now. It would do the work, but it is said it was not very good. 
Corn cob ashes and other clean ashes were thus used in Wyoming 
Valley as late as 1825. This was told to the writer only lately by 
a lady who, when a child, saw it done. 

The amusements of the Connecticut settlers — these Puritans 
and their descendants — were not many. Mr. Miner has described 
them as "wrestling, running races on foot, pitching quoits, throw- 
ing the hammer or sledge, a pole, crowbar, or stone." To these 
should be added shooting matches, ball playing, jumping, hunting, 
fishing, apple-cuts, husking-bees, stone frolics, quiltings, sleigh- 
ridings, and, among the later generations, dancing. An elephant, a 
monkey or a learned pig show, drew great crowds, considering the 
sparseness of the population. But these shows did not come here 
till about 1 8 10 or 181 2. After the Revolutionary war they had the 
great national holiday — the Fourth of July, but the greatest of all 
was the holiday appointed or directed by the governor — Thanks- 
giving Day. The Puritans would not celebrate Christmas, nor any 
other of the church's holidays, for they were celebrated by the 
church that persecuted them and from which they had fled. 
When the Pennsylvania, New York and New Jersey Dutch — all 
Lutherans or Presbyterians — came to be their neighbors, the boys 
and girls, young men and women mingled together, and the 
Yankee boys assisting their Dutch neighbors in their Christmas 
and Piaster games — they came to more than half like them. The 
*' Belsnickle"* was just as funny to them as to the others (and per- 
haps more so, because new), and the "Paus" eggs — "Paas" or 
" Pasch" eggs — were just as good and just as solid, and could be 

*This is the Yankee word for the German " Pelznickel." 


colored just as nicely by the Yankee boys as by the Dutch. 
This intercourse and these games grew more and more until the 
Pennsylvania Dutch began to sell out and move off west too, then 
the end of these innocent games soon came — but that did not take 
place till between 1850 and i860. 

It seems as if some little explanation ought to be given of the 
terms New York Dutch, New Jersey Dutch and Pennsylvania 
Dutch. The *' New York Dutch," with whom the Yankees in Con- 
necticut were acquainted from their first colonization of Connecti- 
cut, were descendants of immigrants from Holland and were called 
Dutch by themselves; New Jersey was settled by Hollanders also. 
The "Pennsylvania Dutch" were the descendants of immigrants 
from Germany. This was the difference between them, but in 
Pennsylvania they all alike spoke a kind of corrupt German. They 
all called themselves Dutch, but with them the word seems to have 
been a corruption of the German word ''Deutsche They were, 
many of them, a mixture of Holland and German ancestry. 

That the inhabitants were not very numerous or rich is shown 
by the list of taxables of 1796, the oldest list now to be found in 
the Commissioners' office. There are only eighty-six names on it, 
and one may note that they are not all Yankee names, showing 
that quite a large number of Pennsylvania and New Jersey Dutch 
had thus early come into the township, and they continued to come 
for thirty or forty years, 'and not at all to the injury of the town- 
ship, unless it was in the school system. They did not care much 
for schools. They are now '' old settlers," or their descendants are 
— such of them as are left. 


Adams, David 
Adams, Abraham 
Alden, John 
Abbott, Nathan 
Brush, Jonas 
Blackman, Elisha, Jr. 
Burrett, Stephen 
Burrett, Gideon 
Burrett, Joel 
Brink, Thomas 
Bennett, Rufus 
Bennett, Ishmael 


Crisman, Frederick 
Carey, Nathan 
Caldwell, William 
Delano, Elisha 
Dilley, Richard 
Dilley, Richard, Jr. 
Edgerton, Edward 
Espy, George 
Ensign, Samuel 
Flanders, Jacob 
Fisher, Jacob 
Garrison, Cornelius 



Gray, Andrew 
Hannis, John 
Hopkins, Benjamin 
Hondershot, John 
Hoover, Henry 
Holdmer, Jacob 
Hyde, William 
Hvde, Willis 
Hibbard, Ebenezer 
Hibbard, Calvin 
Hurlbut, John 
Hurlbut, Naphtali 
Hurlbut, Christopher 
Inman, Edward 
Inman, Richard 
Inman, John 
Inman, P^lijah, Jr. 
Jacobs, John 
Jacobs, John, Jr. 
Kellogg, Jonathan 
Line, Conrad 
Line, Conrad, Jr. 
Lesley, James 
Lutzey, John 
Lockerly, John 
Line, Adrian 
Marr, Michael 
Martin, Thomas 
Moore, Samuel 
Miller, John S. 
Preslon, Darius 

Pell, Josiah 

Pell, Josiah, Jr. 

Pott, Benjamin 

Philips, John 

Roberts, Jeremiah 

Ryan, John 

Robinson, John 

Robinson, David 

Rathbone, James A. 

Rouch, George 

Stewart, James 

Stewart, George 

Stewart, David 

Stewart, Dorcas 

Stewart, Josiah 

Stewart, William 

Spencer, Edward 

Simons, Daniel 

Steel, Peter 

Steel, David 

Sorber, Abraham 

Saum, Christian 

Smiley, Archibald 

Spencer, John 

Treadway, John 

Warden, Nathaniel 

W^ade, Abner 

Winter, Ira 

Waller. Ashbel 

Wie, Arthur Van (Van Wie?) 

Young, William 

Some of the persons named on this list may have been non-resi- 
dents, but as it stands there were 86 taxable persons, including one 
woman, 58 horses in the township, iii oxen, and 152 cows. 

From this it would appear that the population was about 473 or 
5 16, allowing 5 J^, or 6 persons to each taxable person. This being 
nearly the proportions they bore to each other for about forty years 
afterwards, it may be considered very nearly correct for 1796. 

About two-thirds of the farmers used oxen for farming purposes 
yet, and some of them had two yokes, and many of them had a 
horse also. The most of them had two cows each. 

It should also be remembered that the list includes all the per- 
sons and property from the Susquehanna to the Lehigh, about 20 


miles — 15 miles beyond the afterward certified township of Han- 
over. About half of that ''District" south of certified Hanover, 
was cut off in 1839, and the other half in 1853. Up to these dates 
whatever persons and property there were in the ** district" were as- 
sessed as in Hanover. The United States Census for r8oo placed 
them in Hanover. 

The first word we have of a mill in Hanover is in a conveyance 
June 16, 1776, of James Coffrin to John Comer of lot No. i, second 
division, and again July 6, 1777, the same James Cochran (Coffrin) 
to John Comer for the same mill and fifty acres in 1775. Again 
Sept. 23, 1776, when the "great roads" were surveyed, the River 
Road began on the Hanover and Newport line ''near Mr. Coffrin's 
Mills." This fixes a mill there in 1775. It is understood, how- 
ever, that a grist-mill was built there very soon after, if not the 
same year that the mill was built on Mill Creek in Wilkes-Barre — 
1773. It is also understood that a saw-mill and forge were built 
near Coffrin's Mill about the same time, but they were probably on 
the Newport Creek and beyond the Hanover line. Iron was manu- 
factured at that forge — Bloomery Forge, as it was called — until 
about the time the canal was dug, 1830, after which iron could be 
brought and sold cheaper than it could be made here. 

Elisha Delano built a saw-mill in 1789 and a grist-mill at what 
was afterwards known as Behee's Mill. A set of carding machines 
were built in this mill in 1826 or 1827, by Jacob Plumb and his son 
Charles. The wool of the country for many miles round was 
brought here to be carded into rolls for spinning. Up to that time 
all wool was carded by hand. 

There was a grist-mill and saw-mill in 1793 on the Nanticoke 
Creek, up the creek, south above the Dundee shaft. How long it 
had been built previous to 1793 is not known. This was probably 
the grist-mill and saw-mill of Petatiah Fitch, assessed to him in 
1799. This mill was on the land, now the Dundee, formerly 
Jonathan Robins'. The mills were nearly a mile from the river, on 
lots 15 and 16, and were all in ruins previous to 1840, when Hol- 
land built his railroad from his mines at the mountain to the river 
or canal and Hanover basin. A few rods down the same creek 
towards the river from this mill was a clover-mill. This was an 
old mill in 1840, but though not mentioned in the assessment in 


1799, must have been built somewhere near that time. There is no 
mill there now, and has not been for more than thirty years. 

Another mill of these old times — in ruins before 1840 — stood 
near where Petty 's Mill now stands on Solomon's Creek below 
Ashley. One of the stones — a very small one it is — still lies near 
the site of the old mill, and has been exposed to the weather and 
the eyes of the passer-by for more than forty years. This mill is 
still remembered by old persons, and was known by the name of 
Morgan's Mill. 

Nathan Wade had a saw-mill at "Scrabble town," now Ashley, 
in these early times, assessed in 1799, and probably much earlier. 
There were only two saw-mills when this assessment was made, 
namely, Wade's and Delano's, and two grist-mills — Delano's and 
Fitch's; there were but S6 houses, and 56 of these were built of 
logs. The school-houses were all of logs. 

Roads were cut through the forests to Easton, to Stroudsburg, 
to Northumberland and Sunbury, and in various directions, and 
communication became possible by wagons. Loads of valuable 
produce, some wheat, but mostly furs — ** peltries" — were hauled by 
horses and wagons to the nearest and most desirable markets, some, 
however, as far as Philadelphia before being unloaded, and loads of 
goods brought back with them. The business grew, and in a few 
years turnpikes were chartered and built and opened up for long 
distances through the otherwise unbroken wilderness and trackless 
forests. The Easton and Wilkes-Barre turnpike was completed 
about 1807. From that time the merchants of the entire valley re- 
ceived all their goods either by *' Durham boats" on the river, or by 
wagons on the turnpike. Turnpiking was soon overdone, but if no 
better means had been found for the purposes of communication 
and commerce, these turnpike roads would have been maintained 
and improved, but canals came, however, and turnpikes soon fell 
into disuse and decay and were mostly abandoned about thirty 
years ago in this part of the country. The canals will probably 
suffer the same fate in a few years, and railroads will take their 
place, and probably occupy their beds and banks as several have 
already. The first railroad in Hanover was completed in 1843. ^^ 
is the Lehigh and Susquehanna, and runs from Wilkes-Barre to 
White Haven, crossing the mountain at Ashley by inclined 


planes. The first locomotive was used on it in 1848 below the 
planes. The North Branch from Nanticoke to Waverly in New 
York, and the Lehigh from Mauch Chunk to White Haven are 
examples of abandoned canals. 

Now there is room for all kinds of speculation as to what kind 
of improvement shall take the place and destroy the railroad 
business, by furnishing a better means of conveyance and trans- 
portation — more speedy and more safe. Of course, the world can- 
not stand still, improvements will be constantly produced and con- 
stant change must take place. Railroads were not thought of A. 
D. 1800, if even the word '* railroad" had ever been spoken, or 
passed the lips of man. What a world of discovery and invention 
has been brought forth since A. D. 1800? 

It has always seemed to the writer that a history of any country 
or of any period in a country's history that does not give the value 
of their productions in the place where they are produced and the 
manner of producing them, together with the wages of the work- 
men, leaves out the most important and useful pieces of information 
that could possibly be given, and he does not intend to fall into 
that mistake, if it is a mistake, any farther than he can help. With 
this view of the matter there is introduced here the following: — * 


Weaving woolen, linen, or tow cloth per yard . 8^.= $ o8| 

Tanning a sheep-skin 3^-. = 40 

Tanning a dog-skin 3 = 40 

One day's work holding plow 3 = 40 

One day's work mowing . 5 = 66 

One day's work cradling 7 6= i.oo 

One day's work making rails 3 9 = 50 

One day's work breaking flax 2 6= 33 /i 

One day's work chopping 2 6= 33 /i 

One day yoke of oxen and plow 2 6 ^= 33 K 

One day horse plowing corn 2 = 26 j| 

One day oxen and cart hauling stone ... 2 6 = 33K 

Making pair shoes, 3 — gd and 4 6=50, 60 

To the use of loom one year 15 = ;^2.oo 

Making pair of moccasins 2 = 26^ 

Making pair overalls (leather) 4 6 = 60 

One almanac : 9 = 10 

*The writer has made the reductions from Pennsylvania currency to United States 
money. This list might have been much farther extended. It is culled from an account ♦ 
book of the period. 16* 









1 .8 

HI = X 


? is log 

h3 fc,pQ ?► ha 

Total Value. 

Adams, David . 
Adams, Abraham 
Arnold, Abram . 
Brush, Jonas . . 
Burritt, Stephen 
Burritt, Stephen, Jr 
Burritt, Gideon . 
Burritt, Joel . . 
Bradley, Abraham 
Bennett, Rufus . 
Blackman, Elisha 
Butler, Lord2 . 
Bennett, IshmaeP 
Campbell, James 
Carey, Benjamin 
Carey, Nathan . 
Carey, Comfort . 
Crissey, Franklin"^ 
Clark, Robert . . 
Crisman, Frederick 
Caldwell, William 
Cook, Nathaniel 
Cobart, Anthony . 
Covel, Matthew 2 . 
Contreman, Leroy 
Dilley, Richard . 
Dilley, Adam . 
Dilley, Richard, Jr 
Dilley, Jonathan . 
Delano, Elisha . . 
Davis, William . 
Dunsha, William 
Espy, George 
Edgerton, Edward 
Fisher, Jacob^ . . 
Fitch, Petatiah^ . 
Garrison, Corneliu 
Hoffman, Michael . 
Hubbcll, Hezekiah 

5 . 














• • 
' 10 






i '50 


' 60 










































• 2 



1 I 

2 . 
2 . 

2 . 


1 I 

2 . 
" I . 

I . 

tl . 

I . 
I . 
I . 

I . 
I . 


... 45 
I 1 100 

I . 1000 

. . 400 

. . 300 

I 1600 

. I 750 
. . 400 
. . 1000 

. . 300 
. I 1500 
. I 1200 

T (225) 

. i 9on 
. I 500 

. I 1500 
. I 1500 
. . 20 

. . 3 
. . no 

. . 1000 
. . 250 

. . 150 

. • 500 

• • • • 

I . 800 

. . 125 
. . 150 

. I 700 

I . 350 
. . 300 

. 1 . 

$ 146 

















. no 















Hollenback, Matthias- 
Hibbard, Calvin 
Hoover, Henry . 
Hyde, Willis . . 
Hyde, William . 
Hurlbut, Naphtali 
Inman, Edward . 
Inman, Richard . 
Inman, Elijah . 
Jacobs, John . . 
Jacobs, John, Jr . 
Jacobs, SamueF'^ 
Jameson, Samuel^ 
Jameson, Alexander^ 
Kellogg, Jonathan 
Line, Conrad 
Line, Peter^ .. 
Line, John^ . 
Line, Adrian . 
Lockerly, John 
Moore, Thomas 
Moore, Thomas, Jr 
Moore, Robert . 
Moore, Michael! 
Perry, Benjamin ^ 
Pell, Josiah . . 
Pell, Josiah, Jr. . 
Preston, Darius 
Rosewell, Thomas 
Ryan, William^ 
Robbard, William 
Rosecrants, Jacob 
Ruggles, Alfred^ 
Robinson, David^ 
Robinson, John . 
Stewart, James . 
Stewart, George 
Stewart, David . 
Scott, Micah^i . 
Schoonover, John 




























II . 
2I I 








2 I 

3 2 


S S 


















1 100 













































i 1 




.* ' 

•^ > 


a o 


oe ^ 






Spencer, Jeremiah^ 2 . 
Spencer, Edward . . 
Steel, David^ .... 
Steele, Joseph^ 3. 3 ^ ^ 
Steele, Peter (Dceton?^ 
Saum, Christian . . 
Saum,John^ .... 
Stewart, Josiah . . . 
Stewart, Dorcas . . 
Shaver, John K. . . 
Sliker, John .... 
Springer, Richard . . 
Treadvvay, John . . 
Vandermark, Jeremiah 
Very, Axter .... 
Werding, Nathaniel . 
Wright, James . . . 
Waller, Ashoel . . . 
Weakley, LemueF . 
Wright, Joseph . . . 
Wade, Nathan . . . 
Wade, Abner . . . 
Wade, Joseph^ . . . 
AVinter, Ira .... 
Wiggins, Silas . . . 
Weeks, Luther^ . . 
Weeks, philips . . .• 
Welker, Meshack . . 


i;o 2 








Stewart, William! -* 

Howard, ^ ^ 

Hendershot, John 











•-} ha 



9 "O 


84'96 164 54:26 8 29 

; 150 











1 100 




















1 170 








(I) Single man, $50. (2) Wilk^s-Bane, nonresident. (3) Freeman. (4) Physician. 
(5) Carpenter. (6) Grist-mill. (7) Blacksmith. (8) Non-resident. (9) Single man. 
(10) Captain. (ii) Cooper. (la) Connecticut, non-resident. (13) Joiner. (14) 
Dauphin County, non-resident 

(*) Frame still house, (f) Log grist-mill, log saw-mill. (J) Stone. (§) Store. (||) 
Store, still and ferry. (^) A. Lee, owner. (**) Saw-mill. 


Total number of taxables resident and non-resident no 

non-resident 8 

Total number of taxables living in the township 102 

There were two grist-mills, two saw-mills, two distilleries, ten 
single men, three blacksmiths, two physicians, one cooper, two 
carpenters, two stores. 

The valuations for taxing purposes were in United States cur- 

The assessment list for the year 1800 could not be found in the 
Commissioners' office. That of 1799 ^^^ ^^^ nearest we could 
get to it. It was desirable to have an assessment roll and the 
census roll of the same year, but it could not be found. 

1800. By the United States census of 1800 the population of 
of Hanover township numbered six hundred and thirteen, averag- 
ing 7.66 to each house. There were no double houses in those 
days. This census was taken very much like the preceding one. 
The names of heads of families only were written, then followed 
figures giving the number in each family of free white males and 
females of certain ages and free colored and slaves, the totals being 
as follows: 

Under 10. 10 to 16. — to 26. — to 4$. over 45. 
Free white males . . 112 43 53 48 49 • 305 

Free white females .110 47 53 55 34 . 299 

All others free 8 

Slaves I 

Total 613 

There was no attempt made to give any other information by 
census officers than just that given above. In the next census a 
slight attempt was made to get other information besides the num- 
ber of inhabitants. We, as a people, were learning something all 
the time. 

By this time the children of those who were slain in the battle 
and massacre of 1778, and as children and orphans had been bound 
out to farmers and tradesmen in Connecticut to learn trades and 
how to support themselves, had all become of age and returned to 
claim their inheritance, if they ever came back at all, and many 
certainly had. Saw-ipiills and grist-niills had been built though 


the people were still uncertain what the State of PennsyKania in- 
tended to do with regard to their titles to the land they occupied. 
In 1799, 1800 and 1802 acts of the legislature and supplements 
were passed which satisfied them and settled and insured their 
titles to them. "Commissioners" were appointed and came with 
surveyors and with authority from the State government and ran 
the lines of the land held by the occupants and claimants under 
Connecticut claims, and gave them certificates describing the land, 
under which patents were taken out from the land office for the 
land described. 

There is considerable evidence that some of the officers of the 
State government meditated treachery^ still towards these people 
under these acts, but the commissioners sent here to carry these 
acts into execution distinctly refused in writing to be parties to 
what they said looked like "fraud;" they would not, they said, 
under any human consideration, "be the instruments of such a 

It has been shown elsewhere that they had to pay the State for 
the land, just the same as if they had no claim of any kind to it. 
It does not seem as if it was a very great boon to be permitted to 
buy the land. The State always, in other cases, desired to have 
settlers buy their lands. Land is given away now by the United 
States to any one that will settle upon it. The price these settlers 
had to pay is mentioned on another page. 

Up to 1789, the date of the first act of Congress establishing 
the post-office, the mails were carried about as follows: — The carry- 
ing of the mails during colonial times was provided for by the 
British government in 1692. When the Revolutionary war broke 
out the carr)'ing of the mails devolved upon the federal govern- 
ment. There was a weekly mail between Wilkes-Barre and 
Easton, after the county of Luzerne was organized in 1786, and 
sometimes during the winter, when the sleighing was good, 
passengers were carried by the mail carrier. A mail was sent 
around by the Wilkes-Barre postmaster once a week during the 
year 1797, to, or rather through, Hanover, Nanticoke, Newport, 
and Nescopeck to Berwick, and around back home again by way 
of Huntington and Plymouth. The Wilkes-Barre post-office being 

♦Brief of a title in the seventeen townships. Hoyt, p. 13^ 



the only one in the county up to this time, the postmaster directed 
the mail carrier to leave the mail matter for a certain neighborhood 
at certain private houses on the way, which he named. The price 
of each piece was marked on it and the mail carrier collected the 
postage. This was about the way it was done up to the passage of 
the following first postal act — and long afterwards. 

Our postal laws were, up to 1792: — 

Act of Sept. 22, 1789 (the first Congress under the Constitu- 
tion), establishes the post-office until the end of the next Congress. 
This act was continued by acts of 1790 and 1791. No rates fixed. 
Old rates continued, whatever they were. 

Act of 1792 established from June i, 1792, rates on domestic 

letters as follows: — 

One-quarter ounce any distance up to 30 miles . . . 

from 30 to 60 miles 

" 60 to 

*' 100 to 

" 150 to 

" 200 to 

*' 250 to 

" 350 
over 450 

Multiples of these weights were followed by a corresponding 
increase of rates. All postage was paid by the recipient of the 
matter. A letter from Ohio cost a half day's work — twenty-five 

This was the first law fixing the rates of mail service in the 
United States. It is probable that it is very nearly like the old 
English rates, though the writer has never learned what those rates 

100 *' 
200 " 
250 '' 

to 450 " 

6 cents. 










1800 TO 1820. 

(^^ FTER the year 1800 log-houses were still built, but they 
Cfk were of a much better kind generally. They were fre- 
'^^ ^^ quently built on sloping ground with a basement of 
stone and a one and a half story hewed log building on top, with a 
porch or stoop in front over the basement, made by continuing the 
rafters and roof down over and beyond the front six or eight feet, 
with posts reaching from the ground to the roof of the porch. 
There was a floor in this porch above the basement at the second 
story. It was also boarded up all round at the second story two or 
three feet in height from its floor, and the main front door of the 
house led out upon this floor. Sometimes the ground was so 
arranged as to furnish a walk directly on to the end of this upper 
porch, but when that could not be conveniently done, a stairway 
was built under the porch in front of the basement to go up. Part 
of this basement was generally used for a kitchen. Houses of this 
pattern were also built of frame work above the basement. There 
are five of these last kind now standing — 1884 — and used as resi- 
dences. Many of the log-houses of this second period were built 
one and a half stories high, with a porch like the last described 
only without a basement. There are four of this kind still standing 
and in use in 1884. 

These log-houses, now, were built of hewed logs nicely fitted 
together at the corners, as before described for log-houses, and the 
ends of the logs sawed off square, close to the corners. They were 
■well chinked with stone and the chinking plastered with yellow 
clay. 5ome of them were lathed and plastered inside with lime and 
sand, and sided up on the outside with good white pine siding, and 
in such cases were good, warm, comfortable houses. But there 
were not many of this kind. The house was built near a spring, if 


possible, so as to save digging a well, and also to have soft water, 
and if possible to have a "spring-house" also. That was a building 
of small size, generally of stone — through which the spring water 
ran — for keeping the milk and butter in. Such a spring was very 
useful in such a situation, in butter making and keeping the milk 
pure. Cheese was made as well as butter. 

These farm-houses had very large fire-places, probably eight 
feet wide and four feet deep, with mantel-pieces over them, leaving 
an opening about five feet high. In the better class of these houses 
there was a swinging iron crane hung, reaching nearly across the 
fire-place, to hang the pot-hooks on. In those houses not quite so 
pretentious, instead of a crane there was a strong pole or piece of 
wood three or four inches in diameter fastened across the chimney 
from side to side, some distance above the mantel-piece to which a 
chain in some cases was hung, reaching down nearly to the fire, to 
hook the pot-hook to; in others, in place of the chain was an 
article of iron called a "trammel" with a hook at the bottom, ar- 
ranged so as to be raised or lowered. The old fashioned three 
pronged spit was raised and lowered in the same manner. On the 
pole in the chimney hams were frequently hung to smoke. Out- 
side the chimney, overhead, across the beams or joists, small poles 
were hung horizontally, upon which strings of cut apples were 
hung in the fall to dry, and, after the butchering was done, and the 
sausages were made, the sausage was hung there to dry. Green 
corn was boiled on the ear and hung there to dry before the time 
for drying apples. In fact there was not much of the year that 
these poles were not occupied for some very useful purpose. In 
these chimneys wood only was burned in the early days, and the 
back-log would be five to six feet long — the small wood on the 
andirons four feet long. The andirons frequently had brass knobs 
on the handle, and they were nearly always kept polished up bright, 
as, if they were not, the girls in that house would find it difficult to 
get a good husband. This was noticed by the young men as a 
pretty good sigh. The spit was to be hung in front of the fire over 
a dripping-pan, whereon could be roasted and basted turkeys, 
chickens, geese, ducks, spare-ribs and other fresh meats, and this 
was a real TOSiSt. 



Saw-mills now began to grow numerous, and the very choicest 
lumber could be got. The houses were now floored with the best 
of yellow pine. Rag carpets covered the floors of the best rooms. 
The big blazing wood fires made ev^erything look cheerful about 
these houses in the long winter evenings. Bed-time for children 
was at eight o'clock, and at nine the whole family retired, and the 
stranger within their gates. Generally every family had a clock, 
especially after the Yankee wooden clock came into use. Until 
bed-time all were employed, the women carding wool or spinning 
tow or flax, or some other occupation — none were idle. The men 
and boys would be shelling corn, or making splint baskets or chairs, 
or twisting tobacco to press into plug, or making rakes or flails, or 
some useful thing. All were employed — they never lacked 

On Sundays they went to "meeting." The New England 
Puritan CongregationaKsts held their religious meetings in the 
earlier times in barns, school-houses, and in private houses, until a 
short time previous to 1800 they tried to build a church on the 
"Green," but after 1800 so many of them were selling out and mov- 
ing away that this church was as failure. They could not complete 
the edifice even. 

The Scotch-irish Pennsylvanians w^ere Presbyterians, and they 
had built a frame church on the Green as early as 1774 or 1775,* 
said to have been the first church built in the county. Here the 
"Paxton boys" worshiped. This had now gone to decay and the 
Puritans and Presbyterians still remaining undertook to build a 
church, but as emigration to the west did not cease, this church 
was never completed, though it was used occasionally for services 
till 1820. It stood six to eight rods to the west of the present 
church, and some part of it was standing in 1834. The Methodists 
had come here, and as their form or method of worship pleased 
many they became the leading and nearly the only English speak- 
ing religious body, and the school-houses were brought into 
thorough use for religious purposes by them — and continued to be 
so used till about i860. 

The Pennsylvania Dutch and others had a German Reformed 
congregation established in Hanover about 1791. In 1825 they 

♦Stewart Pierce. 


built a frame church on the Green. That church still stands and 
is in a pretty good state of preservation, but there have not been a 
sufficient number of the Pennsylvania Dutch in Hanover since i860 
to keep up a church organization. 

There were school-houses enough for all the children without 
having more than thirty or forty in one school. The school- 
houses had not the conveniences of those of the present day. The 
desks for the scholars to write on were arranged around the room 
against the walls on the side. The desk was a wide board or 
plank, sloped from a narrow board fastened against the wall, level, 
for the inkstands and other things to stand and lie on, and the wide 
desk plank sloped down from the edge of this. The pupil had to 
face the wall in using the desk. These desk planks were connected 
end to end all around the room, except at the teacher'^s desk, and 
long benches reached around the room the same as the desks. To 
use the desk, the pupils, males and females, had to climb over the 
seat and sit with their backs towards the teacher. This was the 
**big" bench. Little benches were placed around inside the big 
ones for the smaller children or those that did not write. There 
were no backs to any of these benches. In the early times, or 
before 1808, wood was used for fuel in the school-houses, but when 
coal began to be used a stove was substituted for the big stone 
chimney of former times, and placed in the middle of the school 

There >were no steel pens in those days and part of a teacher's 
qualifications for the- place was the ability to make quill pens for 
the pupils, and he had also to write the ''copies." The pupil 
furnished the quill, the teacher — master he was called then — made 
the pen. Specimens of the writing of those times attest the fact 
that the art of writing was pretty thoroughly taught. People 
prided themselves on their writing and their thorough knowledge 
of arithmetic. 

The school-houses were, like every other kind of building in 
the earlier years of the settlements, built of logs, but as they rotted 
down fram.e houses were generally built in their places. The 
second set of school-houses were built of logs in some places. 
One of this kind, the second or third built there, was standing at 
Scrabbletown — now Ashley — as late as 1848, believed to have 


been the last log school-house in Hanover township. There were 
two of frame on the River Road, one on the " Green " and one at 
Nanticoke, two on the Middle Road, one on the hill near the 
Downing farm, and one on the end of " Hogback" hill near the 
Bennett Creek, the site of the present Askam postoffice, opposite 
the old Nagle tannery. This last was of logs. The one on the 
*' Green " has been rebuilt a number of times, the one on the Middle 
Road near Downing's was abandoned in 1839 ^^r a new one on 
Hoover Hill, a 'half mile farther west. This one was rebuilt in 
1872. The one of logs at Hogback — now Askam — ceased to be 
used about 1837, and as a new one had been built at Keithline's, 
nearly two miles further down the road to the west, this one was 
never renewed. All these, except the one on Hogback, were frame. 

In 1840 a school-house was built on the Back Road about two 
miles below Scrabbletown — Ashley — at a place now called Sugar 
Notch. It was a small frame. In the early days, and up to about 
1850, a term of school was three months in the winter, and in that 
age of vigorous mind and body our ancestors did not think two 
miles were too far to send their children to school, and they all 
went, from six years to twenty-one years of age. Any school taught 
in the summer was a "pay school," and then many went farther 
than two miles to reach it, and yet in those times there was nobody 
who could not read and write — at least the writer, a native, never 
heard of one of sound mind born in the township, and who lived 
to grow up there, that could not read and write. 

These school-houses were used by different denominations for 
church meetings. Church meetings were also held in private 
houses on Sundays and on week-days. The women and girls that 
attended these on week-days took their work along with them and 
worked there during the sermon. Such work was done there as 
knitting, sewing, embroidering, carding wool, and many other 
things. Something was always found to do at such meetings by 
the persons that came to them, while the owner of the house and 
his family could find many things at home that he could not take 
to the meeting at his neighbor's to do. The writer thinks it 
may safely be said that these people were industrious. There was 
no sniveling about workingmen's hardships by workingmen's pre- 


tended friends. One would think that those must have been an 
entirely different race of people from these of the present day. 

Amusements were pretty much the same as they had been in 
the preceding period. The Pennsylvania Dutch had introduced 
some new ones for Christmas, New Years and Easter, otherwise 
all was as of old. 

What person of sixty or seventy years of age does not re- 
member with pleasure, and with a laugh, the sleigh-ridings of their 
young days? How everybody kept open house, as it were, even 
into the night, when sleigh-bells were heard in the crisp, cold 
winter air of the afternoon or evening? How they would stop 
where any young folk lived; how there would be a rush of girls 
and boys with red noses and cheeks into the house; how the 
metheglin, and mince pies, and doughnuts, and apples, and nuts 
were brought out and eaten and drank ; and how they rushed off 
with shouts and laughter and tumbled into the sleigh or "sled" 
among quilts and comforters and coverlets and straw and sped 
away laughing and singing and full of joyous noise to the next 
house? Well, one almost grows young again thinking of it! 
There was no danger then of meeting tramps, or ruffians, or thieves 
on the road to do one harm, or finding their whips or quilts or 
wraps stolen while they were enjoying themselves in their neigh- 
bor's house. 

Canned fruit was not known at this early time, so in order to 
have something of the fruit kind out of the season for fresh fruits, 
every family took care to pick berries and dry them for winter use, 
such as huckleberries, blackberries, raspberries, and large quantities 
of apples, peaches, pears, plums, cherries and other fruits. Many 
kinds of fruits were preserved by cooking them up with an excess 
of honey. Sugar was used for this purpose after sugar became 
cheap; that was soon after the canal was completed. Apples of 
the winter variety were kept in large quantities in the cellars, and 
large heaps were buried in the garden for winter and spring use. 
Cranberries and a peculiar kind of wild crab apple were also pre- 
served. Peaches were raised in great abundance and of fine 

Nuts were not by any means forgotten. Chestnuts were the 
most valuable and were gathered in bushels, some sold or traded 



off, but were mostly kept for home use. They were sometimes 
used as a substitute for coffee, being dried and roasted and ground 
the same as coffee. Hickory nuts, black walnuts, butternuts, and 
hazelnuts were laid up in sufficient quantity to last till nuts came 
again the next year, and soma* to keep over in case of a failure. 
On the flats black walnut trees were left standing in sufficient num- 
bers to supply the owner's family and furnish many bushels more 
for sale. Persons who had none of their own were frequently per- 
mitted to gather and "shuck" these for half Walnuts were rather 
larger on the flats than on the uplands, but the farmers planted 
trees and raised their own walnuts if possible on all the back lands; 
and some of these trees are still standing and producing yearly 
their crop of nuts. Butternut trees were found growing in the 
woods almost anywhere, it seemed, except on the tops of the 
mountains. Every farmer tried to have at least one shell-bark 
hickory on his farm. These were the tallest trees that grew, ex- 
cept possibly the white pine. Chestnuts were found everywhere in 
the woods, and, of course, in clearing up their farms the farmers left 
plenty of chestnut trees standing in their fields. Hazelnut bushes 
grew along the roadside fences after the land was cleared, and were 
found in all brushy places. They were frequently allowed to grow 
along fences for the sake of the nuts they bore. 

So many of the Yankees of the younger generation were now 
leaving for Ohio — the. "West" — and their places being taken by 
the Pennsylvania Dutch, that they were getting to be in the 
minority. Their church on the Green, first Presbyterian, then 
Congregationalist, went to decay. 

Peace and plenty reigned now. All the necessaries of life were 
produced in abundance to the diligent and industrious tiller of the 
.soil, but luxuries in those times were scarce. There was no com- 
munication with the outside world except by Durham boat on the 
river or by team — horses and wagons — over very poor roads for 
fifty to sixty miles through a region that seemed incapable of culti- 
vation, and that was only inhabited by hunters and an occasional 
lumberman near or on a stream that, in the spring freshets, could 
float his lumber to market. Luxuries carted through such a 
country for such a distance by team were luxuries indeed, and 


those by boat were no cheaper, and very few of these people were 
able to indulge in them. In such things they were very poor. 

Durham boats, propelled up the river by setting poles — down 
the river they would float themselves — ''were the only means of 
transportation of merchandise until the making of the Easton and 
Wilkes-Barre turnpike. This thoroughfare was completed about 
the year 1807.. Thence down to the time of the canal navigation 
in 1830, the merchants of the entire valley received all their goods, 
either by * Durham boats ' on the river or by wagons on the turn- 
pike. The turnpike was chartered in 1802, and the road was 
constructed at a cost of ^^75,000. This road was regarded as a 
very important matter by the early settlers of the valley, and indeed 
such was the fact, as it gave a much shorter outlet to the seaboard. 
The corporation was a joint stock company, and it required the 
contribution of nearly every landholder in the valley to accomplish 
the construction of this important link of intercommunication. 

**The old ' Conestaga wagon,' drawn by four horses, was the 
vehicle of transportation on the turnpike. It has disappeared, but 
it was a goodly sight to see one of those huge wagons drawn along 
by four strong, sleek, and well-fed horses, with bear-skin housings 
and ' winkers tipped with red.' A wagon would carry three, four, 
and sometimes five tons. The bodies were long, projecting over 
front and rear, ribbed with oak, covered with canvas, and generally 
painted blue." — Wright. 

But now comes a notable period, viz: the discovery of a means 
of burning our stone coal for domestic purposes. From the first 
settlement (1769) coal had been used by the blacksmiths. But it 
was not known till now that this coal could be burned without a 
blast of air forced under and through the fire. A citizen of 
Wilkes-Barre, Jesse Fell, a blacksmith, discovered in 1808, that 
this coal could be made to burn by starting it on a good strong 
wood fire in a grate elevated some five or six inches above the 
hearth in the old wood-burning fire-place. Within a year these 
grates were erected in houses all over this part of the country, and 
coal began to be used in dwellings in the winter.* This was a very 

*James Ross, of Dallas township, in an interview with a newspaper reporter in 1884: — 
Is nearly 90, lived in Hanover from 1802 till the spring of 1810, saw the Red Tavern 
built in 1805, saw the first stone coal burnt ih the Red Tavern. In 1809, Crisman, the 
owner of the Red Tavern, opened a door and said to him, " See, little boy, how nice the 
stone coal burns." 


<;reat comfort to the inhabitants in the winter time, as they could 

keep a good fire all night with very little trouble. 

1809. No assessor's list of the taxables of Hanover for 18 10 

can be found, but we can come as near as 1809: 

Total valuation for that year 568,841 

" number of names of taxable persons 125 

dwelling-houses . ; 90 

horses 148 

oxen (^probably yokes) 44 

cows 182 

grist-mills 4 

Not much increase in the past ten years. The valuation has 
decreased over two hundred dollars. There were ten new houses 
built — equal to 12 per cent., but the inhabitants had increased only 
twenty-two persons in ten years according to the census, while the 
taxable persons had increased 18 per cent., showing that many 
persons had sold their property to non-residents. 

The U. S. census for the year 18 10 gives Hanover a population 
of six hundred and thirty -five. This census was taken in the same 
manner as the preceding one, but there was an attempt to show 
something more than mere number of persons. 


The total number of inhabitants, male and female, free, colored 

and slave was 635 

No. of pairs of cards 114 

wheels 176 

looms 23 

horses 145 

horned cattle 480 

sheep 522 

The number of houses according to the last year's assessment 
being 90, there would be an average then of seven persons to each 
house. It will be noticed that hand cards were used for carding 
wool. The first carding machine built in the United States, was 
built by Jacob Plumb in Massachusetts in 1801. The abov^e num- 
ber of spinning-wheels probably includes both the big wheels for 
wool and the little wheels for spinning flax. Many families had 
spinning-wheels but did not have looms. Many also had harness 
and reeds but no looms. They would rent a loom and weave their 
own cloth. A loom could be rented for two dollars a year. Horned 


cattle included oxen and cows, old and young cattle. It will be 
seen that the whole number of sheep, old and young, did not equal 
the number of inhabitants. Many men in the country, not in town, 
still wore leather clothing. 

Now in this period of ten years, 1810 to 1820, the war of 1812 
came and some of the young men of Hanover went into the army. 
The war lasted only about two years, but in that short time, and 
small as the war was, it made a great difference in the prices of 
certain farm produce here. Values raised in land as well as pro- 
duce, and the people thought these high prices were to last — and 
they did till 18 18 — and many persons bought land and other 
property on credit and the result to them was generally disastrous. 
Some struggled along and paid the interest and kept the sheriff off 
by the closest industry, economy and saving for more than thirty 
years, and having grown old in clearing their property finally from 
debt, they died, leaving, perhaps, a fine estate for their heirs. 
No list of volunteers or drafted men from Hanover for the war of 
181 2 is known to exist. The writer has gathered up as far as he 
could the names of Honover men that were at any time in the U. 
S. service as soldiers in the war of 181 2 and gives them here: 

Wm. Hendershot, John Garrison, Henry Backman, 

Harry Blackman, John Sims, Nathan Whipple. 

The war ended in January, 18 15. 

The rise in prices will be shown in the following: — 

Wheat had always fluctuated between 75 cents and ;^i.oo. 

In 1816 it was, per bushel ^2.00 

" 1817 "- " '' " . 2.00 

" 1818 " " " '' 1.50 

" 1819 " '' " " 1.50 

'' 181 5-16 Rye per bushel was ", 75 

'' 1817 " *' '' *• 1.25 

" 1818 " '' *' " ^1.00—90,80, 75 

*' 1819 " " " " 75 

*' 1820 " " " '' 50 

"' 181 3 Labor — Mowing per day 6y 

'' 1814 " '' '' '' 80 

" 1817 " " " " i.oo 

*' 1819 ** " " '* 75 

'' 1820 '' " '' " ■ 50 

Fresh beef 5, 6 and 7 cents per pound. 



There was one charge in these old account-books that seemed 
difficult at first to understand — (in 1817) — 29 cents in bills. But it 
illustrates the fact that private persons and corporations had issued 
small notes of their own that passed as currency. The war with 
England had ended in 181 5, and there was no reason on that ac- 
count to put out these **shin-plasters." They needed moneyhere 
badly, but there was nothing to make it come here nor keep it here 
if it did come. It is said that all these little notes were faithfully 
redeemed. It seems rather strange that any of them should be in 
existence two years after the war ended. The same thing was done 
in the early years of the late southern rebellion. Perhaps also be- 
cause such paper currency was held in contempt it was called "shin- 
plaster," As the writer remembers it, that was the name given to 
such paper, and also to some bank paper in 1837, during the 
financial panic and business depression that commenced that year. 
During the late one of 1873, it is worthy of notice that our entire 
paper currency was good and no one lost anything by it. From 
the war of 181 2 and until 18 18 legal papers had to have a stamp 
on them to make them evidence. 

Now let us describe a house and its furniture at this time. The 
houses were still mostly built of logs. The logs were hewed and 
the ends were sawed off at the corners to make the corners square. 
They were generally one and a half stories in height, and generally 
had but one large room on the ground floor. 

There was a large chimney and a grate for coal fires. The floor 
was kept scrupulously clean, and was frequently found carpeted in 
the winter time with rag carpet The room was large, and one and 
sometimes two beds were in it, and sometimes even three. The bed- 
steads were made of square posts and rails, unpainted, held together 
by a strong bed-cord for the mattress to lie on. The first mattress 
was of straw, then a good feather one made of fine geese feathers 
— often of down — thick and full, on the straw one, covered with 
home-made woolen blankets, and linen sheets, and fancy home- 
made coverlets, the whole covered and surrounded by curtains 
close and tight, hung from a frame put up on the bedstead or made 
separate and standing on the floor. Two or four large soft pillows 
were at the head of each bed. 


The table was unpainted, generally made of wild cherry. It 
was sometimes hung against the side of the room, and in that case 
had a jointed leg, and was lifted up and fastened against the wall 
out of the way when not in use. This kind was used when the 
family was not too large, because they could sit at only three 
sides of it. 

The chairs were made of hickory turned in a lathe, and bot- 
tomed with hickory or black ash splints, all unpainted, but numerous. 
Sometimes they were bottomed with rushes. 

Many now had china-ware dishes, but many used pewter. 
Glassware was not entirely unknown. 

Large coal fires were kept in their grates all night in the winter 
and a large degree of comfort was enjoyed. 

The up-stairs room, loft or attic, was open clear up to the rafters, 
and was the place for the big boys and men to sleep. There was a 
good tight floor to the chamber, and the heat from the big fire 
below coming up against the under side of the floor gave some 
degree of warmth to the room above. This room had beds enough 
for the rest of the family^and this was the way they lived. And 
they were, to say the least, as good, as strong, and as virtuous and 
moral as people are now with their many roomed houses. 

In the lower room there was a cupboard, the upper part with 
open shelves upon which were displayed their store of china-ware 
or pewter dishes, nicely cleaned, or scoured, and set up edgewise. 
Fine china was considered something to be shown ofif. It was an 
ornament to the house. 

The bed curtains were frequentty colored, and fringed, and tas- 
seled, and embroidered, and made ornamental. 

The Pennsylvania Dutch slept under feathers as well as on them. 
They had a feather tick of very fine geese feathers, made expressly 
for sleeping under — for a covering in bed. 

The above is all intended to describe things as they were after 
1808 and until 1830, or even as late as 1840. This describes them 
in general, some houses were better and some worse. Perhaps 
there were as many with two rooms on the lower floor as with only 
one, and some had three rooms below with the chimney so ar- 
ranged so as to have a fire in each. 


The people were in general poor. They still wore leather 
clothing. Persons still alive (1884) who came here from neighbor- 
ing counties, mention the "^reat apparent poverty of the people. 
The writer does not know whether or not people in other parts 
of the State wore leather clothing at this time, but it would seem to 
indicate poverty wherever worn. But why should they not be 
poor? Let us see. 

From the first settlement in 1769 there were three full years of 
trouble with the Pennamites, during which they were totally ex- 
pelled three times and their houses, furniture, fences, implements of 
husbandry, horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, poultry and everything else 
was entirely destroyed or carried away! Then from 1773 to 1778 
they had peace and prosperit)' for fi\e years, except only the 
Plunket invasion. Then came the Revolutionary war, the battle 
and massacre of Wyoming, and the entire destruction of their 
property again, together with the slaughter of a majority of the 
full grown and nearly full grown male inhabitants. Then four 
years of Indian border warfare with its murders of the inhabitants 
and burnings of their houses and property from 1778 till 1782. 
Then for three years — after the end of the Revolutionary war — they 
•were harassed, murdered, or imprisoned, thrown out of their houses 
and their houses burned, and their crops gathered and consumed 
and destroyed, together with their animals and loose property, by 
Pennsyh^ania soldiers, till 1784-5. Then for fourteen to sixteen 
•years longer they were left with uncertain titles to their lands, not 
knowing whether they should not have to fight and suffer still more 
for their homes, such as they were, till 1802, when commissioners 
appointed by the State of Pennsylvania surveyed their lands and 
certified the lots to the possessors. And then and finally they were 
permitted or compelled to pay the State over three times *as much 
per acre for their lands as any other citizens of the State paid for 
the same quality of land. 

Here are full 26 years out of 33, that these people had suffered 
from war, oppression and wrong, such as probably no other people 
has suffered in modern times among any civilized people. Now, 
how could they help being poor for sixteen or eighteen years after 
such treatment? 


And now, a little further — Connecticut had been given a large 
tract of land in Ohio called the Western Reserve, in compensation 
for the loss of Wyoming or Westmoreland. She sold it and gave 
compensation to her citizens in Connecticut who had had property- 
destroyed by the enemy during the Revolutionary war. None of 
this money was ever given to the Connecticut inhabitants of 
Wyoming to compensate them for the destruction of their property 
by the enemy during the same war, although these very people 
had furnished towards Connecticut's quotas of soldiers for the 
Revolutionary war more than ten* soldiers to one of the other parts 
of Connecticut that served in the war! During this period and for 
more than twenty years, these same Yankees had been emigrating 
from here to that ** Western Reserve." 

Col. Wright says: — The troops raised here for the Revolutionary 
struggle and credited to Connecticut by the continental establish- 
ment numbered more than twenty to one over the home department 
compared with the population. (Page 129). 


" It is difficult to describe the rapacity with which the American 
rushes forward to secure the immense booty which fortune proffers 
to him. In the pursuit he fearlessly braves the arrow of the Indian 
and the distempers of the forest; he is unimpressed by the silence 
of the woods ; the approach of beasts of prey does not disturb 
him, for he is goaded onward by a passion more intense than the 
love of life. Before him lies a boundless continent, and he urges 
onward as if time-pressed, and he was afraid of finding no room 
for his exertions. I have spoken of the emigration from the older 
States, but how shall I describe that which takes place from the 
more recent ones ? Fifty years have scarcely elapsed since that of 
Ohio was founded; the greater part of its inhabitants were not 
born within its confines; its capitol has only been built thirty years, 
and its territory is still covered by an immense extent of unculti- 
vated fields; nevertheless, the population of Ohio is already (1832) 
proceeding westward, and most of the settlers who descend to the 
fertile savannas of Illinois are citizens of Ohio. These men left 

*Mr. Miner in his history of Wyoming makes a careful estimate by figures as to popu- 
lation here and in Connecticut, and shows very conclusively that at least ten to one is not 
over the mark. 


their first country to improve their own condition; they quit their 
resting-place to mehorate it still more; fortune awaits them every- 
where, but happiness they cannot attain. The desire of prosperity 
has become an ardent and restless passion in their minds, which 
grows by what it gains. They broke the ties which bound them 
to their natal earth, and they have contracted no fresh ones on their 
way. Emigration was at first necessary to them as a means of 
subsistence; *and it soon becomes a sort of game of chance, which 
they pursue for the emotions it excites, as much as for the gain it 
procures. * * * 

" At the extreme borders of the States, upon the confines of 
society and of the wilderness, a population of bold adventurers 
have taken up their abode, who pierce the solitudes of the 
American woods and seek a country there, in order to escape that 
poverty which awaited them in their nativ^e provinces. As soon as 
the pioneer arrives upon the spot which is to serve him for a retreat 
he fells a few trees and builds a log-house. Nothing can offer a 
more miserable aspect than these isolated dwellings. The traveler 
w^ho approaches one of them towards nightfall sees the flicker of 
the hearth-flame through the chinks in the walls; and at night if 
the wind rises, he hears the roof of boughs shake to and fro in the 
midst of the great forest trees. Who would not suppose that this 
poor hut is the asylum of rudeness and ignorance? Yet no sort of 
comparison can be drawn between the pioneer and the dwelling 
which shelters him. Everything about him is primitive and un- 
formed, but he is himself the result of the labor and experience of 
eighteen centuries. He wears the dress, and he speaks the 
language of cities; he is acquainted with the past, curious of the 
future, and ready for argument upon the present; he is, in short, a 
highly civilized being, who consents, for a time, to inhabit the back- 
woods, and who penetrates into the wilds of a New World with the 
Bible, an axe, and a file of newspapers." — Dc Tocqueville, i8j2. 

Act March 2, 1799, changed the rates of letter postage: 

Domestic letters, ]y^ oz. any distance up to 40 miles ... 8 cents. 

from 40 to 90 miles, 10 " 

a a u u u u 1 50 tO 3OO " 1 7 " 

4< U «. *. U U 300 to 500 " 20 '* 

'* " *• " •' over 500 miles ... 25 


Double and triple weights were accompanied by double and 
triple rates. 

Act April 30, 1 8 10 — Re-enacts the same rates as the above. 

Act December 23, 1814 — Adds 50 per cent, to the above rates. 

Act February i, 18 16 — The above 50 per cent, addition re- 

Act April 9, 1 8 16 — Rates of postage after May i, 1816: 

One-quarter ounce any distance up to 30 miles 6 cents. 




from 30 to 80 miles 
" " 80 to 150 

" 1 50 to 400 
" " ** " over 400 miles . 

Double and triple weights and rates as in previous acts. 

During the period from 18 10 to 1820 nothing occurred worthy 
of note except the change in values on account of the war, unless 
it was the continued emigration of the Yankees and the continued 
immigration of the Pennsylvania Dutch. The Pennsylvanians 
came from Northampton, Northumberland and Dauphin Counties 
and bought out the Yankees right and left. Thus the Yankees 
kept up a continual emigration to the Western Reserve in Ohio. 
And now Indiana began to be the "West." Wyoming Valley 
seemed to be a sort of half-way house or stopping place for persons 
and families from the East to stop at a while on their way west. 
Some of the original first settlers still remaining here and now 
grown old indeed, as soon as the war of 181 2-1 5 was settled, sold 
out their farms and emigrated to the West. Well, their families 
had grown up and mostly gone before. Many of the new comers 
were men of means and bought some of the best farms in the 
township — the flats. Grist-mills and saw-mills were built, and new 
tanneries were established. There were several new distilleries 
built, but they are not mentioned on the list of the assessors as 
introduced below. It would have been better if they had never 
been built, but at that age they did not know it. Men made 
fortunes in the liquor business then as they do now sometimes, and 
with the same general result to themselves and their families, 
namely, one or more habitual drunkards among them. 
1820. The valuation on the assessor's list, ;^86,704. 


Number of dwellings 121 

" persons assessed 160 

" horses 151 

oxen 54 

cows 230 

'* grist-mills 4 

'* clover-mills i 

" single men 16 

By the U. S. census of 1820 the population of Hanover was 
879. There being only one hundred and twenty-one dwelling- 
houses there would be an average of seven and a quarter persons 
to each dwelling. 


The U. S. census of this year was taken in the same manner as 
the preceding ones, but there was an attempt again to show some- 
thing more than mere numbers in it. There were the same "free 
white males and females, and the other free persons, and one slave," 
and "thirteen foreigners not naturalized." There were 145 
engaged in agriculture, 30 engaged in manufactures, and one en- 
gaged in commerce. Paper was manufactured in Luzerne County 
in 1820. Among other things named in this census is a Bloomery 
forge for the manufacture of bar-iron at Nanticoke. This was the 
only establishment for making iron in Luzerne County in 1820. 

It is reported as follows: 
Bloomery forge, one fire. 

Capital invested $ 600 

Men employed, two. 

Wages paid 600 

Bog ore used, 150 tons. 

Cost of ore 400 

Other expenses, including charcoal 1,050 

Market value of the yearly product 3,6oo 

"This forge merely furnishes iron in the vicinity, and there 
being no extensive establishment within the county, or nearer than 
sixty miles, it is owing to this circumstance that the iron manu- 
factured is enhanced to a value equal to the market price at other 
establishments and the carriage. The demand is equal to the 


quantity manufactured (about 30 tons), but it may be said to be 
rather exchanged than sold. There being almost a total absence 
of the precious metals in this part of the country, it in some degree 
acts as their representative, and is riiade to answer the purpose of 
capital in procuring the materials employed in its own manufacture, 
etc. The iron of this forge sold at ^^ 160 per ton until the present 
year; it now sells at ;^I20." — U. S. Census, 1820. 

There are several reasons for introducing this official report of 
a U. S. officer. Iron had been made at Nanticoke for more than 
forty-five years, but this is the first official evidence of it. But the 
principal reason for introducing it is that the writer has frequently 
stated that there was little or no money of any kind in circulation 
here, and that other things had to be used as a substitute. The 
above statement of an official of the government in 1820 must be 
taken as conclusive of the matter. This report also shows what 
kind of ore was used. It has been already stated that the farmers 
dug it out of their own land (when there happened to be any found 
on the farm) and hauled it to the furnace at Nanticoke and received 
iron for it. It shows also the value of the ore and its richness — or 
poorness — in quality. It produced twenty per cent, of iron. Iron 
ore was regularly procured from ground in Newport township. 
The furnace did not depend altogether upon the neighboring 
farmers for iron ore. This forge was in Newport township, a few 
rods up the creek, south-west from the L. & S. or P. & R. railroad 
depot at Nanticoke. 



1820 TO 1830 — ANTHRACITE COAL. 

^^ (^"*7l ^TE^ ^^^ return (to Connecticut) of the settlers in 1762 
CJvC and during the winter, the committee, to wit: — John 
^^^ ^^^ Jenkins, John Smith, and Stephen Gardner, made report 
of the discovery of iron and anthracite coal at Wyoming, and also 
the exceeding richness of the land, and the spirit of migration to 
that locality became very active and earnest." ***At a meeting of 
the Susquehanna Company, held at VVindom, April 17, 1763, it ap- 
pearing that two or three hundred of the proprietors of the lands 
on the Susquehanna desire that several townships be laid out for 
the speedy settlement of the lands ; it is, therefore, voted that there 
shall be eight townships laid out on said river, each of said town- 
ships to be five miles square, fit for good improvement, reserving 
for the use of the company for their after disposal, all beds or mines 
of iron ore or coal that may be within the towns ordered for 
settlement.' " 

"This would appear to be the first discovery and mention of 
anthracite coal in the country." — Dr. Egle s History of Pcnnsylvayiia, 
1883, p. 88g. 

"In 1768, Charles Stewart surv^eyed the Manor of Sunbury, on 
the west side of the Susquehanna opposite Wilkes-Barre, and on 
the original draft is noted * Stone Coal' as appearing in what is now 
called Ross hill. In 1769, Obadiah Gore and his brother came from 
Connecticut with a body of settlers, and the same year used 
anthracite coal in his blacksmith shop." 

"In 1775-6 several boat loads of anthracite coal were sent from 
Wyoming down the Susquehanna, and thence hauled to Carlisle 
barracks, to manufacture arms for the government." — Secty Infl 
Affairs 1878-g. 


** During the war of the Revolution several boat loads were taken 
down the Susquehanna, it is supposed, by Capt. Daniel Gore, for 
the use of the armory forges at Carlisle." — Miner. 

*' In 1776, two Durham boats were sent from below to Wyoming 
for coal, which was purchased from R. Geer, (Rezin Geer) and 
mined from the opening now on the property of Col. G. M. Hollen- 
back above Mill Creek. From Harris's Ferry, now Harrisburg, the 
coal, ' about twenty tons,* was hauled on wagons to Carlisle, where 
it was used in the United States armory, recently erected there. 
This was done annually during the Revolutionary war." — Annals of 

In 1829, Professor Silliman, who visited the valley, says: — 
" Obadiah Gore informed me that he was the first person who ever 
used anthracite coal and that was in the year 1768 or 1769. He 
found it to answer the purpose well, and all the blacksmiths of the 
place (Wyoming) have used it in their forges ever since." — Histor- 
ical Collections^ p. /j.2g. 

Coal was quarried out for sale for household use after 1808. It 
was sold at the quarry or mine for one dollar per ton. Probably 
from 1 8 10 to 1820 as much was mined or quarried in Hanover as 
1000 to 1500 tons per year. Now, in 1884, 1,253,128 tons were 
mined in Hanover and the boroughs within its ancient boundaries. 
Then, its value at the mine was $\QOO to ;^I500. Now it is worth 
— after passing through the breaker — at the mines, ;^2, 500,000. Or 
then, one dollar a ton, now two. It should be said here, however, 
that for the coal sent to market from the township, etc., the amount 
of money or return to us for it is the wages only of the men em- 
ployed in its production, and that is about one dollar per ton, being 
in the aggregate about ;^ 1,250,000 per year now. If the population 
is, as estimated now — in 1884 — about 12,000 people, that would be 
about ;^I04 for every man, woman and child. 

In 1807 Abijah Smith commenced mining coal in Plymouth, 
and with his brother John carried on the business from 1808. Their 
average business annually down to 1820, was from six to eight ark 
loads, or about four or five hundred tons. 

The old Susquehanna coal ark, like the mastodon, is a thing of 
the past. Let Col. Wright describe it : — 


"The length of the craft was ninety feet, its width sixteen feet 
its depth four feet, and its capacity sixty tons. Each end termin- 
ated in an acute angle, with a stem-post surmounted by a huge oar 
some thirty feet in length, and which required the strength of two 
stout men to ply it in the water. It required in its construction 
7600 feet board measure of two-inch plank. The bottom timbers 
would contain about 2000 feet, the ribs or studs sustaining the side 
planks 400 feet, making a total of some 10,000 feet. 

The cost at that time for lumber was $4.00 per M . . . . $40.00 

Construction, mechanical work 24.00 

Running plank, oars, calking material, hawser (made of wood 

fiber), bailing scoop, etc 6.00 

Total cost ;^70.oo 

"The ark was navigated by four men, and the ordinary time to 
reach tide water was seven days. The cost attending the trip was 
about ;$50.oo. Two out of three arks would probably reach the 
port of their destination, one-third was generally left upon the 
rocks in the rapids of the river, or went to the bottom. The fol- 
lowing estimate therefore of 60 tons of coal, laid down in market 
is not far from the facts : — 

Cost of mining 60 tons $ 45.00 

Hauling to the river 16.00 

Cost of ark 70.00 

Expenses of navigation 50.00 

Total $181.00 

or equal to $3.00 a ton. To this must be added one-third for the 
perils of navigation, which will make the total cost of the ton at 
tide-water, $4.00. Commissions on sales, transshipment from the 
ark to coasting vessels and other incidents would probably make 
the whole outlay upon a ton about $5.00. 

"The average price of sales at this time was probably $10.00, 
leaving a profit of $5.00 on a ton. If therefore 350 tons of the 500 
annually transported by the Messrs. Smith reached the market, it 
left them a profit of $1,700, not taking into account their personal 
services. By the closest economy, from 1807 to 1820, they were 
able to sustain themselves. Some of the Plymouth men who em- 


barked in the business made total failures. It was the work of 
forty years to convince the people that 'black stones' could be made 
available for fuel." 

Extract from an "account current, rendered by Price & Water- 
bury, of New York, to Abijah Smith & Co.: 

''June 8. — By cash of Doty & Willets for 5 chaldrons coal . ;^ 100.00 
By cash of John Withington for 5 chaldrons 

coal 100.00 

By cash of G. P. Lorrillard for I chaldron coal . 20.00 
June 13. — By cash of G. P. Lorrillard for 1 1 J^ chaldrons 

coal 230.00 

By A. Frazyer's note (90 days) for 25 chaldrons 

coal 475 -oo 

By half measurement, received for 9 bushels . 6.33 

June 25. — By Pirpont for ^ chaldron coal Ii.oo 

By Mr. Landis, J^ chaldron coal 12.00 

Oct. 9. — By William Colman for J^ chaldron coal . . 12.50 
Oct. 24.- — By cash for i chaldron coal ........ 25.00 

Dec. 14. — By cash for ^ chaldron coal 12.50 

" Coal was sold by the chaldron, thirty-six bushels, or nearly a 
ton and a third to the chaldron. The sales for the New York 
supply in 1812 were inside of two hundred tons. The price was 
about ;^ 1 5.00 a ton, and yet most of the early coal operators were 
unsuccessful." (Page 324). 

" Col. George M. Hollenback sent two four-horse loads of coal to 

Philadelphia in 18 13;" and that ''James Lee sent a four-horse load 

from Hanover to a blacksmith in Germantown." — Stewart Pierce. 

" It constitutes the principal fuel of the inhabitants as well as 

their most important article of exportation." — Chapman, Hist. 

Wy. i8iy. 

John Bobb sent coal down the river from Hanover in an ark 
before the canal was dug, but we are not able to tell what year it 
was in. Many others did the same thing. There was a constant 
sale of coal down the river by arks, from the time people learned to 
burn it in the house, and that, of course, was very soon after Mr. 
Fell's discovery in Wilkes-Barre in 1808. The grate came into 
general use wherever coal could be got. 


The real beginning of the coal business then, according to the 
undeniable facts as stated above, should be placed in 1807, instead 
of 1820, as is always done, or else in 1776. 

In the proper place chronologically, the fact has been stated that 
Jesse Fell discovered that coal — stone coal, as it was called then — 
could be burned in a grate of iron bars placed in a common open 
fire-place made for burning wood. Until then — 1808 — it was 
believed that such coal could be made to burn only by having a 
blast of wind from a bellows forced through it from below, and it 
had been mined or quarried until then for use only in forges and 
blacksmith shops. That many boat loads had been floated down 
the river — in arks or floats made for that especial occasion or trip 
— has been mentioned above. But now the coal business put on a 
different face. It could be used in private houses for fuel in place 
of wood, and would burn all night and keep a house warm in win- 
ter time. Every family in Wyoming Valley, within a very short 
time, had a blacksmith make them a grate and a mason set it up in 
their fire-place every winter to burn this stone coal. A good fire 
could be kept all night with it, and comfort to a wonderful degree 
was increased in cold weather in their log-houses. 

Wherever coal cropped out in a man's field there was sure to be 
a coal quarry. Persons of sufficient wealth, when they found no 
coal that could be mined as it was mined then on their own land, 
bought an acre or less on the outcrop of some land in the mountain 
with the right of way to and from it, and had coal mined or quar- 
ried for themselves and sometimes for sale. The Comfort Carey 
Mine at Sugar Notch was one of this kind, and was worked for 
many years, probably more than forty. Every brook or run coming 
down the mountain side, or through a notch in the Little Mountain, 
cut through several beds, and these were easily found and easily 
worked. For many years the dirt and rock were taken off the top 
and the coal quarried out like building stone. Afterwards they 
learned to go under the rock for the coal. It was broken up at 
home with a large hammer or old axe as it was needed, every 
evening, into such sizes as they desired, but the larger and smaller 
sizes were all put on the fire together. The grates used would hold 
from a half bushel to two bushels 'of coal, heaped up. A single 
fire would burn about ten tons in a winter. Any farmer that would 


open a bed and mine it out for sale to his neighbors had no difficulty 
in selling it, and it was worth a dollar a ton at the bed. It was a 
good thing for the owner as long as it lasted, but he would soon 
get so deep in the ground that the water would not run out and 
then he had to abandon it. In the mountain they did not have 
this trouble. Pumps worked by hand were sometimes used, but 
that was found too expensive. 

About 1829, some Welshmen from the mining regions in Wales 
came to the late Maj. Eleazer Blackman's Mines — sometimes called 
Blackman's Mines, but now the Franklin Mines in Wilkes-Barre — 
and did the first underground mining in this part of the country, 
and perhaps the first in the United States. It is possible that the 
very first undermining for coal was in a bed close to the Blackman 
mines, owned by Wood and Robinson. These were Edward and 
Jonathan Jones, all deceased, the father and brother of Richard 
Jones, deceased, founder of the Vulcan Iron Works of South 
Wilkes-Barre, This gave the coal business a new start, and the 
canal being finished up to Hanover and Plymouth above the Nanti- 
coke dam about the same time, the coal business was, of course, an 
assured success. Coal could now be taken to market at a cheap 
rate, and the coal trade of the Wyoming region commenced. 

Near the same time — 1829 — the Delaware and Hudson Canal 
Company built a canal from Rondout — Kingston — Esopus — on the 
Hudson river, to Honesdale in Wayne County, Pennsylvania, and a 
gravity railroad from Carbondale — Luzerne County then, now Lack- 
awanna County — to Honesdale, by which the north-eastern end of 
the Wyoming coal field was tapped. Mining for the New York 
market commenced, and the company shipped that year 7000 tons. 

About 1833 or 1834 the canal along the Susquehanna was 
opened to Pittston. All the coal from Hanover, Plymouth, Wilkes- 
Barre and Pittston went down the North Branch Canal — the Sus- 
quehanna to Harrisburg, Baltimore, Philadelphia and the inter- 
mediate towns and country. But little, it is thought, reached New 
York and the East from this region until the opening of the Lehigh 
Coal and Navigation Company's canal from JMauch Chunk to 
White Haven, and their railroad from White Haven to Wilkes- 
Barre across the mountain over the planes at Solomon's Gap in 
1846. This railroad had been run by horse-power for a year or so 


before 1846, carrying light freight and passengers, but no coal had 
been carried over. It ran only from Wilkes-Barre to White 
Haven on the Lehigh, where the coal was transshipped into boats 
and taken by canal to Philadelphia and New York. 

In an appendiv: to Chapman's History of Wyoming the follow- 
ing description of Hanover is found — published in 1830: 

" Hanover is bounded N. E. by Wilkes-Barre, E. and S. E. by 
the Lehigh River and Northampton County, S. W. by Sugarloaf 
and Newport, and N. W. by the Susquehanna River, which separ- 
ates it from Plymouth. 

''That portion of this township which lies in the Wyoming 
Valley is thickly settled and the land is of an excellent quality and 
well cultivated. The mountainous part is covered with timber, 
consisting of white and yellow pine, oak, hickory and chestnut, 
some portion of which may be cultivated. 

"Anthracite coal is found everywhere in this township from the 
river to near the summit of the mountain, a distance of two or 
three miles. The argillaceous iron stone abounds in the mountain, 
and, it is believed, of sufficient richness to justify its being worked 
upon an extensive scale. 

"In the eastern division of this township are the eastern branch 
of the Nanticoke and Solomon's Creek, which are pretty good mill 
streams. In this latter stream about midway up the mountain and 
two miles from Wilkes-Barre, which is called Solomon's Gap, is 
a beautiful cascade, which has long been visited as a great natural 
curiosit>^ Its wild and romantic aspect and the delightful natural 
scenery around it have, within a few years, been considerably 
injured by the erection of a ver>' superior merchant mill im- 
mediately below the falls by General William Ross, of Wilkes- 
Barre, who is the proprietor of this valuable water power. But 
the lovers of nature and of art are still highly gratified with a visit 
to this romantic spot. 

" In its eastern division are Pine, Wright's, Terrapin ponds, and 
Sandy Creek, which empty into the Lehigh, and sources of the 
Nescopeck, and the big and little Wapwallopen, which flow into 
the Susquehanna. 


''Penobscot Knob, the highest peak of the mountain in this town- 
ship, affords an extensive and sublime prospect. Standing upon 
its apex you look down upon the surrounding country as upon a 
map. To the west and south-west the valleys of the West Branch, 
Penn, Buffalo and Bald Eagle Creeks, and the majestic Allegheny, 
in Centre County, are plainly seen, whilst the intervening mountains 
dwindle in the view into gentle undulations. Here, whilst he con- 
templates the vast prospect around him, man feels his own little- 
ness, and, instinctively turning to the Great Author of all, exclaims, 
*What is man, that Thou art mindful of him!' 

'' Hanover was originally settled by immigrants from Paxton 
and Hanover, then Lancaster, now Dauphin and Lebanon Counties, 
who came on under the Connecticut title in 1769, among whom 
was the late Judge Hollenback. 

"The original settlers in this township have given place to the 
Germans, who now compose the principal part of the population. 
They are an honest, industrious and punctual people. 

'* Hanover furnishes annually a large surplus quantity of wheat, 
rye, Indian corn and pork, which has hitherto been transported by 
wagons to Easton, and latterly to Mauch Chunk, to a market. 
The great stage route from Wilkes-Barre to Harrisburg passes 
through it. Nanticoke falls is near its western angle. * * * Jt 
contains about 1,000 inhabitants." 

It will be noticed that the writer of the above calls the new 
comers Germans. The writer wishes to say, from his own knowl- 
edge, that these '' Germans " were more purely American by birth 
than the other inhabitants of the township. 

In 1825 the Pennsylvania Dutch of Hanover, mostly Presby- 
terians, determined to build a church for themselves. The corner- 
stone was laid in 1825 and a substantial wooden church edifice 
was built on the Hanover Green. The church still stands there in 
pretty good order, but there are not enough members now to keep 
up a church organization — 1884-^5. 

Having now passed over a period of about ten years and come 
to 1830, and another generation having come upon the scene, it is 
thought well to introduce a list of the names of the inhabitants at 
this time. From this point foreigners began to come in in such 
numbers that the township begins to become less distinctively 




American. The honesty, simplicity, peace and quiet of a purely 
agricultural community begins to be disturbed. However, this 
was not much noticeable till after 1840. 


Askam, William 
Askam, William, Jr. 
Andrew, Jacob 
Alexander, Silas 
Apple, William 
Bennett, Rufus 
Bennett, Rufus H. 
Bennett, Nathan 
Bennett, Thomas 
Bennett, Thomas R. 
Bennett, Josiah 
Buskirk, Andrew V. 
Blackman, Elisha 
Blackman, Henry 
Behee, George 
Bobb, John 
Brown, William 
Brown, Thomas 
Barnes, Joseph 
Burney, William 
Bidder, Jacob 
Carey, Benjamin 
Carey, Benjamin, Jr. 
Carey, Elias 
Carey, Comfort 
Carey, Benjamin, 3d 
Crisman, Besherrow 
Carver, John 
Colghlazer, Daniel 
Caldren, Peter 
Deterick, Jacob 
Deterick, Frederick 
Deterick, George 
Downer, Robert 
Dilley, Dayton 
Dilley, Jesse 
Dilley, James 
Dilley, Richard 
Downing, Bateman 

Decker, James 
Davis, Joseph, Jr. 
Dershammer, Isaac 
Dershammer, John 
Espy, John 
Frain, John 
Frederick, John 
Frace, Abraham 
Foust, John 
Fine, Peter 
Fisher, Jacob 
P'isher, Henry 
Gledhill, George . 
Garrison, Jacob 
Garrison, John 
Gilbert, Lumen 
Garringer, Charles 
Garringer, Daniel 
Garringer, John 
George, Henry 
Hartzell, Jonas 
Huntington, Samuel 
Hendershot, John 
Hoover, Henry* 
Hoover, John 
Hoover, Michael 
Herrick, Amos 
Horton, Miller 
Honnis, John 
Hartzell, Joseph 
Inman, Nathan 
Inman, John E. 
Inman, Richard, Jr. 
Inman, John 
Inman, Isaac 
Inman, Caleb 
Imnan, Israel 
Inman, Edward 
Jones, Asa 

Jameson, Alexander 
Jameson, Robert 
Jameson, Samuel 
Kreidler, George 
Kreidler, Daniel 
Kocher, George 
Kocher, George, Jr. 
Knock, Elizabeth 

Kirkendall, Joseph 
Keizer, Christian 
Keizer, Valentine 
Kintner, Jacob 
Line, Henry 
Line, John 
Line, Conrad, 4th 
Lee, James S. 
Lee, W^ashington 
Lueder, Frederick 
Lueder, John 
Lueder, Christian F. 
Lazarus, George 
Lazarus, John 
Learn, Simon 
Learn, George, Sr. 
Lutz, John 
Lutz, Daniel 
Miller, Jacob 
Marcy, Ira 
Minnich, Henry 
Minnich, Peter 
Moyer, Valentine 
Moyer, John 
Moyer, George 
Mensch, Peter 
Mensch, Christian 
Mensch, John 
Mill, Solomon 
Mill, Peter 



Mill, John 

Morgan, Thomas H. 
Marble, Eleazer 
Merwine, John 
Nagle, John 
Nagle, Christian 
Nagle, Peter 
Overbeck, Jacob B. 
Pell, Samuel 
Plumb, Jacob 
Plumb, Charles 
Plumb, Simon H. 
Preston, Darius 
Preston, Hibbard 
Preston, Williston 
Pease, Samuel 
Pease, Samuel, Jr. 
Rinehimer, Joseph 
Rinehimer, Conrad 

Rummage, Conrad 
Rummage, Jacob 
Rummage, Jacob, Jr. 
Rimer, George 
Rimer, Jacob 
Ruggles, Lorenzo 
Rudolph, Jacob 
Robins, John 
Richards, Elijah 
Rinehard, Henry 
Rogers, Samuel 
Rogers, Thomas 
Ruggles, Ashbel 
Shafer, Joseph 
Shafer, Jacob 
Steele, Joseph 
Sively, Henry 
Sively, George 
Streater, Charles 


Frederick, Daniel 
Garringer, Levi 
Garris, Jacob 
Inman, David 

Sterling (widow) 
Sorber, George 
Shoemaker, William 
Sorber, John 
Shoemaker, Andrew 
Steele, George P. 
Stettler, George . 
Saum, John 
Smiley, Thomas 
Teal, John 
Thomas, Rebecca 
Teeter, William 
Vandermark, James 
Wiggins, Silas 
Wright, Benjamin 
Willis, Jonathan P. 
Wade, Nathan 

Learn, Levi 
Rummage, John 
Sterling, Charles 
Steele, Chester 
Total, 186. 

Burrett, Stephen 
Burney, Henry 
Carey, John A. 
Edgerton, Richard 
Frederick, Isaac 

Of these only four still live within the boundaries of old Han- 
over, viz: 

John A. Carey, at Ashley. 

Charles Garringer, at Nanticoke. 

Daniel Frederick, at Newtown, near Ashley. 

John Sorber, at South District of Hanover (Hogback). 

Nearly all but these are dead; many removed to other places 
before death. About thirty-one, including the above four, have 
more or less of their descendants here still. A little over half of 
these are Pennsylvania Dutch. 

The above is a list of the taxable persons that actually lived in 
the township, so far as known, when the assessment was made. The 
township included all the country back of it and Wilkes-Barre, to 
the Lehigh River, thus including all that are now called Hanover, 
Wright, Bear Creek, Denison and Foster townships, and White 
Haven borough. 


1830. Total valuation $70,2 2,y 

" number dwelling-houses 125 

•" " taxable persons • 184 

" " horses . 115 

" ** oxen 74 

" " cows 294 

But little progress has been made during the past ten years. 
The taxable persons have increased twenty -four in number; dwel- 
ling-houses only four; oxen increased twenty; cows sixty-four, 
but horses have actually decreased thirty-six in number. The valu- 
ation of property has also decreased about $16,000. The number 
of inJiabitants had increased from 879, in 1820, to 1173, equal to 
over 33 per cent. There would be nine and thirty-eight hundredths 
to each house on an average. The dam in the river at Nanticoke, 
to feed the canal below on the other side, had just been completed. 
This made work for the people, although it was not in Hanover, 
and the building of the canal had put some money in circulation 
and made a market for some of our produce, and it probably in- 
creased our population somewhat; yet, if it did, it caused no houses 
to be built, and it took away our horses. The old houses were rot- 
ting down and hardly any new ones were being built — only four in 
ten years. Horses had decreased about 25 per cent, and oxen even 
had not taken their place on the farms. The population was now a 
little more than half of a different people — mostly Pennsylvania 
Dutch — but they were about as industrious and sav^ing as the 
Yankees. Perhaps as these were, many of them, nen' settlers tak- 
ing the places of the old, they were not as ricJi — if the word is 
proper in this case — as the old ones whom they succeeded. 

1830. A United States census was taken this year the same as 
in the preceding ones, except that there was no attempt to show 
anything but numbers. It says though, that there were six 
foreigners in the township not naturalized. 

The total number of inhabitants was 1 173. 

There was no slave this time. The population had increased 
294, equal to about 33 per cent. 

About this time the fanning mill for cleaning grain from the 
chaff was introduced here and superseded the ancient hand fan. 
This was a great labor-saving improvement. 


. The canal was now completed from Nanticoke down the river, 
and produce could be taken down the canal and could be brought 
up the canal. Up to this time all the produce of the township and 
of the whole valley of Wyoming had to be taken to market by 
wagons, to Easton first, and after the canal was finished, up to 
Mauch Chunk, it was carted there. The productions hauled thus 
to Mauch Chunk and its vicinity were wheat, rye, potatoes, Indian 
corn, oats, buckwheat, beans, onions, oil-cake, hay and pork. 
Probably there were others. Cattle and horses were driven in 
droves and were perhaps taken farther down than Mauch Chunk 
or Easton. Communication by passenger or mail was by ''stage" 
in every direction and through Easton to New York or Philadel- 
phia. A daily stage ran to those cities from Wilkes-Barre, stop- 
ping over night at Easton. It took two days, from daylight till 
dark, in the summer time and with fast driving and without acci- 
dent to reach either New York or Philadelphia from Wilkes-Barre. 
The fare was generally ten dollars to New York and nine dollars to 
Philadelphia, but frequently there was competition or "opposition" 
and then the price was lowered. After the canals were completed, 
"packet-boats" as they were called, ran on the canals and carried 
passengers and light parcels. This kind of traveling was a great 
luxury when compared with the lumbering, jolting and rolling stage- 
coach, and there were arrangements for sleeping and eating on the 
boat, and thus they could travel night and day; but ease was the 
great thing welcomed in this method of traveling. 

Although the canal in 1830 had been finished from below up 
only to the Nanticoke dam, boats could now be loaded at the bank 
of the river at Hanover, Plymouth and Wilkes-Barre, and be 
floated down to and through the feeder lock at the west end of the 
dam into the canal. 

All commerce up to this time had been a complete system of 
barter. There was no common medium of exchange, such as gold, 
silver or paper in circulation sufficient to meet the needs of the in- 
habitants. A general system of credits had to be and was estab- 
lished, and men (and women) had to maintain a character for 
honesty or they were bad off indeed; for who could carry iron, or 
tobacco, or wheat, or pork or other produce around to his 
neighbors to find one that had vv^hat he wanted and would take 


these, or some of these, in exchange for it? So every one had to 
keep account-books and trust and be trusted. An untrustworthy- 
person was very soon known, and after that he found it difficult to 
get a Hving. Such men were very likely to become hunters, being 
driven to it to procure food. 

All dealings were regularly entered on their books of account 
in which they generally kept both sides — debtor and creditor — 
because there was imprisonment for debt in those times, and it be- 
hooved men to know how their accounts stood with their neighbors. 
These accounts were sometimes balanced or settled every year, but 
they ran in many cases four, five, and ten years, and in one case on 
these books, w^hich the writer consulted, the last debit and credit is 
in February and May, 1819, and settled in April, 1846, and the 
balance paid and receipted on the book after about twenty-seven 
years. No comments by the writer here. 


1830 TO 1840. 

ev underlies Hanover township and the boroughs within it, 
from the Susquehanna River back nearly to the top of 
the Little Mountain, a distance of about three miles, making about 
15 square miles underlaid with coal. The workable beds or seams 
have an aggregate average thickness of about fifty feet — not less, 
probably more, made up of separate veins, beds or seams,* from five 
to nineteen feet each in thickness, and there are four or five other 
beds not considered workable that are less than five feet and more 
than three. 

We have seen how coal has been sent to market from here in 
Hanover and Wyoming Valley from the earliest times almost, but 
there is no official st^itement of it or the amount until 1820. But 
that coal w^as sent down the river every year in arks, for sale for 
domestic use, very soon after the discovery that it could be burnt 
in a grate in an ordinary wood fire-place, is unquestionable. 

According to the official statement, the total amount of 
anthracite coal shipped to market in all Pennsylvania in 1820 was 
365 tons and in ten years, from 1820 to 1830, the total amount was 
533,194 tons. This was all mined by the Lehigh Coal and Navi- 
gation Company at their Summit Hill Mines near the Lehigh at 
Mauch Chunk, except 7000 tons which was mined in 1829 by the 
Delaware and Hudson Canal Company at Carbondale, in Luzerne 
County then, now Lackawanna. The mining at the Summit Hill 
Mines in Carbon County had hitherto all been done by removing 
the dirt and rock from above the coal and thus uncovering it, and 
then quarrying it out like stone. About 1829 underground mining 
was commenced. 

■*These are interchangeable terms — meaning coal sfyatuvi, all meaning the same thing. 



The amount of coal mined in Luzerne County in each tenth 
year after 1829 was: — 

In 1829 7,000 tons. 

" 1830 43,000 ^' 

" 1840 . 148,470 " 

" 1850 827,823 " 

i860 2,941,817 " 

1S70 7,554,900 " 

r Scranton District 6,293,457 " 

" 1880 < Wilkes-Barre District 5,708,813 '' 

( Hazleton District 3,656,336 " 

" 1883 in Luzerne County .... • 12,415,605 " 

" " ** Lackawanna County 5,495.877 " 

Up to this time Luzerne included Lackawanna County. 
Total amount of anthracite coal from all the regions in Penn- 
sylvania in each tenth year: 

In 1830 174.743 tons. 

" 1840 841,584 " 

" 1850 3,287,970 •• 

" i860 8,513,132 " 

" 1S70 15,274,029 " 

" 1880 28,621,371 " 

In 1833 the North Branch of the Pennsylvania canal was com- 
pleted from the mouth of Solomon's Creek to Pittston, and a tow- 
path from the Nanticoke dam, on the east side of the river, up to 
the outlet lock of the canal at Solomon's Creek. The river itself 
was here used in place of a canal between the dam and lock, a dis- 
tance of about three miles.' A few years afterwards a " riprap" wall 
was built along this part of the river to protect the bank and keep 
the tow-path up. 

All the coal mined in Hanover was shipped on this canal until 
1846, when- the Lehigh and Susquehanna railroad from Wilkes- 
Barre to White Haven was opened for the shipment of coal, and 
shipped the same year 5886 tons. 

The opening of the canal soon made a great change in the 
living of the people. Luxuries hitherto only attainable at enormous 
cost, now began to be diffused through this part of the country, 
and the people could exchange their products for them at a reason- 
able rate. When this canal was built the farmers and others ex- 

*The United States census of 1870 makes the amount mined in Luzerne County 
9,519,298 tons; wages paid out $13,269,206. 


pected to ship their produce, as well as the coal, by the canal to a 
market, but it was soon found that farm and other products were 
brought here for a market by canal transportation and sold as cheap 
or cheaper than it could be produced here. Perhaps we did not 
produce enough for the population under the circumstances. 

Nanticoke commenced to be a village because there was water- 
power there, and a grist-mill and other mills were built as soon as 
possible. These of themselves would cause a cluster of houses to 
spring up there, and it being a time of danger the farmers would 
build near each other if they could, for mutual protection. And 
there was also another reason in the early times — here were falls in 
the river, ^nd in the season for shad to run up the river this was 
the special place for their capture. It was the spot where the river 
broke through the mountain barrier and left the valley with a roar 
and rush over the falls. Together with these reasons there was 
another, a very fine body of flats near by on the Hanover side of 
the river that had been cultivated by the Nanticoke tribe of Indians 
(and other Indians before them) that had lived here, and from 
whom the place 'took its name. Afterwards, coal that was found 
cropping *out of the end of the mountain where the river and creek 
had cut it down by breaking through, was very valuable. There 
was a large amount above water level, it was easy to mine, and was 
so near the river that it was inexpensive to load into boats or arks. 
That it was thus mined and floated down the river to a profitable 
market long before the canal was built, was a matter of course. 
Nanticoke was indeed favored by its position. 

The falls made it necessary for raftmen to employ skilled pilots 
to run their rafts down that part of the river. After the dam was 
built, with its chute at one end for rafts and arks to run through, it 
still needed experienced pilots acquainted with the chute and the 
river below to run the rafts and arks down. This was another 
source of profit to Nanticoke. 

There was a ferry there from the time of the first settlement of 
Hanover and Plymouth, and after the canal was built there had to 
be another ferry — one for the canal. Below Nanticoke the canal 
was on the west side of the river ; from Solomon's Creek up to 
Wilkes-Barre and Pittston it was on the east side. 



The river was used instead of a canal for about three miles from 
Nanticokc up, as has been told on a previous pa<^e, but from the 
mouth of Solomon's Creek it was the usual ditch up through 
Wilkes-Barre to Pittston. The canal boats and horses had to cross 
the river at Nanticoke from the west side to the east going up, and 
from the east to the west going down the canal, and the horses had 
to be ferried over. The loaded boats croincf down stream, when 
given a 'pretty good ''send off" at the ferry, a half mile or more 
above the dam, would run across the river themselves without an\' 
further help, but in coming up the river they needed help to cross, 
and a large rope was suspended across, high up above the river with 
a smaller one suspended therefrom down under it, near enough to 
the water for the boatmen to take hold of, and by pulling on it 
draw themselves and their boats across, where their horses that had 
been ferried across, were again attached to the tow-line. But all 
this was after 1830-3. 

The falls were very dangerous to pass over in boats, and unless 
they were skillfully steered the boat would be overturned and the 
occupants drowned. Many persons have been drowned there. 

After the dam was built, and rafts and arks had to run the chute, 
the river would frequently be lined six or eight abreast along the 
east side for miles above the dam waiting their turn to be run 
through the chute, one after the other as close as they dared to run. 
They were intrusted to skilled hands to run the chute, but notwith- 
standing their skill and experience accidents were frequent in 
various ways, but oftenest by some of the oarsmen being thrown 
overboard by the violence of the waves, and currents dashing 
against the oars. There were only two oars to a raft or to an ark, 
one at the front end and one at the rear. The oars were large, 
being about thirty feet long, the blade a twelve-foot plank a foot 
wide, and the handle or sweep a white pine or hemlock tree six, 
eight or ten, or more inches in diameter. The blade was firmly 
fixed into the large end of this stick and then the whole nicely 
balanced on the end of the raft or ark. Frequently there would be 
two men to each oar. It was considered a very dangerous busi- 
ness to run this chute, and the pilots had to be pretty well paid. 

Different kinds of produce were brought down the river on arks 
for many years — such as salt, plaster (gypsum) for fertilizing the 


land, hoop-poles, barrel-staves, spokes, hubs, and other materials 
for wagons and carriages; and sometimes families *' moved" in this 
way — that is, they rented a place down the river and removed from 
the old home to the new on a raft or ark, floating down the river 
to the place where they wished to reside. Traffic in this way by 
river continued long after 1830, and potatoes and other produce 
are still brought down the river in the same old way nearly every 
year. An ark was a mere float, with a flat bottom like a floor, 
and with the sides and end standing up perpendicularly from the 
bottom two or three feet high, with timbers strong enough to 
hold it together for one trip down the river to its destination. Both 
arks and rafts had a cabin of boards built on them for shelter, 
resting, cooking, eating and sleeping in, on their way to a market. 
An ark was not as long as a raft, but they used the same kind of 
oars on it. A raft might be 160 feet long, but an ark was very 
seldom more than 80 to 96 feet. 

There was a forge at Scrabbletown, now Ashley, on Solomon's 
Creek, six or eight rods below the Back Road, owned by Daniel 
Kreidler. Iron was not manufactured there. There was no furnace 
for making iron attached to this forge. It was not run later than 
1839, but some ten years afterwards there was a small foundry 
there for a short time in the same building. 

By the side of the Back Road south-west of Kreidler's forge, 
about thirty rods off, was a saw-mill. It was run by water from 
Solomon's Creek, and the tail-race ran along the side of the road 
outside of the fence to the creek on the upper or south side of the 
road at Kreidler's. This mill stood where the railroad company's 
houses now stand on the south side of Main street, in Ashley. It 
belonged to the Huntingtons in 1830. This mill was not used later 
than 1839. • ^ 

There were a saw-mill, a tavern, and a house or two up in / 
Solomon's Gap between the mountains. This was known as / 
Inman's Tavern till 1840, when the railroad was building. Then/ 
the Inmans sold out and went West — to Wisconsin. - — -^^ 

The '* Scrabbletown school-house," built of logs, stood on the 
cross-road a few rods — ten or fifteen — west of the present Lehigh 
& Susquehanna (or P. & R.) depot at Ashley. The house was still 
standing and in active use — though becoming dilapidated — in 1848. 


It had the usual long, slanting, wide, board desks for the pupils to 
write on, fastened against the walls on three sides of the room. On 
the fourth side was the door and the teacher's desk and chair. The 
seats were the usual ones for schools then — a long plank, or slab, 
with two holes bored in each end and small saplings cut the proper 
length for legs, made to fit the holes and driven in. There were 
two such benches on each of the three sides of the room, a big 
and a little one, and there was one little one across the room in 
front of the teacher's desk. There were no backs to these seats. 
The children were not pampered much in these schools. The 
teachers had to build their own fires and sweep the school-houses 
themselves — unless 'they could get some of the larger girls to 
sweep for them — and all for sixteen dollars per month and *' find 
themselves," or ten dollars per month and ''board round." 

The writing paper used in schools up to this time, and much of 
it even up to 1840, was unruled, and a ruler was kept in each 
school to rule with. The ruling pencil was called a "plummet," 
and was a thin piece of lead. A black-lead pencil was a luxury 
that but few could afford. 

The school-house at Nanticoke, built about 1830, or perhaps a 
little earlier (on the site of an earlier log one built probably twenty 
or more years before), was school-house and church together. It 
was on a side hill, the basement fronting towards 'the road being 
the school-room; on the top of that was a one-story wooden build- 
ing 24x36 for a church, facing the other way with its front away 
from the road. This was church and school-house until 1 861-3, 
when a separate church edifice was built. 

On November 13, 1833, people were considerably frightened 
by innumerable "falling stars" seen in the night and early morning. 
They never had been seen so numerous before, nor anything like 
it. The whole sky was alight with them, hundreds flashing at the 
same instant in every direction, with a bright tail behind each, and 
each equally bright and equally long. According to the writer's 
recollection of them (he was four years old that day) the tails were 
about the length of four or five diameters of the full moon. 

In the winter of 1835-6 came the deepest snow any one had 
ever seen here (about five feet), that covered all the fences. It 


broke in the roofs of many buildings. The following winter there 
was another very deep snow^ though not quite so deep as this. 

In the summer of 1835 a "tornado" whirled along up the valley 
near the Back Road from the south-west. It flattened everything 
to the ground within the limits of its whirl, about ten or twelve 
rods v/ide. Trees, fences, buildings, all were torn down, and the 
materials of fences and buildings all smashed to pieces and 
destroyed, or carried away by the wind and lost. It kept a straight 
course until it tore down Mr. McCarragher's barn to the floor. 
McCarragher's house just barely escaping with only a little tear in 
the roof Here the tornado changed its course to the north or 
north-west and passed across the valley just below South VVilkes- 
Barre, across the river and across Shawnee Mountain and dis- 
appeared in the north-west.* 

About the beginning of this period — 1830 — the wooden plow 
was superseded entirely here by the cast-iron plow. Jethro Wood, 
inventor of the modern cast-iron plow, was born in White Creek, 
N. Y., in 1774; patented the plow in 18 14. Previously the plow 
was a block of wood hewed into shape and plated with iron. "No 
man has benefited the country more than Jethro Wood, and no one 
has been as inadequately rewarded." — Seward. 

The blacksmith, who had heretofore made nearly every iron 
tool, and implement, and thing of iron, began now to have some 
competition with the iron founder. The blacksmith's trade was 
not quite as good a one as it had been. Now, 1884, it is almost 
entirely limited to ironing off wagons and carriages, and shoeing 
horses. The same thing is happening to most of the other 
trades— they seem to be going out of use, or are being divided 
into several trades, or are changing into other kinds, and new and 
heretofore unheard of kinds of business are being carried on. For 
instance, the weaver of 1884 is not the weaver of 1824, or even 
1834, nor is the spinner, nor the hatter, nor the shoemaker, nor the 
tanner, nor the tailor, nor the carpenter, nor the mason, nor the 
farmer, nor the hunter, nor the butcher, nor the saddler, nor the 
merchant store-keeper, nor the miller, nor the sailor, nor the 
traveler, nor the scholar, nor the teacher, nor the cooking, nor the 
manner of eating. 

■^The writer was within the whirl of this tornado and received a gash on the cheek 
from a flying window-sash, from which he still bears the scar. 


In 1837 a financial and business panic and depression occurred. 
Bankruptcy seemed to overtake the \yell-to-do in every direction. 
Specie payments were suspended by all banks. The currency in 
use among the people became in most cases valueless. State banks 
only were then in existence. There had been a United States bank, 
but it had very recently been suppressed. Money had always been 
scarce here for some reason, but since the canal had been finished, 
money, or its representative — bank notes — could be got; but now 
the holders of bank notes, called "bank bills" and "paper money," 
were good for nothing. The banks had "bursted" and their paper 
was valueless. "Shin-plaster" was the name given to the paper in 
use. All the banks in the State and probably in the United States 
suspended specie payments, and money was not to be got. It \\*^s 
felt severely in Hanover, but as very little of any kind of business 
except agriculture was carried on here, and as the people still made 
their own cloth and leather, their condition was incomparably better 
than those who depended for a living upon manufactures, mining 
and commerce. 

Previous to this panic, routes for raih'oads had been surveyed 
and stakes driven in various parts of the township, but nothing was 
done towards building any until late in this decade. Some time 
after this panic, but as early as 1839, "^"^ovk was being done in build- 
ing the Lehigh and Susquehanna railroad from White Haven to 
Wilkes-Barre, and the township seemed overrun with foreigners. 
The company paid some of the wages in a kind of "scrip" like a 
bank bill in appearance, and of the value of ^2.00, ;^, and i58.oo. 
The writer never saw any of them of a larger denomination than 
eight dollars. They were all redeemed in cash. No one ever lost 
anything by them. 

In 1834, Jesse Crisman, a native of Hanover, living in the house 
near the end of the Wilkes-Barre bridge on the Kingston side, 
loaded a boat in the river with his wife and children, and live stock, 
and pigeons, and chickens, and started for Illinois. He floated down 
the river to Nanticoke and there entered the canal. At Hollidays- 
burg the canal, just completed in 1834, ended, and there was a rail- 
road to cross the Allegheny Mountains. The manager of the rail- 
road proposed to Crisman to take his boat out of the canal, put it 
on a car and take it and all it contained across the mountain. This 


was done, and Crisman's boat rested on the top of the mountain 
that night like Naah's ark. The next day it was taken down the 
mountain on the western side and put into the canal there (at Johns- 
town). It entered the Ohio river at Pittsburg where it floated 
down on its way to its destination.* ''This was the first boat 
that ever crossed the Allegheny mountains. "f 

The Allegheny Portage railroad was 39 miles long — from Hol- 
lidaysburg to Johnstown. There were 10 planes to cross the 
mountain's elevation, 1398 feet on the eastern side and 1 172 feet on 
the western side, with one tunnel on the route of about 850 feet in 
length. The cars were taken up and let down the planes by 
stationary" engines situated at the top of the planes. On the levels 
between them locomotives and horses were used. The cars were 
arranged to take boats in sections of two, three or four pieces 
separately. The boats or sections assumed their proper element at 
Johnstown, and the sections were joined together in the canal. 
The canal on the west side of the mountain was abandoned in 1863; 
on the east side in 1874. 

The Lehigh and Susquehanna railroad planes at (Scrabbletown) 
Ashley were originally intended for the same kind of service as 
the Allegheny. Portage, but the plan was abandoned for some 
reason and no arrangement was ever made for the purpose. ' 

In the early days of the republic an armed militia, organized 
and drilled, was considered the mainstay and safety of a free gov- 
ernment by the commonwealth. The constitution provided that 
the right to carry arms should not be abridged to the citizen. It 
was further considered the duty of every township to be prepared 
to perform its share in the defense of the State and the upholding 
of the laws. Each township had to enroll all its male inhabitants 
over twenty-one years of age and under forty-five, into a militia 
copipany and appear at the place appointed twice a year for 
company drill. Each man had to provide himself with a gun of 
some kind and appear on the day appointed or be fined (;^i.oo) for 
non-attendance, for township drill generally in May, and in June for 
a " general " training — that was a whole regiment together — with 

*Since writing the above, it has been learned that Crisman never reached his destina- 
tion, but was robbed and murdered in Pittsburg on his way to Illinois. 

fWatson's Annals. . 


their officers, from colonel down to the lieutenants. Any one of 
the proper age enrolled was fined for not answering to his name at 
roll-call. The company elected its own officers, a captain and one 
lieutenant. The officers had to wear a uniform and sword. They 
might use their own judgment and taste as to these. 

The Hanover Green — now the Hanover Cemetery — was the 
place for the meeting and training of the Hanover company, 
and being a large vacant and grassy common, was frequently chosen 
for the general training, w^hen there w^ould be a whole regiment 
there. Sometimes the general training would be on the river com- 
mon at Wilkes-Barre. The uniformed companies would be at 
these general trainings as well as the ununiformed militia. Many 
of our older men now with military titles, received their titles as 
officers of these militia. 

These militia organizations gradually fell into disrepute, as they 
took men's time from sober work and seemed to be useless ; they 
w^ere never called upon for any other service than this of two days 
each year of poor drilling and marching about a little, together 
with considerable drunkenness. The act enforcing it was repealed 
in 1848, though a relic of it remained for some twenty years after- 
wards in a military tax of fifty cents a year on each person of the 
proper' age — unless he had served seven years in a uniformed 
military company or in the army and had an honorable discharge. 
This tax has now been abolished. 

In 1838 Samuel Holland bought lands in Hanover for coal 
mining purposes — the John Bobb, the John Garrison, the Sterling, 
and the Andrew Shoemaker properties. He paid about twenty-five 
dollars per acre. This is the first land ever sold or bought for 
mining purposes in Hanover, unless it be the little pieces of an 
acre or half acre in the mountains, bought by some farmers, who 
could not find any coal handy on their own land that could, be 
quarried out by them without greater cost. The Bobbs emigrated 
to Iowa, the Garrisons to a neighboring tow^nship. People were 
emigrating from the township to the West. more rapidly than ever. 
Indiana had now for some time been receiving most of them. As 
we come near 1 840 Wisconsin becomes the land of promise and 
the delight of the expectations of the young farmers, who could 
there get all the land they desired for one dollar and twenty-five 


cents per acre and have no trouble to clear off the woods and 
brush. It was nearly all prairie land, ready for the plow at once, 
and said to be as productive as our river flats. All the talk among 
the farmers seemed to be "the West." Those who had been there 
and tried it and come back on a visit or to make the final collections 
on the farm they had sold here, would say to these Hanoverians : — 
'' How foolish you are to stay here and work as hard as you do on 
these stony and gravelly hills and thin soil, when you can sell this 
for enough per acre to buy forty acres for each one of these, and 
where you can raise 40 bushels of wheat to the acre, and here you 
can't raise 10. Why not go there?" The reasoning was unanswer- 
able — and they went. 

1840. Total number of taxables on assessment roll . 262 

" " *' houses 154 

horses .193 

oxen 38 

" " cows 287 

*' valuation $60,413 

Here it will be seen that the valuation has decreased more than 
^10,000. The assessment this year seems to be unreliable. Rail- 
roads were building and mines were being opened or attempts 
made in various places that failed. This brought in a floating 
population, that lived here a week or a month and there another. 
Large boarding shanties were built by the railroad contractors 
where from twenty-five to fifty or more persons were fed and 
lodged. This was assessed as a house. This swelled the population 
but not the assessment and number of taxables on the roll. Money 
was in circulation now. 


The number of inhabitants of the township this year according 
to the census was 1938=12^ to a house, on an average. Still the 
same method of taking the census was pursued as the preceding 
ones, only changed a little as to age — thus : — 

Under 10 yrs., 10 to 15, to 20, to 30, to 40, to 50, to 60, to 70, to 80, to 90. 

Males . . 255 99 91 364 207 79 29 21 7 3=1155 
Females .253 81 96 132 93 52 32 15 8 6= y6S 
All other free persons — (colored) 15 

Total 1938 



an increase over 1830 of 65 per cent. This was the largest popula- 
tion the township ever had till 1870. Somewhere near four 
hundred of these may be considered as full grown men, working 
here only on the railroads newly building, and mines opening. 
These were the floating population — without families — a very 
undesirable lot. But the most of them voted. 

This census report says there were — 

** Engaged in agriculture in the township now 206 

" mining 53 

" " commerce 5 

" " manufactures and trade 77 

" * " learned professions and engineers 3 

Revolutionary pensioners i " 

It seems as if 330 at least of these ought to have been assessed. 

There were at least 330 full grown men here in addition to the 

usual population. 

1840 TO 1850. 

In 1838 to 1840 Samuel Holland dug a canal basin at the river 
near the pj'esent Dundee Shaft, built chutes there to load canal 
boats with coal, built a railroad from the basin to his mines back 
at the foot of the mountain about three miles distant, and com- 
menced shipping coal to market by canal down the river. This 
railroad was furnished with wooden rails, having flat iron on the 
top of them about two and a half inches wide and a half inch 
thick. The cars ran by gravity from the mines down to the basin, 
and were hauled back by horses. There was a store belonging to 
Holland and Hillman — who were partners for a time — near the 
basin on the River Road. They shipped about 15,000 tons of coal 
a year. The mines were on the land that Holland bought of Bobb, 
and on other land leased of Col. H. B. Wright, and of Jacob 
Rummage, and George Kocher, all now deceased. The present 
Warrior Run Mines are now on the properties of Wright and 
Rummage. Holland met with financial reverses in 1848, and the 
mines lay idle till 1865. The railroad and canal basin were 
abandoned and went to decay and have never been used since. 
Nothing but lump coal was shipped from these mines — nor from 
any other for that matter — unless on special order, when a cargo 


would be broken up for stove and grate by hand, and also screened 
by hand. Such a thing as a breaker was not then known. 

Mining was pretty much all done above water level where the 
water could run out of the mine without pumping. But Holland 
had a little slope about thirty feet deep worked by horse-power 
with a " gin," and a little shaft with a wooden pump in it reaching 
from the surface of the ground vertically overhead to the foot of 
the slope underneath, and had the water pumped out there by 
hand. This little slope was close to where the Nanticoke branch 
of the L. & S. railroad crosses the Nanticoke Creek, near the foot 
of the Little Mountain on the Bobb lot. There was a tunnel 
further back into the Little Mountain on property of George 
Kocher. Three "drifts" or "gangways," where the Warrior Run 
Mines are now, were driven in on the coal itself, all above water 
level so that water drained out by its own gravity. Mining ought 
to have been cheap under such circumstances, for there was no 
pumping to be done, no fans to be run for ventilation, no foul air, 
no choke-damp, no explosive gasses to contend with as we have 
now. The moment mining began to be done below water level 
"fire-damp" and "choke-damp" — carbureted hydrogen gas, and 
carbonic acid gas — began to be met with. In other words, it 
would seem that when the mine was above water and dry it had no 
gas ; when below water level and wet it was gassy. 

In 1843 the Lehigh and Susquehanna railroad was completed 
from White Haven to Wilkes-Barre, tapping the Wyoming coal 
fields to help supply the growing New York and Philadelphia 
markets, together with the intermediate towns, by way of the 
Lehigh, Delaware, Morris and Raritan canals. The stationary 
engines at the planes were not run. Light freight and passengers 
were taken in cars drawn by horses the entire distance between 
Wilkes-Barre and White Haven. A few cars of coal were hauled 
up the planes and over to White Haven by horses in 1846, but it 
was found too expensive and stopped. The railroad was not 
opened for full traffic till 1847, and then horses were used to haul 
the cars everywhere on the road except up the planes and where 
the cars would run by gravity. The cars were taken up and let 
down the planes by steam engines situated at the top. From 
Ashley there are three long planes to reach the top of the Big 


Mountain. The elevation of the head of the upper plane above 
the foot of the lower is a little over i,ooo feet. Originally there 
were "straps" of soft steel attached to a ** truck" with which to pull 
the cars up and let them down. The strap was composed of four 
separate straps of steel, each about four inches wide and one-eighth 
of an inch thick and about thirty feet long, laid side by side 
parallel to each other and half an inch apart, and the ends riveted 
on a strong plate of steel. Then another set of four-inch straps 
were riveted on the same plate and another plate at the other end 
of them, and so on until the length wanted was reached. There 
were two sets of these straps to each plane, and two wooden drums 
about twenty feet in diameter at the head of each plane to wind 
them up on, and two tracks, but only one set of straps and one 
track was ever used while those straps were in use on the planes. 
That was sufficient for all the business they had to do. At the 
bottom of the plane was a "pit" for the "truck" to run into, to let 
the cars pass over it in going either on or off the plane. The 
trucks were made with an arrangement to throw the cars off the 
track in case the straps broke. About 1850 these straps were dis- 
carded for wire ropes, and about the same time or a year before 
locomotives were put on instead of horses. This was one of the 
best built and most substantial railroads ever constructed in the 
United States. Ross, of Wilkes-Barre, owned land on the lower 
plane some distance above the foot of it. He had a grist-mill there 
on Solomon's Creek before the railroad was built. When the rail- 
road commenced carrying coal to market a vein of coal was opened 
near the mill and coal mined and shipped from chutes standing by 
the side of the track on the lower plane. Holland and Hillman 
were the operators in 1847. These mines may have been operated 
afterwards by some other operator, as Holland failed the next year. 
Between five and ten thousand tons may have been shipped from 
here. This coal went by railroad to White Haven, where it was 
loaded into canal boats. All the other coal shipped by this road 
at this time w^as from the Blackman Mines. Col. Lee's Mines at 
Nanticoke shipped, probably, during this period from 15,000 to 
20,000 tons of coal a year. These mines have been continually 
worked from the opening of the canal, and probably long before 
that, to the present time. 


The coal from all these and all other mines in these parts went 
by canal to market, and when the canal was frozen up, as it was in 
the winter, none could be sent in any way. 

The above-named were all the mines in Hanover, and probably 
during the ten years from 1840 to 1850 there was not an average 
of more than 40,000 tons of coal shipped per year from all these 
mines in Hanover. About 1849 ^^ 1850 as much as 100,000 tons 
were sent. Coal was mined for use by the citizens of Hanover 
and Wilkes-Barre at Carey's coal bed at Sugar Notch, and at 
Preston's bed, near Ashley, during this period, of perhaps from 
1,000 to 2,000 tons each, per year. 

The Mexican War came on in 1846 and some of our Hanover 
"boys" went to Mexico, and some were laid beneath Mexican soil, 
but we have no record of the names of the Hanoverians in that 
war, except John Sliker, killed, Samuel Sliker and David Howard. 

It was only a small war, and only one company of volunteer 
soldiers went from Luzerne County. The war lasted two years, 
and the boys came home in 1848 in a canal boat by way of Pitts- 
burg, covered with glory. The tariff of 1842 had caused iron 
works and manufactories to start up in various parts of the country; 
that had stimulated business of all kinds, and men could get 
money for their work. The tariff bill of 1846, lowering the tariff 
to a revenue basis, caused most of the new operators in both coal 
and iron to go into bankruptcy by 1848, although the Mexican 
War had a tendency, as all wars have, to raise prices for the time 
being. At all events, our war and our manufacturing and mining 
enterprises in this case ended at the same time. The rolling-mill 
at South Wilkes-Barre was built and in operation about five years, 
when, in 1848, it was sold out by the sheriff for what the materials 
and machinery would bring, and carried away; and many of the 
houses that were built there rotted down without tenants. 
Wyoming Valley sank back again to a purely agricultural region. 
From this on till the Rebellion of the South dullness prevailed, and 
for such work as there was, low prices and, generally, pay in store 
goods. No mining for distant markets was done in Hanover, ex- 
cept at Nanticoke, until 185 1. 

In 1840 there were fifty-six log-houses in use, but no new ones 
were built after this year. 


H ii (( 

i( (< (( 

i( (I (( 


The Lehigh and Susquehanna railroad continued in operation, 
but as far as its coal carrying was concerned it received none for 
transportation except about 600 tons per day from the "Blackman 
Mines," now the Franklin. There was none from Hanover. 

In 1849 t^^ ^^^^ breaker for breaking and preparing coal was 
erected in Wyoming Valley. This was at the Baltimore Mines in 
Wilkes-Barre. The Blackman Mines completed one the same year 
and almost at the same time. Previously the small coal only, as it 
came out of the mines, was screened into the different sizes. 

1850. The assessment books have a total of 270 taxables resi- 
dent and non-resident. Farms and other property were now owned 
to a considerable extent by persons who did not reside in the town- 
ship. The valuation of property had been raised and: — 

The total valuation was now $^79j397 

number of houses (probably 70 were double) 230 

horses (and mules) 188 

oxen (single) 22 

cows 318 

1850. United States census. The number of inhabitants in the 
township at this census was 1,506. There were no railroads build- 
ing now, and the township had lost more than 400 of the in- 
habitants it had in 1840. There would be an average of about 6)4 
persons to each house. If there were 70 double houses there 
would be something like 5)^ persons to a dwelling. The decrease 
was over 22 per cent, in ten years. 

This census was taken under a new law and is much more 
comprehensive than the old. It gives the number of native and 
foreign, white and colored, and the paupers, and criminals, and 
many other interesting matters. Hanover now had only one colored 
person in it. Some of these statistics will be compared below. 

In 1850 there were still in use in the township 39 log-houses. 
They were constantly rotting down. Some of them were over 
sixty years old. 

Act, March 3, 1845. Very material change in rates of postage 
on domestic letters: — 

Half-ounce any distance up to 300 miles 5 cents. 

over 300 " 10 " 

Every additional half-ounce or fraction, an additional postage. 

Act, March 3, 1847. Letters to the Pacific Coast, 40 cents. 


1850 TO i860. 

\^£^ OON after 1850 larger coal companies began to be formed, 
_^_ ; with larger capital and more experience, and land was 
bought by *them of the farmers for mining purposes. The owners 
of the back land were glad to sell their comparatively poor land for 
forty or fifty dollars per acre, and go West and buy land of a much 
better quality for one dollar and twenty-five cents. Coal land 
was sold in 1 850-1-2-3 for fifty dollars per acre and some for 
less. Farms were now rented out to tenant farmers on "shares," 
that is, the tenant gave one-third of the produce of the farm as 
rent. The soil began at once to deteriorate in quality. The tenant 
cared little for the farm, and as it took a great deal of manuring 
and care to keep the ground rich enough to produce wheat on the 
back land, they even gave up sowing that grain, and raised only 
rye, oats, corn and buckwheat. Indeed by 1850 very poor crops of 
anything were produced. Brush and trees were permitted to grow 
along the fences, many fields were permitted to grow altogether 
wild, and before i860 some became entirely valueless for cultivation, 
and gave very little return for pasturage. Sheep, if they could 
have been raised, would have kept down the brush in such fields, 
but so many of the population of the township were now foreigners 
working generally at the mines, and each family having at least one 
dog, if not two, and three, that it became impossible to keep sheep. 
The writer knew one dog to kill 117 sheep in one summer, or 
spring, before it was itself killed, and it went all the way from 
South Wilkes-Barre into and through Hanover to do it. 

Numerous coal companies were formed in 1854-5 ; they bought 
up tracts of land all over the township, paying part down, the 
remainder to be paid on time at interest. Coal shafts were com- 
menced to be- sunk on various tracts to a depth of seventy, eighty 


or a hundred feet, engine and shaft houses were built, engines 
put up, and in a year or so suspended operations. Pay- 
ments on the lands ceased, and they were sold out by the sheriff. 
Some never got so far as to sink a shaft of any depth, but were 
sold out before a shaft was commenced. Some of these small 
companies were consolidated with others larger, and the land was 
paid for and thus saved. The financial and business depression 
and panic of 1857 made an end of this attempt at coal mining, and 
no further progress was made till after the rebellion of our southern 
brethren caused a demand for much more coal. 

At Scrabbletown — Coalville — now Ashley — where the Hartford 
Breaker stood — built in 1856, burnt down in 1884 — a shaft was 
sunk in 185 1 and a small mine opened. In 1856 a large breaker 
w^as erected over the old shaft — previously worked out and 
abandoned — and a slope was sunk at the foot of the mountain on 
the *' Baltimore vein," the largest seam of coal known in Hanover. 
Here it is nineteen feet thick. At the Baltimore Mines in Wilkes- 
Barre the same bed was twenty-nine feet, when first opened. There 
is a tunnel here running into the mountain near the mouth of the . 
slope, cutting the Ross and the Red Ash, two large veins back of 
or underlying the Baltimore vein. About all the coal has been 
worked out above water level at this mine, and they have sunk 
several ** lifts" below the old slope bottom, and the mine is now very 
deep. This is called the Hartford Mine and is the Lehigh and 
Wilkes-Barre No. 6. Since this breaker burned down, another near 
by, formerly belonging to the New Jersey Coal Co., but now to the 
Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre, is used to prepare the coal of this mine, 
and is called No. 8. 

The Dundee Shaft was sunk in 1857-8-9 to the greatest depth 
of any shaft in our coal region, between 800 and 900 feet. Sixteen 
seams of coal were pierced in sinking the shaft, from one inch, or 
mere streak, to six feet in thickness, the shaft going no deeper than 
this last one. No mining has ever been done there, though a good 
engine house and engine were erected and are there yet. The 
Dundee is near the old Hanover Basin, on the cross-road leading 
from the River Road to the Middle Road near the Nanticoke. 
Creek. Nothing has been done at this shaft since 1859. ^^^ 
property belongs now to the D., L. & W. Co. 


Another shaft was sunk in 1855 some seventy to eighty feet 
deep on the Lorenzo Ruggles property near the Middle Road at 
the Hoover Hill school-house. Engine house and engine were 
erected, and so much done — stopped, abandoned, all in 1855-6. 
Only one payment out of five had been made on the property, and 
the sheriff sold it on Ruggles' judgment, who bid it in for his debt. 
The Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre now owns it. 

The Buttonwood Shaft was sunk about the same time some ten 
or fifteen rods north of the old residence of Col. Edward Inman, 
deceased. A seam of coal was mined here for some time, say four or 
five years, but there was so much gas in it, that after taking fire a 
number of times it was at last abandoned in 1866. Ventilating 
was then done in all mines by a furnace situated near the bottom of 
the shafts or slopes, and having a large fire at the bottom, with 
a flue reaching up to the top of the shaft or slope, sometimes 
far above the top, the heat from the fire passing up the long flue 
caused a draft of air to pass through the mine. Now and since 
1870 furnaces are not used, but a powerful fan is used instead, that 
will be described further on. The coal mined here for the few 
years it was in operation, was shipped to market by the canal. The 
shaft was near Solomon's Creek, which was dammed some 
eighty rods below, so as to make a canal to the breaker. This 
short canal led into the North Branch Canal a few rods distant. 
The property was consolidated with the Wilkes-Barre Coal 'and 
Iron Company, and now belongs to the Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre 
Coal Company formed in 1874. 

A shaft was sunk in 1855 on what was once the Ishmael Bennett 
then the Sterling, then the Holland property, a short distance 
"below the Sugar Notch Breaker No. 9. Only horse power was 
used, and it was sunk only about 90 feet, and abandoned. It 
belongs to the Sugar Notch property of the Lehigh and Wilkes- 
Barre Co. 

The Kimberton Company commenced sinking a shaft at Sugar 
Notch in 1855. It was put down about 160 feet and stopped. The 
company then sunk a slope near by on lower ground on a seam of 
coal. It was a good seam but proved to be in only a very 
small basin turning up again steep to the surface near by, and was 
nearly "pinched out" before coming out to the top of the ground 


on that pitch. Being too shallow (some 300 feet deep) for a mine, 
such as was desired by the company here, it was abandoned, after 
an engine house and engine had been erected. The property com- 
ing into the hands of the Wilkes-Barre Coal and Iron Company, 
the machinery was returned to the shaft, and in 1864 the shaft was 
sunk to the depth of 360 feet to an eleven foot seam of coal. 
Gangways were driven, pumps put in, breaker built, and Sugar 
Notch No. 9 was put into operation, with a capacity of about 800 
tons per day. It belongs to the Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre 

The coal business had greatly increased between 1850 and i860, 
yet the bright anticipations of Hanover from the attempts made in 
1855-6 had not been realized. The Hartford, at Ashley, and the 
mines at Nanticoke were the only ones worked in the township. 
Both together they probably shipped about 150,000 tons per year. 
This is only an estimate and is quite likely to be too high. This 
would represent an expenditure for mining of about ;^ 105, 000 a 
year or a cost of 70 cents per ton. There are now — 1884 — single 
breakers in the township that will easily prepare four times that 
amount in a year. 


In 1848-9 journeymen mechanics, skilled workmen, received 
wages of one dollar and twenty-five cents per day. From 1850 to 
1857 the wages for such workmen was one dollar and fifty cents per 
day. This higher price was believed to have been caused by the 
discovery of gold in California and so many persons going there in 
consequence of it, and many of them coming back soon afterward 
with money enough to go into business here. Less skilled 
mechanics received one dollar and a quarter per day. Laborers, 
that is, unskilled workmen, generally received ninety cents a day, 
but some received a dollar. 

During and after the business depression of 1857 — **the panic" 
— laborers received eighty-five cents in the summer — the shipping 
season for coal — at the mines, and seventy-five to eighty cents in 
the winter, and no steady work at that, until the Rebellion broke 
out. The mines in Hanover and the neighboring coal regions 
could ship coal only in the summer time while the canals were 


open. When they froze up and closed for the winter, the coal that 
was mined had to be "stocked" until the opening of navigation in 
the spring. These were the prices paid for work, and payment had 
to be taken in trade at the store. Money was not to be had. 

The only paper currency or bank bills in 1857 were State bank 
notes, or bills. Before the panic they were nearly all at a discount, 
depreciated below their nominal value, outside of their own county. 
When the panic came many, if not most of these banks went into 
bankruptcy; all suspended specie payments. The holders of the 
notes or bills, rich or poor, of the bankrupt banks lost it all. 
These banks were probably insolvent from the beginning, and from 
the very first issue of their bills were unable to redeem them, and 
thus the people, in poverty, trouble and distress came to 1 860- —and 
a great rebellion. 

Now it is believed by the writer that it will not be out of place 
to introduce some extracts from accounts showing the price paid 
for articles of necessity during the ten years past. Some other 
things besides the prices will be worthy of notice. Kerosene, or 
**coal oil" had not yet come into general use. Common whale oil, 
and lard oil, which was the best, were still used for lamps. A 
mixture called "burning fluid," was also used, but it was so ex- 
plosive when not pure, that it was very dangerous to use, though it 
gave a fine white light and was cleaner and less offensively odorous 
than anything else. Candles were also used, but none of these 
things were equal to the kerosene of the present day. The high 
price of flour in 1855 and 1856 was probably due to the war in the 
Crimea between Russia on the one side and England and France on 
the other. The price of these articles was what the consumer had 
to pay. Extracts from account-books of the time : 


185 1, Dec. 17 — 50 ft)s buckwheat flour . . at S2.50 $ 1.25 

17— 28 ft)s butter " .l8j^ 5.25 

1852, March 24 — y^ ft) tea " .75 -S/J^ 

" Apl. 21 — 4 ft)s coffee — Rio (green) . . " .14 .56 

" May 8 — i pair sale boots 3.50 

" July 22 — I doz. eggs " .17 .17 

" Oct. 6 — 4 ft)s butter ....'..." .25 i.oo 




































10 — 



2 — 



4 gal. burning fluid ... at 

^ ft)s lard •' 

quart oil (whale oil) ..." 

lbs butter " 

gal. molasses " 

gross matches (144 boxes) . '* 

lbs pork (salt) *' 

^ bushels potatoes ..." 

quart vinegar " 

lbs butter " 

bbl. flour " 

o lbs sugar " 

ton coal delivered . . . . " 
oolbs. flour (bbl. ^8.50) . . " 

lb. candles " 

quart fluid ......." 

lbs. sugar " 

4 lb. fine cut chewing tobacco " 
00 lbs. flour (;^8) ....♦" 

lbs. sugar " 

lb. butter " 

4 bbl. flour " 

4 bu. potatoes " 

3 lbs. sugar " 


10 — 

10 — 



23 — 2% lbs. butter . . . 

23 — 2 lbs. coffee (green) . 

14 — )4 bbl. flour .... 

22 — 4 lbs. butter .... 

7 — 2 cabbages .... 
15 — 25,lbs. sugar . . . . 

5 — 2 lbs. coffee (green) . 








1. 00 















1. 00 


















In this account there is no intention to show any variation in 
prices, or the same articles would have been named all the way 
through, if possible. It is only to show the price of the neces- 
saries of life at this period, including one of the worst panics and 
business depressions we ev^r had. The wages during this period 
have been stated on a previous page. 


During this period there had been' two plank school-houses 
built at Ashley — then called Coalville. Both were crowded with 
children during the school terms. They were both arranged with 
desks against the walls. The yearly term of school was four 
months in the v/inter. The Hartford Coal Company had built their 
breaker in 1856, and many new dwellings had been erected in con- 
sequence. They shipped their coal by canal at South Wilkes- 
Barre, and by canal at White Haven on the Lehigh. 

There was a school-house at Sugar Notch of the old style of 
internal arrangement, erected of frame in 1840, but still amply 
sufficient in size for all the children within reach of it. There was 
a school-house at Buttonwood on the cross-road leading from 
Ashley to River Road, small, but large enough for all. The same 
old school-house still stood on the "Green" on the River Road 
near the Red Tavern, and was used for schools. T}ie same old 
one at Keithline's was yet in use. All these had desks around the 
room against the walls in the old style. Each of them was only 
one story high and had but one room. The same basement school- 
house was in use in Nanticoke. The Hoover Hill school-house, 
a frame erected in 1839, ^^^ the desks and seats made for only 
two persons to sit at, and were arranged in columns facing the 
teacher, the same as is usual now. This was the first of its kind, 
and it seems strange that this plan was not copied in all the houses 
built later, but it was not. Probably the reason was that it cost 
more, and the people were very poor. The land was worn out, at 
least the back land was; the most of it belonged to coal companies, 
or to non-resident owners who held it for a rise in price; no coal 
mines were being developed except the Hartford and Nanticoke ; 
the land was rented to tenants only from year to year, and had grown 
poorer and poorer, and in i860 stagnation seemed to reign over all. 

Nanticoke produced as much or more coal than it had ever 
done at any time before, but had not grown any. The houses 
were growing old and rotting down. One small school-house was 
large enough for all their children. Up to about i860 the 
Methodists had used these school-houses for church purposes and 
Sunday-schools. The Presbyterians had used them, for the same 
purpose, but the church on the Green served them for Sunday- 
schools for the lower end of Hanover. 



A small Presbyterian church had been built at Coalville — 
Ashley — in 1844, and still answered every purpose. In i860 they 
allowed the Methodists to use it for Sunday-school and church 
as well as themselves. 

Behee's Mill had worn out and rotted down, and nothing had 
been built in its stead. The same old dam across the creek there 
is kept up for a wagon road, and thus the pond remains — when 
there is water enough to make a pond of it. It looks very much 
as it always did. It was a good water power until the streams 
from the mountain stopped running. They began to dry up many 
years before any mines were worked at their head waters, so that 
their disappearance cannot be laid altogether to the mines. In fact 
now — 1885 — within the past year or two there is more water in 
this pond than for many years before, the mines pumping water 
enough to "keep the pond pretty well up and running over the 
waste-way at the dam. The water is very sulphury and no fish 
live in it. 

Lee's Mill, at Nanticoke, began now to get old, dilapidated and 
out of date, but it still stood and was used. 

Ross' Mill, at the falls on Solomon's Creek, at Ashley, or Coal- 
ville, was abandoned about 1850 as a mill. This mill had been 
built a short time previous to 1830. — Chapman's History of 
Wyoming, appendix. 

Petty's Mill, built about 1840, almost on the ancient site of Mor-' 
gan's Mill, is now the only grist-mill in Hanover township. This 
is on lot No. I, between the Middle Road and the Back Road. 

The financial and general business depression of 1857 had come 
and left the people very poor, and its effects had not passed off in 
i860. It was difficult to replace anything that was worn out by 
anything new. Economy had to be practiced or suffering ensued. 
It is probable suffering ensued anyway. 

Probably no log-house had been built later than 1830. When 
the bottom logs rotted away and the house began to settle down, 
it was not long then before the house had to be replaced by a new 
one of some kind. There were in i860 only twenty log-houses 
left standing and in use, and most of these had weather-boards — or 
siding — on the outside like a frame house, so that they had the 
appearance of an ordinary frame house. 


Several good residences had been built by those who still owned 
and resided on their lands. These were generally plain in 
structure and painted white, having fine shade and fruit trees sur- 
rounding them and an excellent garden attached. 

On the- flats the land was just as productive as ever, but there 
was very little variety of crops. About 1853 the reaper began to 
supersede the cradle for harvesting grain. The mowing machine 
was soon after introduced, together with the horse rake. Now, 
there was no tobacco produced, no flax, no sheep (dogs were pro- 
duced instead), no wool, no honey, no bees-wax, no yarn, no cloth, 
no pork, no flour, no horses, no cows, no peaches, scarcely any 
kind of fruit. The different kinds of berries were still produced, 
and a few small fruits, but peaches would no longer ripen or live 
in the township. Hardly any apple orchards of grafted fruit had 
ever been planted, and if they had been the owner or tenant of 
the place could not now keep the apples from being stolen. So 
no care was taken of the apple archards and the trees were 
suffered to die out and were not replaced by others. ■ 

No weaving was done now, except, perhaps, that on one loom 
rag carpet was still woven. It would seem again as though the 
township had gone backward instead of forward during the past 
ten years, or even twenty. 

No game was now to be found in the woods. The wild pigeons 
seemed to shun us, and as the fish in the river that once went 
below the dam could never come back again, our river was with- 
out fish. 

The Wilkes-Barre and Hazleton Turnpike Company had been 
organized and built a road from Wilkes-Barre to Hazleton previous 
to thi5 period. There had been a road in the same place for many 
years before, and it was kept in passable order by the townships 
through which it passed. The part up the mountain, through 
Solomon's Gap, was in Hanover and was very difficult and ex- 
pensive to keep in order, and the Turnpike Company found it so 
too, and in the course of a few years abandoned the whole road. 
This occurred during the period previous to i860, and the town- 
ship had to resume charge of it again and keep it in repair. 


Gold and silver were the only legal tender, but there were State 
banks that issued a paper currency, convertible into gold on 
demand, which passed in the place of money where it was be- 
lieved to be good. But no currency of any kind, good or bad, 
circulated very freely here for some reason, and workmen had to 
take their pay in ''trade," that is, goods at a store, or **pay in kind." 
This of itself alone would indicate hard times, but it had never been 
otherwise here from the beginning, except from about 1842 to 
1848, while the rolling-mill and furnace and nail factory at South 
Wilkes-Barre were in operation; and we returned to store trade 
again from 1848 to 1861. The little start of abortive shaft digging 
from 1855 to 1857 only made the depression and stagnation 
seem greater. Hanover was not any worse off than her neighbors, 
but they started forward sooner afterwards than she did, and have 
maintained their lead ever since. 

i860. The assessment rolls for i860 of all things taxable in 
the township, property, occupations, and persons resident and non- 

Total valuation ' ;^ 182,191 

Number of taxables 396 

There being so many houses now built for two or more families 
the assessment list does not give the number of residences, but 
only houses. The number of names is also very unreliable. 
Some of the names were of persons who had removed to other 
places years before, and some had been dead for years. The valua- 
tion is about the only thing that comes near reliability. A hundred 
names, more or less, of non-residents on the list, or laborers with 
an occupation valuation of an average of only fifty dollars will 
make but little difference with the total. In 1850 the number of 
taxables was 270, in i860 the number was 396 — difference of 126. 

i860. The United States census this year gives the township 
a population of 1,623 — o^^Y ^^7 niore than in 1850. Among these 
117 men, women and children, where did the assessor find 126 
more taxable persons? 

This census was taken under the law of 1850 and gives very 
valuable information on a great number of subjects, some of which 
will be compared hereafter, and it is expected to be found 


Act, March 3, 185 1. Rates of postage after June 30, 1851 : 

Half-ounce any distance up to 3,000 miles prepaid .... 3 cents. 

" " 3,000 " not prepaid . . 5 '' 

For any greater distance double these rates. 

Act, August 30, 1852. Stamped envelopes and stamps issued 
by the Postoffice Department. 

Act, March 3, 1855. Prepaid domestic letters, half-ounce any 
distance up to 3,000 miles, 3 cents; over 3,000 miles, 10 cents. 



I 860 TO I 870. 

r N this period from i860 to 1870 comes the great Rebellion, 
^^_ J and the four years' war to suppress it 

At the call of the President of the United States for volunteers 
to suppress the Rebellion in 1861, the young men of Hanover 
responded most nobly. Those who enlisted in the beginning for 
three years generally staid in till the eiid of the war by re-enlisting 
in the field at the end of their first term of service. Some came 
home and enlisted again, but the most of them re-enlisted in the 
field, determining to see the end of the Rebellion before they quit. 
All honor to these veterans. No name is twice entered in the ac- 
companying list, but instead of that, those who re-enlisted in the 
field have the abbreviations ''Re. Vet.'" on the line opposite their 
names. Those who came home after their term expired, and after- 
wards enlisted again, have the abbreviation ''Re'' after the name. 
"Re. Vetr is understood to mean re-enlisted veteran. 

AH on this list did their duty nobly, and many testified their de- 
votion to their country by their deaths in its service, while many 
others came home bringing with them most honorable wounds, 
and^all these named, that came home at all, came home with honor- 
able discharges from the service, and their descendents in the 
years to come will be proud of their descent from these patriots, as 
those of the present day are proud to trace their origin from a 
soldier of the Revolutionary War. 

No deserter is named on this list, and if there was anyone from 
Hanover that did desert from the army during the Rebellion, his 
name will be permitted to go down to oblivion without mention 
here. The greatest care has been taken to get this list correct. 
The names were procured arid published in the newspapers of 
Wilkes-Barre by the writer soon after the war ended. He got 



them from the books, papers and enrollment lists of the persons 
who made the lists for the Provost Marshal's drafts, from the 
beginning to the end, and it is believed by the writer to be ab- 
solutely correct — though that may be claiming too much. 

List of the names of Hanover soldiers that served in the 
United States volunteer army for any length of time during the 
Rebellion of 186 1-5, and received an honorable discharge, or was 
killed, or died in the service: 

Albert, Sidney,* Re. Vet. 52 Pa. 

Airgood, Thomas,* Re. Vet., 52 

Pa. Inf 
Airgood, William,* 112 Pa. Art. 
Airgood, David M., 18 Pa. Cav. 
Allen, John C. P., (colored) un- 
Algeier, John, Regt. unknown. 
Alexander, Eugene N., 41 Pa Inf 
Alexander, John W., 41 Pa. Inf 
Beels, William,* Re. Vet, 61 Pa. 

Beels, Jameson,* Re. Vet, 7 Pa. 

Bates, William A., 58 Pa. Inf. 
Boice, Oliver, 203 Pa. Inf. 
Blodget, Henry H.J 
Blodget, James, 41 Pa. Inf 
Black, James, 18 Pa. Cav. 
Clark, John, Re. Vet, 81 Pa. Inf 
Craig, Daniel, 143 Pa. Inf 
Cyphers, Philip, 9 N. J. Inf 
Carroll, Patrick, 58 Pa. Inf 
Colburn, Erastus W., 203 Pa. Inf 
Cox, Stewart, 143 Pa. Inf. 
Colburn, John W., Re., 3 Pa. Art 
Croop, William, 41 Pa. Inf. 
Coyle, John, 41 Pa. Inf 
Coyle, Michael, 41 Pa. Inf 
Dunn, Benjamin, Re. Vet. 9 Pa. 

Duffy, John,* 143 Pa. Inf 
Dennis, Smith,* 143 Pa. Inf 
Davis, David,* 143 Pa. Inf 

Delaney, John, 9 Pa. Cav. 
Dilley, Avery, J 143 Pa. Inf 
Dunn, John, 187 Pa. Inf 
Downing, John, 112 Pa Art 
Deterick, George,* 203 Pa. Inf. 
Dougherty, James, 203 Pa. Inf. 
Edwards, Emanuel, 8 U. S. Inf 
Edgerton, Addison J., 41 Pa. Inf. 
Espy, Theodore, 41 Pa. Inf 
Espy, Barnet M., 41 Pa. Inf 
Fritz, Henry, Re. Vet., 9 Pa. Cav. 
Fritz, Michael,t 52 Pa. Inf 
Fritz, Charles, 3 Pa. Art 
Fetherman, Abraham, 143 Pa. Inf. 
Frederick, Charles D.,41 Pa. Inf. 
Gillman, John,:|: 52 Pa. Inf. 
Grum, Henry,t 28 Pa. Inf. 
George, Henry,* 143 Pa. Inf. 
Garringer, George, 52 Pa. Inf 
Greenawalt, Charles, 52 Pa. Inf 
Greenawalt, George, 52 Pa. Inf 
Glessner, Philip,! 12 N. Y. Inf. 
Garrison, Ziba, i Pa. Art. ^ '■-'■■ 
Green, Nathaniel, 41 Pa. Inf 
Green, Samuel, 203 Pa. Inf 
Gillman, Richard, 178 Pa. Inf 
Gallagher, John 

Helms, Frank,* Re.Vet.,9Pa.Cav. 
Hamil, Archibald,* 6 Pa. Cav. 
Hendershot, Albert,^ 203 Pa. Inf. 
Hoffman, Silas, Re., 203 Pa. Inf 
Holcomb, Miles W., 30 Pa. Inf 
Holcomb, Harvey, Jr., unknown. 
Johnson, Robert H., 178 Pa. Inf. 
Jennings, John,J 58 Pa. Inf 



Johnson, William, 104 Pa. Inf. 
Jacques, Henry, 41 Pa. Inf. 
Keithline, Alexander, Re. Vet, 

9 Pa. Cav. 
Keithline, Peter, Re., 203 Pa. Inf. 
Keyser, Isaiah,t 6. Pa. Cav. 
Kleintop, Lewis J.,* 143 Pa. Inf. 
Killroy, Edward, 41 Pa. Inf. 
Kilmer, John, 41 Pa. Inf 
Keyser, Jesse, 41 Pa. Inf 
Lape, William H., Re. Vet., 9 Pa. 

Lape, Andrew,! 9 Pa. Cav. 
Lutz, John, Re. Vet., 9 Pa. Cav. 
Leahr, Charles, 104 Pa. Inf. 
Leahr, Thomas, 143 Pa. Inf. 
Learch, Daniel, 52 Pa. Inf 
Lynch, Thomas, 9 Pa. Cav. 
Lape, Frank, 52 Pa. Inf 
Leaser, Peter, 132 Pa. Inf 
Leaser, Christian, 112 Pa. Art. 
Line, Cornelius V., 41 Pa. Inf 
Line, Samuel, 41 Pa. Inf 
Lydon, Charles, 3 Pa. Art. 
Marcy, Henry B.,t Re. Vet, 1 1 

Pa. Cav. 
Murphy, Charles,t 52 Pa. Inf. 
Myers, John,* 143 Pa. Inf 
Myers, Michael, 143 Pa. Inf 
Minnich, Samuel, 28 Pa. Inf 
Marcy, Cyrus A., 20 111. Inf 
Metcalf, John,* 203 Pa. Inf 
McClusky, Thomas, 9 Pa. Cav. 
Miller, Simon, 178 Pa. Inf 
McGinnis, Michael, 143 Pa. Inf 
McCormick, Peter, unknown. 
Mensch, Henry, 41 Pa. Inf 
Metcalf, Rowland R., 41 Pa. Inf 
Nyhart, William H., Re. Vet , 50 

N. Y. E. 
Nyhart, John, 203 Pa. Inf 

Need, William, 81 Pa. Inf 
Neuhart, John S., 41 Pa. Inf 
O'Brien, Joseph, 187 Pa. Inf 
Palmer, Edward G.,t 143 Pa. Inf 
Puterbaugh, Henry,* 143 Pa. Inf 
Parsons, Sextus, Re., 203 Pa. Inf 
Plumb, Henry B., 30 Pa. Inf 
Paine, William, 52 Pa. Inf 
Petty, James, 52 Pa. Inf 
Reilley, Cornelius, Re. Vet, 9 Pa. 

Reilley, Michael, Re. Vet., Capt. 

9 Pa. Cav. 
Reilley, John, Re. Vet., 9 Pa. 

Rimer, Levi,* 143 Pa. Inf 
Ryan, John,t 9 Pa. Cav. 
Rasely, Charles, Re., 178 Pa. Inf. 
Reister, William, 5 Pa. Art. 
Rinehimer, John, 2d, 41 Pa. Inf. 
Rinehimer, Daniel, 197 Pa. Inf 
Stivers, Chester B., Re. Vet., 61 

Pa. Inf 
Seipe, Frederick,t 61 Pa. Inf 
Saum, John,* 143 Pa. Inf. 
Schappert, Jacob, 178 Pa. Inf 
Sims, George W., 41 Pa. Inf 
Sorber, Andrew, 178 Pa. Inf 
Shoemaker, Simon, J 9 Pa. Cav. 
Sims, Robert, 6 Pa. Cav. 
Stultz, Philip, unknown. 
Scott, John,;]: 9 Pa. Cav. 
Tims, Jacob, 3 Pa. Art. 
Tierney, James,! 9 Pa. Cav. 
Van Campen, George,! 52 Pa. 

Van Campen, Moses, 178 Pa. Inf 
Williamson, Hugh,t 52 Pa. Inf 
Wolf, Philip,! 3 Pa. Art. 
Womelsdorf, Jonathan, 30 Pa. 


Total in the service • 137 

^Wounded. fKilled. t^ied. 


Now let it be understood that there was a large proportion of 
foreigners in the township and many of them were not natural- 
ized, and claimed exemption from military service. It will be seen 
that as there was one soldier to every 12 inhabitants in i860, the 
population being 1623, there was probably one out of every ten 
Americans and citizens, old and young, of the township in the 

Ten were killed in battle; eighteen were wounded in battle 
and recovered; eleven died from wounds, exposure, over-exer- 
tion, hardships, accidents, and from injuries other than those re- 
ceived in battle; and ninety-six returned unhurt, except that the 
seeds of disease were implanted in many, and years after their 
return were developed — and the old soldiers are fast answering to 
their names at the last roll-call. 

The first enlisted men were volunteers — "pure and simple" — 
who offered their services at the call of their government, but in 
1862 the government of the State ordered a draft for men for nine 
months' service. This was a State draft and took place in the fall. 
Many of the drafted men at once enlisted for three years in the 
143d regiment, then in "Camp Luzerne," in Kingston township. 
The others that were drafted went into the army, and at the end of 
their term of service were discharged. Many of these afterwards 

Afterwards the drafts of men were made by the United States 
authority, and were for terms of three years, unless sooner dis- 
charged. The drafts were as follows : 

1st State draft, 9 months — made in the fall — 1862. 

2d. United States, 3 years — made in the fall — 1863. 

3d. United States, 3 years — made in the spring — 1864. 

4th. United States, 3 years — made in the fall — 1864. 

5th. United States, 3 years — made in the spring — 1865. 

The war ended at the time this last draft was being made, and 
the men never went into the service. 

In 1862 and also in 1863 the Confederate army invaded Penn- 
sylvania and the governor each time called on the men of the State 
to come and assist in the defense of its soil. In both cases they 


responded by thousands. In the last case — 1863 — there were many 
thousands of them. They were uniformed, armed and equipped 
and served like any other volunteers until discharged. 

These soldiers on their return home at once resumed the place 
in civil life which they had left for the service of their country in 
its time of peril. They may now be found in all the walks of life 
where the distinction of officer and private does not exist, and as 
often as any way the private in military life has become the 
employer and superior in civil life of his late military superior. 
Many of the talents most useful in the soldier are not so useful in 
time of peace at home. Many of these old soldiers have emigrated 
to other places. States and territories, and many of them have died. 
The living comrades of the dead decorate the graves of their dead 
with flowers on each recurring 30th of May. What will be done 
in this respect when their comrades are all laid to rest? Let us 
hope their sons will continue to perform this beautiful tribute of 
respect to the memory of the soldier of the Republic. He was 
not like the soldier in an ordinary war — one country against 
another, where defeat does not destroy one's country — for in this 
case defeat would necessarily have been the destruction of the 
country. The United States would have ceased to exist. The life 
or death of our native land as a distinct nation depended upon the 
result of this war. Who can estimate what we really owe our 
soldiers in this Rebellion? 

So many persons leaving their work at home for the militaiy 
service made laborers scarce, and the price of labor, and of course 
the price of the products of labor in all its branches, rose in conse- 
quence. The price of animals, produce, manufactures, everything 
inanimate as well as animate started on a course of inflation in 
value that seemed ready to swamp the whole country. Gold and 
silver coin went to a premium in a very short time, and then, of 
course, ceased to circulate as money. Such banks as we had — State 
banks — and there were thousands in the country, suspended specie 
payments, of course. Some ''medium of exchange" had to be 
found. So private persons and municipal and other corporations 
issued their own notes — "shin-plasters." Postage stamps were 
largely used and were better than nothing in making change; and 
then the United States issued — according to a law passed for the 


purpose — "U. S. Postal Currency," as it was called; and finally the 
legal tender act was passed, creating our present United States 
treasury notes. These treasury notes soon began to depreciate in 
value, and prices rose on that account. Wages rose in the same or 
a greater proportion. 

The various necessities of the government had its effect on coal 
as much, probably, as on any other production, causing prices to 
advance to a degree never before thought of, and mines were 
opened 'in new places and on a larger scale than ever before. The 
price of coal and labor and all kinds of productions went up to 
figures that seem unreasonable, but when we take into considera- 
tion the fact that the legal tender note was worth in gold or silver, 
at one time, only forty cents or less on the dollar, the price of 
things was not so unreasonable as otherwise they would seem. 
Now comes again a curious circumstance, that the highest prices of 
the necessaries of life are reached, as they were in 1812-15, several 
years after the war has. ended. And here may be mentioned 
another curious circumstance, the complement of the other, that 
the lowest depression in industry and prices comes some years 
after the "panic" which causes it. The greatest depreciation of 
the "Greenback" took place in 1864. A list of prices is here 
introduced, commencing in 1863 and ending in 1869: — 

1863, Oct. 22 — I bbl. flour at ;^ 8.50 $ 8.50 

" Nov. 2 — 6 ft)s. butter " .30 1.80 

1864, Jan. 16— I bbl. flour ...:...." 8.50 8.50 

April 18 — 4 ft)s. butter " .35 1.40 

May 2 — 2 ft)s. butter " .40 .80 

" 20 — I bbl. flour " 9.50 9.50 

20 — 15 ft)s. sugar " .19 2.85 

1865, Nov. — ^ bbl. flour " 13.00 3.25 

— }4 bushel potatoes " 1.25 .63 

— 4 ibs. sugar " .21 .84 

— 3^4 ibs. cheese " .25 .Sy 

— 5^ ibs. butter " .55 3.16 

— 9 ibs. pork " .22 1.98 

— I gal. coal oil (kerosene) . . . " 1.25 1.25 

" " — 5 yds. muslin " .50 2.50 

1866, Oct. — I bbl. flour " I4-50 14.50 


H t( 

<< (( 

u u 

n « 

(( (< 


1 866, Oct. 


— 2 bushels potatoes at 

— 10 ibs. sugar 
— 2-^ ibs. cheese 
— 2 ibs. butter . 
— I gal. coal oil 
— 7^ ibs. pork 

1867, Feb. I — I ib. cheese . 
" May 17— Y- bbl. flour . 
" June 4 — ^ gal. coal oil 
" July \2—y2 bbl. flour . 
" August 7 — 3 ibs. sugar . 
" Oct. 19—^ bbl. flour . 

1868, June I — I bbl. flour . 
" July 2 — 2 ibs. sugar . 

1869, March 31 — i bbl. flour . 

31— ii^ ib)s. butter 
'\ Sept. 30 — ^ bushel potatoes 














1873 . . -. 







Act, March 3, 1863. Rates of postage on domestic letters, 
half-ounce to any place in the United States, 3 cents. 
All mail matter to be prepaid. 

; 1.30 


1. 00 






1. 00 

\ 2.60 



1. 00 

1. 00 













Value of coin in 
paper July 1st. 






39-4 • 











Value of paper 
in coin July ist. 

I 00.0 










I 00.0 


In 1864 the Warrior Run Mining Company leased the Wright 
and Rummage properties of Col. Hendrick B. Wright, the owner 
of both, and built a breaker at the foot of the Little Mountain near 
the Warrior Path in the Gap. After operating till 1869 they 
leased their mines to A. J. Davis, who has operated them ever 
since, increasing their capacity very greatly. The mines produce 
about five hundred tons per day, or that is the capacity of the 
mines and breaker. This coal is shipped on the Lehigh Valley 
railroad that passes near the breaker at the foot of the mountain, 
and most of the coal goes west. This coal is washed as it passes 
through the breaker, by water run in on the top of the revolving 
screens. This running water carries the coal dirt or dust through 
troughs to the East Branch of the Nanticoke Creek that passes by 
close to the breaker. This coal dirt is filling up the creek all the 
way down to Nanticoke, four miles. At this writing the dirt is 
about eight feet deep at the Middle Road where the creek crosses 
it, and spreads out over the land on either side, on a level, the 
creek being about that much above its ancient bed. 

In 1866 the Sugar Notch Shaft had been sunk and a breaker 
built and commenced operating. They prepare and ship about 
eight hundred tons per day by the Lehigh and Susquehanna rail- 
road. It belongs to the Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre Coal Company, 
and is No. 9. 

The Hartford Mines at Ashley operated during this period. The 
breaker was enlarged and made higher, and was of the capacity to 
prepare and ship about twelve hundred tons per day. It belonged 
to the Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre Company, and was No. 6. In 
January, 1884, it was burned to the ground. They now prepare 
the coal from this mine at the New Jersey Breaker No. 2, close by, 
which had previously become their property, and is now called 
L. & W. No. 8. 

A company called the New Jersey Coal Company leased the 
land known as the Knock property, adjoining the Sugar Notch on 
the east side, built a breaker in 1866, drove gangways above water 
level and operated for several years. They sold out to the Lehigh 
and Wilkes-Barre Company and removed their breaker. The coal 
is now taken out of that property through Sugar Notch Shaft No. 9. 
They shipped their first coal from No. i in 1866. They built a 



breaker at Ashley and in 1869 shipped their first coal from this 
No. 2. This is the breaker now belonging to the Hartford called 
No. 8. 

A company called the Germania opened a mine during this 
period, 1864, and built a breaker about a half mile east of the 
Hartford on the same seams of coal. It was on the '*back track" 
of the Lehigh and Susquehanna railroad. After operating a few 
years they sold out to the Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre Company. 
The coal is now mined through the Hartford Slope and is prepared 
in their breaker at Ashley. 

In 1867 Sugar Notch and Warrior Run, two mining villages 
situated a mile or more apart, the one being at the Sugar Notch 
Gap in the Little Mountain, and the other at the Warrior Gap 
further west on the Warrior Path, were organized according to 
legislative enactment into a borough to be called Sugar Notch. 
Together they had at that time a little more than five hundred in- 
habitants. The inhabitants were then, and still are, almost ex- 
clusively employed at the mines. This borough is wholly within 
Hanover township and is at this writing divided into two wards or 
voting districts. Sugar Notch No. 9 is within the borough, but 
the breaker called No. 10 and the slope are in Hanover township 
a few rods — three or four — east of the Sugar Notch line, near the 
old Jacob Garrison house. 

No. 10 Slope was sunk and breaker built in 1872. The breaker 
has a capacity of about one thousand tons per day. This is the 
mine where the roof fell in, in 1879, and inclosed five persons in the 
mines for about six days, when they were dug out by opening a 
way in from the out-crop of the vein at the surface of the ground 
and getting to the men, about 700 feet deep, partly through old 
worked out chambers. The imprisoned men in the meantime 
lived on a mule that was closed in with them, which they killed 
for food. The water in this mine was good to drink, and they did 
not suffer for food or drink. 

A small railroad called the Nanticoke railroad was projected and 
partly built in 1 861-2 when the Rebellion broke out, and it was sus- 
pended. It started from above Wilkes-Barre two or three miles in 
a small valley, back near the foot of the mountain above Mill 
Creek, passed down by the Empire Shaft, the Stanton Shaft, and 


through Ashley to Sugar Notch. In 1865 it was completed to 
Plumbton near Warrior Run, in 1866 to Wanamie in Newport — a 
large mine of the Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre Coal Company — and a 
few years afterwards to Nanticoke. It is a branch of the Lehigh 
and Susquehanna railroad. 

The Lehigh and Susquehanna railroad completed in 1866, what 
they called the " back track " of their road, from the top of the 
mountain at Solomon's Gap, (called ''Mountain Top," and also 
''Fairview") by a regular grade around and down the .mountain 
side to Ashley, at the foot of their inclined planes, a distance of 
thirteen miles. This back track enters Hanover through Solomon's 
Gap on the east side of the upper plane, and running east soon 
leaves Hanover and enters Wilkes-Barre township, and going on 
descending, curves through a notch or gap in the Little Mountain 
where Laurel Run breaks through, it runs west — again entering 
Hanover — to the foot of the planes at Ashley. Continuing on 
down towards Wilkes-Barre, not on the old track from the foot of 
the planes, but making a large curve towards the west, it strikes the 
old road at Petty's mill-pond and enters Wilkes-Barre a few rods 
beyond the mill. This "back track" was built for the purpose of 
sending the empty coal cars, and others, down the mountain with- 
out having to let them down the planes with the stationary engines ; 
and also that the passenger and freight cars of the ordinary kind 
could be taken up and down the mountain in the ordinary way 
without having these cars built specially to run on the planes. 
The common passenger and freight cars could not be taken up and 
over the planes, as they could not pass over the top — to go either 
up or down. In order to do that the cars must be built specially 
for the purpose. Thus, in order to run cars of other railroads over 
their road this back track was necessary. The three planes, each 
nearly a mile long, and eight or ten miles of other parts of their 
road are within the ancient boundaries of Hanover township (not 
Hanover district which reached to White Haven). 

The Lehigh Valley railroad was built in 1867 from White 
Haven to Wilkes-Barre. It also enters Hanover (and the Wyoming 
Valley) through Solomon's Gap, but it is on the west side of the 
upper L. & S. plane and the gap. It skirts along the end of the 


mountain from the south to the north side, high up, overlooking 
the plane, and curves around the end of the mountain through the 
gap to the north side of the mountain and then rapidly descends by 
a steep grade towards the west, opening out most magnificent 
views of the valley, as the cars pass along the mountain side for 
four or five miles. The road rapidly descends west along the 
mountain side for about six miles^ where it crosses the Hanover 
line into Newport township. By this time it has arrived at the bot- 
tom of the valley, between the Big and the Little Mountains, 
crossed to the foot of the Little Mountain, still rapidly descending, 
it skirts the south foot of the Little Mountain about a mile, where it 
passes Newport station and with a sharp curve to the right through 
what of old was called "Hell-Gate" Gap, in the Little Mountain, 
takes a north-east course along the side of the Little Mountain and 
enters Hanover again, having coursed about two miles in Newport, 
and in about two miles more it leaves the foot of the mountain at 
or near the Warrior Run Mines, where it enters the cleared land of 
the valley at Plumbton — the old Blackman homestead. Continuing 
its course north-eastwards towards Wilkes-Barre, six miles distant 
from Plumbton, it runs through Sugar Notch, passes to the left of 
Ashley about half a mile, without having a station there, it comes 
to. the side of the Lehigh & Susquehanna Railroad at Petty 's mill- 
pond. It leaves Hanover, crossing the line a few rods beyond 
Petty's Mill, and runs along the side of the Lehigh & Susquehanna 
to South Wilkes-Barre. 

This railroad has no planes to ascend and descend the mountain, 
but the grade up the mountain from Sugar Notch or Plumbton to 
Fairview at the top is very steep — said to average ninety-six feet to 
the mile, about the same as the L. & S. back track. From the bot- 
tom of the very heavy grade on both these roads, to the top of the 
mountain is about thirteen miles, but across, the shortest distance is 
about three miles. About twelve miles of the L. V. R. R. is within 
the ancient boundaries of Hanover township. It has a passenger 
station at Plumbton called Warrior Run, named after the Warrior 
Run Mines, a half mile south of it by the wagon road. It has a 
station at Sugar Notch, and there also is the dispatcher's office for 
the distribution of coal cars to the several mines, and for the run- 


ning of all trains, for shifting and making up trains to go up the 
mountain, the shops for repairing injured coal cars, and the men 
and apparatus for removing wrecks on the road. 

On this road all along the side of the Big Mountain to the top, 
the very finest views of Wyoming Valley are to be had. Plymouth 
or ** Shawnee " Mountain lies right opposite across the valley. It 
seems quite close, but it is six miles off, and between there is seen 
a most delightful valley, right at our feet — small hills and vales, 
villages and towns, here and there cleared lands, green fields, and 
fields of yellow grain, and groves of woods, of all hues and colors 
in the autumn, and on the further side near the foot of Plymouth 
Mountain, winds the bright blue and silver Susquehanna River, 
with its slight fringe of trees along each bank. The buildings are 
so numerous on both sides of the river from river to mountains, 
with the exception of the flats, that it seems almost like a contin- 
uous village for more than twenty miles up and down the valley; 
taking into view at one sweep the townships of Newport, Hanover, 
Plymouth, Kingston, Wilkes-Barre, Plains, Pittston and Exeter, 
and the city of Wilkes-Barre, the boroughs of Sugar Notch, Nanti- 
coke, Plymouth, Kingston, Ashley, Parsons, Miner's Mills, Pittston, 
West Pittston, Edwardsville, Luzerne and Wyoming, and in the 
dim distance, towns up the Lackawanna, Hyde Park, part of 
Scranton City, twenty-five miles off. But Wyoming Valley, noted 
and famous, constitutes the delightful view. 

During the war of the Rebellion very high prices had been 
paid for work of all kinds, and to the end of this period skilled 
workmen received as mechanics from two dollars and- seventy-five 
cents to three dollars, and unskilled from two to two dollars and 
fifty cents per day. This is to state the matter in a general way, 
some received more than that stated above and some received less. 
Skilled miners would make four, five and six dollars per day, and 
there would be only two or three lost days in the month, unless 
they were out on a strike. Prices were slowly tending downward 
after about three years from the end of the Rebellion, and the work- 
men were resisting it by constant strikes. They believed they 
could raise wages higher instead of letting them go lower, if they 
were only all combined, and would strike long enough and all 
together. Some of the strikes therefore lasted six months, and of 


course the strikers became very much impoverished, as did their 
employers also, -and the merchants who furnished them with pro- 
visions and clothing. There had been constant strikes during the 
war, and then under the pressure of circumstances they were 
always successful, and the men believed they could always be suc- 
cessful just as well after the war had ended as while it was in 
progress, if they would. This being impossible, much bad blood 
was engendered among the workmen in consequence. They be- 
lieved there was too much wealth opposed to them, and that that 
defeated them, and not that the condition of things had changed 
and their efforts had become impossible of success. 

This went on till it culminated in the financial and general 
business depression of 1873. 

These strikes here were only the counterpart of strikes else- 
where. They were all pretty much alike, had the same causes, and 
the same consequences, and although the general expansion of 
business from the constant investment of the profits in business, if 
there are any profits, will in time cause an overdoing of business in 
any case, no matter what, until an upheaval, an explosion, as it were, 
comes, and the overloaded — say stomach — throws it off and a panic 
follows, and for a time values fade out, and, in reality, cease to exist. 

These strikes in the coal regions had driven nearly all the 
smaller companies and individual operators out of the business 
during and very soon after the war, and they had sold their works 
to the larger companies. Then they were called monopolies. The 
laboring men combined against the companies or employers, and 
the companies or employers consolidated against them. Each side 
looked out for its own especial benefit, and perhaps each side tried 
to injure its opponents, and they both fell in the dust, as it were, 
and some of the working men had to eat *'mush and molasses" for 
some years in consequence of it, and several of the companies and 
members of individual operators went into bankruptcy. This effect 
had not, however, come upon either of them yet — during this 
period — (from i860 to 1870). 

The same method of repairing turnpike roads continued as of 
old. The earth was plowed up at the sides of the roads and 
scraped or shoveled into the middle to be washed back into the 
gutters again by the first heavy rain or two. Few, if any new roads 


were made. The population had grown rapidly ; school-houses had 
to be built, and they were now of a more improved kind. Desks 
and seats were built together and made for two pupils only, and 
were nicely made and varnished, and arranged facing the teacher. 

The valuation of property for taxing purposes was high, and 
the taxes proportionately — about all the law allowed, — longer terms 
of school were taught, and the salaries of teachers were increased 
from three to four hundred per cent. Where teachers used to get 
eighteen to twenty -two dollars per month, before i860, now they 
received from .fifty to eighty, and without any improvement in the 
teacher. It seemed even as if the higher the salaries of the 
teachers the poorer the services of the teacher were. The higher 
the wages, the poorer the work was done, whether among school- 
teachers or among mechanics and workmen. The same appeared 
in the coal business — the higher the price of coal the poorer the 
coal was. . 

In some places near the mines persons not connected with the 
mines built houses to rent. Rents were high, and so were taxes 
and everything else. The necessaries of life and the luxuries all 
bore the necessary proportion of price to cost of production. 
Many persons had saved some of their wages and built houses of 
their own. In such cases they were in general neat frame or plank 
houses, nicely weather-boarded and painted, and fenced around, 
and generally with good gardens, fruit trees, grape vines, and 
flowers and a grassy green dooryard. Rooms cheaply but nicely 
furnished and carpeted, and the place altogether comfortable and 
tasty; a great contrast to the houses and comforts of sixty and 
seventy years back. Generally some effort was made towards 
beauty in architecture on the outside of houses built during this 
period for the use of the owner. They were all painted. Com- 
pany houses for miners were usually whitewashed on the outside, 
but some were painted. All were a great improvement on the old 
settlers' houses even when they were built of frame work. 

The end of this period, 1869-70, found many changes. Houses 
had increased in number amazingly. They were all either of frame 
or plank. The log-houses of the olden time had nearly dis- 
appeared, only sixteen being left standing and in use. Houses 
were now generally painted in colors, and made a neat appearance, 


were lathed and plastered inside, and generally with good founda- 
tion walls and cellars. Mine houses were frequently built of 
plank put on upright, with ''battens" of three inches in width put 
on over the joints between the planks, and built double. The 
miners seem to prefer a double house to a single one. These 
houses were generally plastered, but sometimes were wainscoted 
up inside with dressed boards tongued and grooved. Good brick 
chimneys of small size for coal stoves were built, as no wood was 
used for fuel. Men in large numbers being needed at the large 
mines now carried on, farm houses and private houses were entirely 
inadequate in numbers. The proprietors of the mines were forced 
to build large numbers of houses. These mine houses were built 
in rows near together and near the mine, and were very comfortable, 
but the population being in general on the constant move from 
mine to mine, nothing could be kept in order about them, no fences 
could be maintained around the door-yards or houses, no shade or 
fruit trees, or vines or shrubbery would be allowed to grow. All 
would be destroyed by the boys and men, as no one — hardly — ex- 
pected to remain any length of time in one place. And when any- 
thing was destroyed no one could be found to let the owner know 
who did it. This has continued to be the case with all miners' 
houses, with rare exceptions. The consequence of course was that 
this class of people, good and bad, had to, and has to, live in 
houses with no shade trees, no fruit trees, no shrubbery, no 
gardens, no fences — nothing but the bare houses — with a few rare 

How different this from the industry, care and economy of the 
old dwellers here and their descendants? There was not at this 
time, probably, one acre in a hundred owned and occupied by such 
persons in Hanover and Sugar Notch. They had sold their land 
and left the township, and although prosperity reigned as far as 
plenty of work and high wages and sure and regular pay was con- 
cerned, nothing looked like prosperity about the mines, but rather 
dilapidation, improvidence, waste, poverty and decay. Numbers do 
not constitute prosperity. Prosperity comes only to a saving people. 

A few foreigners came here when Col. Washington Lee and 
Mr. Holland did mining in a small way in Hanover from 1840 to 
1847. One-half of them probably were Irish, the others were 


Welsh, English und German; the natives were in the majority, but 
during the period now under consideration — 1860 to 1870 — the 
foreigners and their families far outnumbered all others. Now 
they were Irish, Welsh, English, German, Scotch, Canadians, 
French, Polanders and Swedes, but probably nearly one-half of all 
the foreigners were Irish. The most of these people were very 
improvident. These were not the kind of people in general to 
keep houses, outhouses, fences, trees, fruit trees, vines, flowers or 
anything else, in good condition and order for the next tenant to 
enjoy when they left. 

The Lee Mines at Nanticoke were purchased of Col. Lee by the 
Susquehanna Coal Company in 1868, and have been enlarged and 
increased to a very large mine. Shafts have been sunk in Newport 
and new openings made in various directions, together with a large 
mine owned by them on the west side of the river, in what is called 
West Nanticoke. They control the canal and ship their coal 
mostly by that. 

It has become useless to search the assessment lists for any 
reliable information as to population, or the number of houses, or 
of anything except the valuation for taxing purposes. The houses 
of the miners being nearly all double, and some of them more than 
double, the assessment would not show the number of dwellings. 
The total valuation in 1870 of Hanover township . . . ;^5 38,086 
Number of horses and mules 192 

" " cows 269 

Sugar Notch borough in 1870 122,905 

Number of horses and mules 40 

" " cows 40 

Total valuation $66o,ggi 

United States census in 1870. The population of Hanover 
township and Sugar Notch borough in 1870 was: — 

Hanover township 3*035 

Sugar Notch borough 724 

Total 3,759 

Ashley and Nanticoke were not organized as boroughs till after 
this date. 


1870 TO 1885. 


HIS period will include the whole time from 1870 to the present 

The Susquehanna Coal Company, at Nanticoke, has several 
openings — shafts and slopes. There are four breakers, three of 
them only in Nanticoke, the fourth one being across the river in 
Plymouth township, with an average capacity of preparing over a 
thousand tons per day each. The coal sent by canal goes down 
the river and can be shipped in summer only. That shipped by 
railroad has heretofore been shipped by the Nanticoke branch of 
the Lehigh and Susquehanna railroad to Sugar Notch, where it is 
switched to the Lehigh Valley railroad and sent east to South 
Amboy, and along the line of the Pennsylvania railroad. Much of 
the Nanticoke coal still goes this way. The Susquehanna Coal 
Company is understood to belong to the Pennsylvania Railroad 

The North and West Branch railroad, a road running up the 
river from Sunbury, on the east side, through ** Honey Pot" by the 
east end of the Nanticoke dam, through Nanticoke to Wilkes- 
Barre, along the old canal tow-path from the outlet lock, was com- 
pleted in 1882, and belongs to the Pennsylvania Railroad Company. 
That railroad will be used to transport the coal towards the South 
and West. At these mines Polanders and Hungarians especially 

Nanticoke borough was incorporated in 1874. It is divided 
into eight wards, is a busy town, and i^ growing rapidly, but its 
business is mining now, and its population are mostly employes of 
the Susquehanna Coal Company. It includes within its boundaries 
part of Newport township, but about two-thirds of it is cut from 


Hanover township. The part taken from Hanover is bounded 
north-west by the river, south-east by the Nanticoke railroad, 
south-west by Newport township line, and north-east by the 
westerly line of the Jameson or Hakes lot in Hanover, No. 22. It 
contains a number of fine brick buildings, a large brick school 
building, five churches and four breakers. There are some fine 
business blocks here — two newspapers are published, the Stm and 
the Tribune. 

The old mill has disappeared. A fine stone bridge has been 
built across the Newport Creek near where the old mill stood, but 
further up *the creek than the place of the old bridge, and is large 
and high so as to reduce the steepness of the "black hill" that 
used to be there, but is there no more. The ground all around 
there has been filled in with coal dirt many feet deep, and now the 
place below the ''corners" would hardly be recognized by one 
acquainted with it only some ten or twelve years ago. Nanticoke 
has a cemetery within its limits, or perhaps two, a Catholic and a 
Protestant. Nanticoke's buildings are scattered over all the hills 
around for a mile or more from its ''corners," or ancient center. 

A wooden bridge for wagon and railroad use has been built 
across the river here, a few rods above the mouth of Nanticoke 
Creek. It is elevated high above the flats so as to be above the 
reach of floods, and a wooden trestling, planked like a bridge floor, 
reaches from the east end of the bridge to the high grounds back 
across the creek towards Main Street. This creek is, sometimes 
called the East Branch of Nanticoke Creek. Further up the creek 
it was called Lee's Creek, Miller's Creek, Robins's Creek, Bobb's 
Creek, Rummage's Creek, and now Warrior Run Creek, but its 
true name is Nanticoke Creek. The Nanticoke railroad has a small 
depot close to the place where the old mill stood, but the ground 
is so filled in that one cannot now distinguish the spot. The 
backwater in the pool of the creek has been filled in with coal dirt, 
except room for boats to load at the breakers. The old ferries 
across the river have, of course, been abandoned since the bridge 
was built. 

The North and West Branch railroad runs two trains each way 
per day of Passenger cars up and down on the east side of the river 


from Sunbury to Wilkes-Barre. The stations from Nanticoke to 
Wilkes-Barre are Butzbach's, Plymouth Ferry, at the Lazarus place, 
and South Wilkes-Barre. 

There are three small steamboats running from Wilkes-Barre to 
Nanticoke, touching at Plymouth and ''The Rocks" — now Butz- 
bach's Landing — two trips each way per day, during the summer 
time. These boats are quite popular for excursions, and for 
families to get a little quiet, fresh and cool air in the hot summer 

Sugar Notch borough was named after the notch or gap in the 
Little Mountain at that place, called Sugar Notch, because in the 
earlier times maple sugar was made there. There were hard maple 
trees in the notch and they were almost the only hard maple or 
sugar maple trees in Wyoming Valley. The Lehigh Valley rail- 
road passes through the borough from end to end and has two 
stations within it. On this road there are six passenger trains each 
way — up and down — per day. The Nanticoke railroad runs through 
this borough from end to end with a station at Plumbton called 
Warrior Run, supposed to be so named because the station on the 
Lehigh Valley road near by is called by that name. The station 
at Sugar Notch is called by the name of Sugar Notch. Sugar 
Notch borough is bounded on the north by a line six hundred feet 
north of the Nanticoke R. R., east by the cross-road at the old Gar- 
rison House and the same line continued to the conglomerate rock 
on the Little Mountain, south by the conglomerate rock to the west 
line of the Warrior Run land, west by the line of Warrior Run or 
Rummage lot to the northern boundary. 

Sugar Notch, now in 1885, has three mines and breakers within 
its boundaries — Warrior Run, near Plumbton, Sugar Notch No. 9 
at Sugar Notch, and the Hanover Coal Company on the side of the 
Little Mountain between Warrior Run and Sugar Notch. This last 
is a slope, and tunnel, and shaft. The breaker was put in operation 
in 1883, and is of a capacity to prepare about eight hundred tons of 
coal per day. They ship by the Lehigh and Susquehanna railroad 
over a siding to the Nanticoke R. R. near the line of land of 
Preston and the Knock place. 

A slope was sunk, tunnel driven, breaker and tenant-houses 
built on the Espy place, and the village called Hanover. It be- 



longed to the Lehigh and Wilkes-Barre Company — was operated 
a short time, but after the strike of 1877 it stood idle, till in 1878 
the breaker was struck by lightning and burned to the ground. 
Nothing has been done there since. A number of very comfort- 
able dwellings had been built there — some twenty or more — and 
they stand there yet, mostly inhabited by Hungarians, who work 
for the company at Sugar Notch. These workmen are taken 
every morning and evening up and down, to and from work, by an 
engine with a car or two attached. The station is called Hanover, 
on the Nanticoke railroad and the houses being on the North side 
of the railroad are within the borough of Nanticoke. 

In 1872 a mine called No. 10, Sugar Notch, of the Lehigh and 
Wilkes-Barre Company, was opened and operated, with a breaker 
of the capacity for preparing one thousand tons of coal per day. 
This mine is a slope on one of the upper veins or beds of coal, and 
has other veins behind, or underlying it, cut by a tunnel from the foot 
of the slope inside. It is a large mine, but its capacity might be 
largely increased. The breaker is in Hanover township close to 
the easterly line of Sugar Notch. 

Ashley borough was incorporated in 1870. Its south-westerly 
line is lot No. 9 of the first division of lots of certified Hanover, and 
its north-easterly line is lot No. 4 in the same division, both included, 
bounded south-easterly by the conglomerate rock on top of the 
Little Mountain, and by the Lehigh Valley railroad on the north- 
west. It had several other local names before it was called Ashley. 
The oldest name was Scrabbletown, then Peasetown, then Coal- 
ville, then Nanticoke Junction, and finally Ashley. The Lehigh 
& Susquehanna shops for repairing engines and building new ones, 
if necessary, are located here, and the foot of the planes, and the 
general dispatcher's office for the distribution of cars to the several 
mines, and the ordering and running of trains, are here. It is a 
town of considerable importance, had 2798 inhabitants by census 
of 1880, and has a bank, a fine brick school building, three 
churches, and it had two coal breakers within its limits, but the 
Hartford breaker No. 6, was burnt to the ground and utterly 
destroyed in January, 1884. Ashley is divided into three wards. It 
has a cemetery — located in Hanover township on the cross-road 
north-west of Ashley. 


The financial and business depression of 1873 caused much dis- 
tress about the mines in its final results. Men could not understand 
that wages had to go down, or else work stop, and in 1875 there 
was a long strike, with final submission by the workmen. Wages 
still went down, and in 1877, there was another long strike — six 
months — and much destruction of property throughout the country. 
This strike was by railroad hands as well as miners and others, and 
an attempt was made to get up a political organization through 
these strikes and by the strikers, and for a time they had such a 
party here. Designing men stepped in and used it for their own 
purposes and benefit, and w^ere elected to office, but it only lasted 
long enough to elect them at one election, when the workmen dis- 
covered the purposes of the leaders, and that ended its power. 

After this strike ended came a couple of years of only half-time 
work and less, at the mines, and the price of coal so low that it 
was only by the greatest economy and closest care that any of the 
mines could be kept going at all, and many of them had to sus- 
pend entirely, and some of the individual operators went into bank- 
ruptcy. None, however, failed in Hanover. 

The operators have adopted the method now of suspending 
work of all the mines for a certain length of time, sometimes for 
three days a week, sometimes for two weeks in a month, in all the 
anthracite coal regions, when the market gets overstocked. The 
wages of the men has been raised and is nearly up to the old prices 
of about 1873. Since the resumption of specie payments in 1879, 
the prospects seem to be growing better in the coal business, and 
the operators can more nearly estimate what they can do. 

As this book may come into the hands of some persons who do 
not live within the coal regions, or of some who were originally 
from Hanover, but removed from here before any such thing as a 
breaker was known or any had ever been built, a description of one 
may be interesting to such a person. We will try to describe one 
of the least complicated kind. A breaker is made for the purpose 
of crushing anthracite coal and screening it from dirt, and separat- 
ing it into the different sizes for use. The first breaker known to 
have been built in these parts, and they were probably built here as 
early or nearly so as anywhere, was erected in 1849. It was built at 
the Baltimore Mine in Wilkes-Barre, and about the same time one 


was built at the Blackman Mines. Screens had been used, run by 
steam engines before that a short time, but nothing up to that time 
had ever been used, run by steam power to break coal. The 
breaking had always been done by hand, and there was but very 
little of that done. Now, no coal is used in the East for domestic 
purposes, except that broken and prepared in a breaker. 


A breaker is a building of heavy timbers, from fifty to a 
hundred feet high, boarded up on the outside like the old-fashioned 
barn. It is in the form of a cross generally, the wings making it 
about one hundred feet wide with a length of one hundred and fifty 
to two hundred or three hundred feet. The coal is brought to the 
top of it, either by drawing the mine .cars up there on an inclined 
plane, or by having the opening or mouth of the mine high enough 
up on a hill to run the cars as they come out of the mine to the top 
of the breaker on a level, the breaker being of course on ground 
low enough for the purpose; or in the case of a shaft the shaft- 
house is high enough to draw the cars at once from the bottom' of 
the shaft to as high a point as the top of the breaker. At the top 
of the breaker is what is called the "dump," or "tip." When the 
car gets there it is tipped up endwise, and a door in the end of the 
car opens and the coal slides out into a chute, or a large hopper. 
Men on a platform beyond and below this chute or hopper lift a 
gate from time to time, and let the coal slide down the chute to the 
platform where they are ready with picks to clean it of slate. On 
the platform the most of the slate is broken off the coal lumps, and 
then the lumps are shoved into another smaller chute where they 
slide at once to a hopper situated directly over and close to the 
rollers — crushers — breakers. These rollers are heavy iron cylinders 
filled with sharp teeth, rolling or turning towards each other to 
crush up and break the lumps of coal as they pass down between 
them. Meantime the coal gn its way from the chute or hopper to 
the platform has passed over a grating of iron bars that directs the 
larger lumps into a separate chute, but lets the small coal and dirt 
down through between them into another smaller chute. This 
carries the coal over still another grating with closer bars that lets 
the dirt fall through, into a chute which carries it to a "pocket" 


where a boy, with a mule and a dirt car, hauls it away, out on the 
dirt bank; while the coal above, larger and smaller, is conducted 
by the chute to a large revolving screen, having different sized 
meshes, in sections, from end to end. The coal enters the screen 
at an elevated end, and as the screen revolves the coal rolls round 
till it comes to the mesh in the screen through which it can pass, 
when it drops through, or if it is too large for any mesh in the screen 
it goes on to the end perhaps fifteen or eighteen feet, where the 
coarsest kind that went in drops out. There will be all the sizes 
from broken, egg, stove, and nut, to chestnut; called also Nos. i, 2, 
3, 4, 5, the number five being chestnut. There are three other sizes 
sometimes made or secured — lump, as it comes out of the mines, 
steamboat, a size smaller than lump, but too large for domestic use 
in houses, and "pea," a fine coal screened out of the " dust" in some 
breakers, and sometimes a still smaller size, called ''buckwheat'* 

Now as to the lump coal we had brought down to the hopper 
over the rollers. The rollers are sometimes about eighteen inches 
in diameter and from thirty to forty inches in length, and some-, 
times three feet in diameter and four feet long. They are cast 
whole, cylinder shaped, with heads and sides cast in one piece ; the 
iron being from two to three and four inches thick, hollow inside. 
Holes are bored all around on the convex sides of these cylinders 
an inch or more in diameter and about five inches or more apart, 
into which are firmly set steel points three or four inches long taper- 
ing from two inches square at the base or butt to a sharp point. These 
rollers or crushers, or breakers, or whatever they may be called — 
for they go by different names in different places — are keyed and 
bolted on very heavy shafts or axles. There are two of these 
rollers, set or laid, side by side in their position in the breaker so 
placed that the steel points or teeth pass between each other as 
they revolve, and so that the body of the rollers shall not be nearer 
than four or five inches, or any distance desired. There is a heavy 
cog-wheel a little larger than the rollers, on each roller shaft, ar- 
ranged to fit each other so that when running the two rollers are 
made to turn together. They lie along side by side and revolve 
towards each other, and must be very strong, as whatever gets .be- 
tween them must be crushed sufficiently to pass through. Some- 


times stones and rock get in. They must be crushed just the same 
as coal, and be picked out by the slate pickers below. There are 
sometimes two and even three sets of rollers in one breaker, and 
there may be more. 

The coal is fed in as fast as it will, go through between the 
rollers. The rollers run with considerable speed, from lOO to 150 
revolutions per minute. The crushed coal passes into a chute 
under the rollers, and is carried by it — that is, it slides down the 
chute by its own gravity or weight — to a screen or two screens re- 
volving like the one above described, and made like it, and goes 
through them. These chutes are arranged with flat screens or per- 
forated iron in their bottoms at proper places, so as to let as much 
dirt or dust out of the coal as possible on its way to the revolving 
serenes. The revolving screens are intended more to separate the 
coal into the several sizes, than for separating it from the dust. As 
the coal falls through the revolving screens it is caught in its 
different sizes in separate hoppers under the screens and from there 
slides down, each size in its separate long and narrow and shallow 
chute to large bins or pockets in the breaker, each size by itself, the 
pockets so arranged as to run the coal directly into the railroad 
cars on the track at the bottom of the breaker, by lifting a gate in 
the pocket. Along those little narrow — 18 inches wide by 4 inches 
deep — shallow chutes that carry the coal from the screens to the 
pockets, boys larger and smaller are arranged, picking out the slate 
and rock that comes through the screens with the coal. 

Some breakers are large enough to break and screen and pick 
eighteen hundred tons a day, and have as many as one hundred 
and fifty boys picking the slate. These are the " slate pickers " — 
boys ranging from ten to sixteen years in age, and sometimes old 
men too decrepit to do harder work. 

Some breakers have water running over and through the screens 
all the time they are* running to wash the coal, as it frequently 
comes out of wet places in the mines and coal dirt sticks to it. 
The breaker is a very large and costly structure, and not calcu- 
lated, from the kind of work it has to do, to last long. By much 
care and patching and removals of parts it may be made to last 
from twenty to twenty-five years. 


The coal intended to be sold as ''lump coal" and "steamboat 
coal" is cleaned of slate on the platform below the "dump" or 
"tip," at the head of the breaker, and pushed into two large chutes 
that run (one over the other) from there to the ground at the foot 
of the breaker at the railroad tracks, where by lifting a gate it runs 
at once into the railroad cars. These chutes are always kept as 
full as possible, from top to bottom, so as not to break the coal in 
running down. The pockets will hold from twenty to a hundred 
tons each, according to size of breaker, and the lump and steam- 
boat each as much more. The breaker is intended to hold as 
much as one day's work of the mine, whether it be five hundred or 
eighteen hundred tons of cleaned coal ready and prepared to load 
into cars, but unless they are going to stop for some time they 
never fill the breaker full. 

There are differences in breakers as in other buildings. Nearly 
all breakers have two sets of screens, one to the right and one to 
the left of the main rollers. Some have another extra screen for 
the small coal as it comes out of the mine to go through without 
going to the main screens that are fed from the rollers. And 
others again have still other screens for special work, such as saving 
"pea" coal and "buckwheat" coal. There are purposes for which 
this fine stuff can be used, but it seems as if the possible demand 
can never, hardly, equal the possible supply — but no one can tell 
what may be the demand in the future for pea and buckwheat and 
still smaller sizes. The coal business itself must still be considered 
in its infancy. 

These breakers cost on an average, as they are now built, big 
and little, about fifty thousand dollars each. It is considered that 
the real waste caused by the breaking of the coal and the crushing 
and wearing of it into dust by passing through the breaker is about 
15 per cent, by the time it gets into the railroad cars. Some 
breakers crush all the coal that comes out of the mine into the 
prepared sizes, and no lump or steamboat is made. These large 
sizes are used for iron making and for fuel for steamboats and 
steamships, and for locomotive engines. Some locomotives, how- 
ever, now use pea and buckwheat coal. Pea and buckwheat are 
used at the mines to raise the steam for their own use. At some 
mines the dust is used to produce the necessary steam. 


It is understood in this mining region that from one-fifth to 
one-fourth of the material brought out of the mine in its operation, 
including all the dust or dirt, slate and rock, is thrown upon the 
dirt bank near the breaker as refuse. The breaker waste, or waste 
due to the breaker alone, being 15 per cent, the rock, slate and 
other impurities not due in any wise to the breaker is from 5 to 10 
per cent. In regions of steeper pitching veins, and of thicker 
veins, the waste from impurities (everything not caused by the 
breaker) is greater still. 

It is safe to say, that on an average, in this region, a breaker that 
has been in operation ten years will have hundreds of thousands of 
tons of such waste lying around it, piled up in some cases a hundred 
feet or more high. In most cases these dirt-banks have taken fire 
spontaneously, and some of them have been burning for many 
years. When the coarser materials are burning it lights up the 
sky, especially if there are any clouds near, and has the red look 
at night as if there was some very large building on fire. These 
dirt banks cover many acres of land in the immediate vicinity of 
each breaker. Strangers passing by on the cars think these banks 
of dirt or dust and slate are coal waiting for shipment. There is 
no coal stored outside of the breakers waiting for a market. That 
used to be done when canals were the only or principal means of 


Mining in Hanover is pretty much all done now by two 
methods, viz : through slopes and shafts. 

1st. The slope, which is sunk in the seam or bed itself, down 
the pitch to the depth desired, and the coal is hoisted through it to 
the surface. There is a track all the way up the slope, from bottom 
to top, and the mine cars are hauled up by steam-power at the top, 
with a wire rope. There are generally two tracks, and one car 
comes up as the other goes down. 

2d. The shaft, which is sunk vertically through rock and coal, 
until the bed or seam desired is reached. This also is worked by 
steam-power and two wire ropes, and the mine cars lifted from 
bottom to top and let down from top to bottom at the same 


When the point desired is reached by the slope or by the shaft 
two ** gangways" are driven, one on each side of the slope or shaft, 
in the coal, and in the direction the coal runs, and at a declivity 
that will admit of the water running or draining readily to the outlet, 
that is, to the slope or shaft, where it is pumped to the surface 
through large pipes by steam pumps. The usual grade in such 
gangways is four to six inches in lOO feet. The gangways are 
driven night and day and a track of small T iron is laid in them as 
they progress for the mine cars to run on. There is a " dog-hole," 
as it is called, which is another gangway, as it were, smaller than 
the main one, or real one, parallel and near it, driven in the coal if 
there is room for it, at the same time with the main gangway, for 
an air passage. If there is not room for this dog-hole in the coal, 
then the air passage or airway is made of wood along the lower 
side of the gangway, and this wooden partition is called a 
''brattice." It must be understood that in the anthracite coal 
region all the veins of coal pitch, some four or five degrees and 
others at all angles up to ninety degrees. 

" Breasts " are turned or started up from the gangway as soon 
as and where there is room for one, as the gangway is being 
driven. The breasts are chambers or spaces in which the coal is 
mined. These breasts are driven up, a uniform width at right 
angles with the gangway and directly up the pitch, for, as just 
mentioned, the beds or veins all pitch more or less, and sometimes 
they stand up vertical. They are driven up the pitch to a distance 
of Zo, 90 or 100 yards. A pillar of solid coal is left standing on 
each side of every breast, all the way up from the gangway, to 
keep up the roof. The breasts vary in width, but are never less 
than six nor more than twelve yards in width. The solid coal left 
for pillars is from three to eight yards thick. Many props are also 
used in the breasts to help keep up the roof. Sometimes a hole is 
cut through from breast to breast near the face of the breasts every 
few yards as they go up, the lower hole being stopped up with 
boards when the upper one is made. This hole is made so the air 
passing may rise to the face of every breast without having to be 
carried up one side of the breast with a wooden brattice, and 
down the other side to the gangway and up and down the next 
one, and so on. Only experience teaches which plan to use. 


As the coal is mined out up the breast it is run down a chute 
to the gangway into the cars as they are brought in to be loaded. 
These cars will generally hold about two tons of this uncleaned 
coal. They are all drawn to the foot of the slope or shaft by mules* 
or a little locomotive specially made for the purpose, and they are 
hoisted from there to the surface by* steam machinery. Outside 
they are sometimes drawn to and from the opening to the breaker 
by a locomotive engine, but generally this hauling is done by 
mules. Sometimes it is done by gravity. 

To ventilate the mine, a fan, run by a separate engine, is located 
at the surface, and draivs the air down through the slope or shaft 
to the foot, through the dog-hole to the face of the gangway as it 
is being driven, across it, and across the face of every breast that 
is being worked, and out at the surface. 

The fan is a wheel, or has arms or spokes like a water wheel of 
the old undershot kind, only they are made of iron and are com- 
paratively slender, and in the place of the buckets of a water 
wheel, in the fan large sheets of thin boiler iron (or sometimes 
wood) are fastened across the wheel, set at an angle, for driving or 
drawing out the air. These wheels or fans are from ten to twenty- 
two feet in diameter, and from three to six feet wide. The air is 
drawn from the mine through a wooden tube or pipe five or six 
or more feet square. The writer calls it a ticbe or pipe, but it is 
square and not round. The fan is surrounded by a circular casing 
of wood, with an opening upwards, so that the revolving fan drives 
the foul air brought from the mine directly up into the atmosphere, 
the square wooden tube from the mine being connected to the 
casing around the fan at its center or axle. The foul air enters at 
the center of the wheel or fan and is thrown out at the circum- 
ference. By means of this fan fresh air is drawn into, around, 
through and across the face of every gangway and breast that is 
being worked in the mine. 

Some mines in this region are now sunk to a depth of four or 
five '* lifts" of 80, 90 and lOO yards each down in the bed or vein 
of coal. As they go down deeper it costs more to mine, for it 
takes more and stronger machinery to hoist the coal and pump out 


the water and run the fan. Five lifts on a pitch of about 45 
degrees will take the bottom or lower gangway down to a depth in 
the ground from the surface of about 1,000 feet or more. There is. 
no uniform pitch in any of our veins of coal. Sometimes it may 
be 40, then 50, then back to 30 degrees pitch in the same vein 
going down. 


1870 TO 1 885 — CONTINUED. 

[ N 1870 a race-course called Lee Park was made near the 
_^_ J Wilkes-Barre line between the Middle Road and the River 
Road. There is a half mile track, a stand and a hotel. It is doubt- 
ful whether it is of any benefit to anybody unless it be to gamblers 
and betting men. 

Many years ago there was a powder-mill on the Middle Road 
on the Wilkes-Barre line, the works being partly in each township. 
No powder has been made there for more than twenty-five years. 
It was driven, when in operation, by the water of Solomon's Creek. 

A few rods up the creek from where this powder mill stood, 
there is now- — 1885 — a brewery. 

The township, and the boroughs within it, continued to prosper 
from 1870 till 1873, when stagnation overtook them, and no progress 
was made in business, in property, or in the condition of affairs 
until 1880. The strike of 1877 put the finishing touch to the want 
and distress of the inhabitants. The strike lasted six months, and 
for the next two years many families had to live on " mush and 
molasses." No building was done unless where it was absolutely 
necessary. No new mines were opened, no extension of old ones 
was made. After 1880, affairs grew slowly better, and in 1882 
many new houses were built, and old* ones repaired and occupied, 
because rents could be got sufficient to justify the outlay. New 
mines were opened and old ones enlarged. House building 
flourished in 1883, and the railroads were crowded with passengers 
as never before, and all the appearance of prosperity had come 

In 1878 there were nine breakers in Hanover, Sugar Notch, 
Ashley and Nanticoke, within the old township lines, and only four 


of them in operation, and when at work it was only about half 
time or less. One of these breakers (called the Hanover) was 
struck by lightning and burned down. In 1883 there were ten 
breakers, and eight of them at work — sometimes full time and 
sometimes half time, but wages w^ere high again — compared with 
what they had been — and half time for part of the year produced 
no want among the workmen for the necessaries of life. 

Lands about the mines and their neighborhood for a distance of 
half a mile or more are generally uncultivated and thrown open to 
commons, on account of the difficulty of securing any crops from 
them, even if the crops grew. Unruly boys and men, and goats, 
and cattle, and hogs that run at large make it quite impossible to 
live by the cultivation of the soil in their neighborhood, and so the 
land lies open and vacant, that once produced good crops. Nearly 
every family about the mines keeps a dog, and some of them two, 
and three, and even four large ones, making it entirely impossible 
for any one to raise sheep within many miles of the mines. Dogs 
have been known to go many miles away from home alone to kill 
sheep. There have been no sheep raised in Hanover since about 
twenty-five years ago — in 1858 or 1859. 

Goats are kept in large numbers, and make it almost impossible 
to have any shade or fruit trees, or vines, or shrubs, about the 
houses, or flowers or even any gardens. They are animals pretty 
well calculated for barbarians, but not at all for civilized com- 
munities. The destructiveness of these animals is one among 
the great reasons why everything appears so desolate and uncom- 
fortable generally about miners' houses. Another reason is the de- 
sire to have all animals run at large for the benefit of the ''poor 
man." I leave it for others to decide whether it is really to the 
benefit of the poor man to have these animals run at large. 

The first telegraph in this part of the State ran through Han- 
over, but there was no office in Hanover. Until the mines grew 
large and coal was shipped in large trains from each mine, there 
was no telegraph office at the coal mines, but when "through" 
railroads, and their through trains traversed the township then 
the telegraph had to be used, and the mines as well as the railroads 
had them, and now they are very common and very necessary. 


The telephone runs everywhere, almost ; to the mine offices, to 
shops, to lumber yards, to stores, to doctors' offices, to hotels, and 
to private houses. The telephone has become almost universal, in 
the four or five years of its use — now what will it be in forty or fifty? 

Fourteen log-houses still stand and are in constant .use as 
dwellings. Of course, none of that kind of houses is ever built now. 

One stone house, built nearly a hundred years ago, is still stand- 
ing and in use, but it is cracking and giving way a little in places, 
and it will be down in a few years. It stands on the hill near the 
Askam postoffice on the Middle Road. 

There are now five post-offices within the boundaries of Han- 
over — viz: Sugar Notch, Ashley, Askam, Peely and Nanticoke. 
No business is carried on in the township and boroughs but the coal 
business and railroading, and such mercantile business and 
mechanical trades as are necessary on account of them, and the 
wants and needs of a mining population. Farming has fallen to a 
very low condition and but little is done. Garden products of 
every description are raised mostly on the flats, and these 
have to be watched, frequently with arms in hand, night and day, to 
keep off thieves, and the arms sometimes have to be used. The 
mines, the railroads, the repair shops and machine shops are the 
business of the people now. In the whole township and the three 
boroughs, with a population of more than twelve thousand in 1884, 
it is doubtful whether there are more than four blacksmith shops 
not connected with the mines or railroads ; while in the early times 
it took one blacksmith to every one hundred people, old and young. 

Things that were formerly made here have ceased to be 
manufactured and some are no longer made nor used here, or 
elsewhere. There are no tanneries now, no tool makers, no plow 
makers, no makers of scythes, sickles, cradles, knives, axes, hoes, 
harness, saddles, carts, wagons, carriages, brooms, cloth, cheese, 
soap — no weaving, no wool, no flax, no honey, no bees-wax, no 
bees, no cider, no tobacco, no millwrights, no gunsmiths, no wheel- 
wrights, no makers of wooden-ware. Indeed there is almost 
nothing made here now, and nothing produced except coal. But 
of coal the production is very large and overshadows everything 
else. Millions of dollars are paid or disbursed by the coal and 
railroad companies here every year. 



It seems as if when one enjoys one great and good thing he 
must forego all others. If we have a great coal business, then we 
cannot have any other business worth mentioning, at the same time. 
The business of Hanover was once entirely agricultural, now it is 
entirely mining. Her future history while her coal lasts will be 
merely statistical; of the kind that can be stated in figures — the 
amount of coal she produces, number of men employed, wages 
paid, persons injured, lives lost, number of steam engines used, 
depth of mines, amount of money invested in mines, amount paid 
out per year, and so on to the end of the chapter. Her population 
will not be the owners, to any considerable degree, during that 
time, and her owners will not be any part of her population — 
unless a very different condition of things arises from the present. 


The population of Hanover and the three boroughs within it, 

according to the census of 1880, was: — 

Hanover township 2000 

Sugar Notch borough 1580 

Ashley borough 2798 

Nanticoke borough 3884 1 , • tt -o 

T-. J ^ T/ r XT i. Z c leaves m Hanover 2; 80 

Deduct y^ for Newport 1295 J ^ ^ 

Total . 8967 

This is an increase in population of 138 per cent, in ten years. 
As part of Nanticoke borough lies within the township of Newport 
an estimate of the population there had to be made and deducted. 
It was estimated at one-third of the inhabitants. A census of the 
population of Nanticoke having been taken this year, 1884, by 
themselves, for their own municipal purposes, the number is re- 
ported to be over 8000. New mines have been opened and breakers 
built since 1880, and the population has undoubtedly greatly in- 
creased — perhaps doubled in that time. 

The assessment of Hanover $ 566,742 

•* •' " Sugar Notch 143,545 

'* " " Ashley 242,561 

" " " Nanticoke 339,451. 

Deduct ^ of Nanticoke 113,150 

Total valuation gi, 179,149 


The assessment of Hanover . . Horses and mules 148 — cows 230 
'' Sugar Notch . '' '' '' 67— '' 41 
" Ashley ... '' '' " S6— " jS 
•• Nanticoke . " '' '' 228— " 79 

■ The original lines of the lots of the first division of Hanover 
on the western side of the township as surveyed in 1802 were run 
from the river south twenty-two and a half degrees east, by the 
compass. Now it may seem curious to the general reader — and it 
is stated here in this way in order to set him thinking — that in 1870 
the same lines on the ground ran, south nineteen and a quarter 
degrees east by the compass. Showing that the compass — the 
magnetic needle — has varied three degrees and a quarter in sixty- 
eight years; or else the North Pole has shifted its place that much. 
At the same rate of variation, continued in the same direction for 
about four hundred years, these same lines will run north and south 
by compass — that is, according to the magnetic needle. 

It may be understood from what has been said in previous 
pages, that the taxes are very high, and that the reason for it in 
part is, that the assessments are made by assessors not elected by 
the owners of the property, or by their friends and neighbors, but 
persons in general not owners of anything, and not responsible. 
The local taxes are also levied, collected, and expended, by the 
same class of persons. It may therefore be surmised that the taxes 
will be put, as they are where these people rule, to the highest point 
the law allows, and frequently higher, and that this condition of 
things is growing more and more oppressive every year. If this 
only fell upon the companies alone they could easily get it all back 
out of their workmen, but where a man with his family owns and 
occupies his house of five rooms, and lot of 50 by 150 feet, worth 
altogether ;^I200 to ;Ji300, and has to pay taxes amounting to from 
fifty cents to seventy-five cents per month for his own dwelling, it 
seems pretty heavy. 

The owners of the property are almost wholly non-resident. 
No farmer can now own the back land and make a living on it and 
pay the taxes, insurance, and repairs. 

There are but few Americans here now, whether natives of the 
township or new comers. They are not liked by the foreigners. 


The foreigners are about the same in nationahties as in 1870, 
being EngHsh, Irish, Welsh, German, Swede, Swiss, French, 
Polanders, Hungarian, Canadian, Scotch. 

List of taxables have been omitted for some time, as the Hsts 
are altogether unreliable — names of persons that have been dead 
for years and of persons long since removed from the district are 
found on the lists, and the registries of voters have not escaped the 
same frauds. Sometimes as high as twenty-five, and even thirty, 
per cent, of the names are of persons that do not live here. And 
this kind of small fraud seems to be growing, and growing for no 
reason only that the person making the assessment or registry can 
get more pay. 

In 1873 the Postal Card Act went jnto operation. The stamped 
card is furnished and carried by mail to any place in the United 
States for one cent. 

In 1883 the rate of postage on domestic letters of one-half 
ounce or less was reduced to two cents for any distance in the 
United States. Postal cards remain one cent. 

In 1885 the maximum weight of domestic letters was raised to 
one ounce for one rate of postage, and all fractions to an additional 
rate, for any distance in the United States. 


The townships have capacity as bodies corporate: to sue and 
be sued; to hold real estate and personal property; to levy such 
rates and taxes as may be expressly authorized by law. The 
townships are authorized and required to levy taxes for the con- 
struction and maintenance of roads and bridges, for the establish- 
ment and support of schools, and for the support of the poor; i. e. 
the school district and the road district are coincident with the 
township. Public and private roads are laid out under the super- 
vision of the County Court, the construction and repair being under 
the direction and at the expense of the township. The township 
elects assessors of taxes, supervisors of roads and bridges, over- 
seers of the poor, directors of schools, treasurer of township funds, 
town clerk, auditors of township accounts, constables and justices 
of the peace. 


Portions of a township or townships may be incorporated as 
boroughs. .They succeed to all the rights and duties of townships 
unless otherwise provided by their charters, and receive additional 
privileges corresponding to the greater and more varied necessities 
of a denser population. The County Courts have power to grant 
these charters, to authorize and define the duties of the officers, 
and to divide the boroughs into wards and fix the place of holding 
the elections. 

The preparation of county and township tax-roils is a county ■ 
function. The expenses and supervision of general and local elec- 
tions fall within the sphere of county activity. 

The above is intended to be a short detail of township organiza- 
tion and officers since the adoption of the constitution of 1874. 


1870, March i — 4^ lbs. butter aj: ^ .45 ^1.91 

'' Apl. 21 — I bbl. flour " 7.00 7.00 

" Sept. 23 — 15 lbs. sugar,, w " .15 2.25 

1871, Jan. 26 — I lb. butter '* .45 ' .45 

" " 26 — 2 lbs. sugar, w " .16 .32 

26—^4 bbl. flour '' 8.50 4.25 

1872, Sept. I. — }( bbl. flour "10.50 2.62 

I — I bushel potatoes " .70 .70 

I — 2 lbs. sugar, w . *' .12 .24 

I — 2}4 lbs. butter '' -32 .80 

1873, Sept. 30 — 4 lbs. butter " .35 1.40 

" " 30 — 20 lbs. sugar, w " .12^ 2.50 

" " .30 — }4 bbl. flour ''10.00 5.00 

" " 30 — 2 bu. potatoes ..." .75 1.50 

1874, Jan. 26 — ^ bbl. flour "lO.oo 5.00 

'• " 26 — 2 lbs. butter " .45 .90 

" " 26 — 2 lbs. sugar, w " .13 .26 

" " 26 — I bushel potatoes ...'...'' .90 .90 

1875, " 26 — I bbl. flour '* 7.00 7.00 

26 — 8 ibs. sugar, w " .12^ i.oo 

26 — 2 ibs. butter . . .* '* .45 .90 

1876, " 25 — 2 ibs. butter " -35 70 

" " 25 — 2 ft)s. sugar, w . ' " .12 .24 

a (( 




1876, Jan. 
" Feb. 

1877, Jan. 


bbl. flour at $8.00 

9 — I bushel potatoes 

25 — y^ bbl. flour 

25 — ^ bushel potatoes 

25 — 4 ibs. sugar, w 

25 — 3 ibs. butter 

1878, " 26 — 9 ibs. sugar, w 

26 — ^ bbl. flour 

26 — 4 bushels potatoes 

26 — 2 lbs. coflee (roasted) .... 

1879, Jan. 25 — I bbl. flour 

25 — 3 ibs. butter 

25 — 10 ibs. sugar, w 

25 — I bushel potatoes 

1880, Jan. 26 — 2 bushels potatoes 

26 — I ib. butter 

26 — 10 ibs. sugar, w 

26 — I bbl. flour 

1 88 1, Jan. 25 — i bushel potatoes 

25 — 2 ibs. butter 

25—^ bbl. flour 

25 — 8 ibs. sugar, w ....'.. . 

1882, Jan. 24 — y^ bbl. flour 

24 — I bushel potatoes 

24 — 3 ibs. butter 

24 — 10 ibs. sugar, w 

1883, Jan. 25 — ^ bbl. flour 

25 — 5 ibs. sugar, w 

25 — 2 lbs. butter 

25 — I bushel potatoes .... * 

25 — I gal. kerosene (coal oil), 10 and 30 cents. 

Wages in 1882 and 1883 were considered to be high. Skilled 
carpenters were paid two dollars and twenty-five and fifty cents per 
day. Unskilled two dollars and two and a quarter. Miners could 
make more ; laborers about one dollar and sixty-seven cents to two 
dollars, but work was not very steady for them. 

Before the Rebellion a ton of prepared coal at the breaker cost 
the purchaser one dollar and a quarter; delivered at the house any- 

it $8.00 


'' .60 


'' 9.00 


" 1.60 


" .13 


'' .35 


*' .11 


" 7-50 


'' .60 


'' .30 


" 6.00 


" .22 


" .10 

1. 00 

" .80 


" .50 


" .30 


" .11 

1. 10 

" 8.00 


" .60 


" .30 


" 7-25 


" .11 


'' 850 


" 1. 10 

1. 10 

" .35 


" .11 

1. 10 

'' 7.00 


" .10 


" -35 


" 1. 00 

1. 00 



where within a mile and a half for one dollar and seventy-five 
cents. A list of the prices from 1869 — after the high war prices 
had ceased — is introduced here. This is the price of prepared coal 
delivered at the house of the consumer in the neighborhood. 



'1 870 



















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Jan. — 

Dec. — 

Jan. — 

Dec. — 

Jan. — 

Dec. — 

Jan. — 

Dec. — 

Jan. — 

Oct. — 

ton chestnut coal delivered 
































u a 

<( a 


1. 00 


k . . . 





















1803, Aug. 23 — 12 days' work for Hitch- 
cock at ^ 1. 00 per day ;^ 1 2.00 

1805, — 3 days' work framing'* -^^^i ** " 2.60 

1806, —1)4'' " ..." I.OO '' " 1.50 

1807, — I day's " ..." I.OO " " I.OO • 

1808, —I " " to be ^ 

paid in boards . 1,00 

1809, — I day's Work, Ezra 


1 8 10, — 4 days' Work . 

1811, —3% 

181 2, A^A 

181 3, — 1314^ days' work, E. 

Blackman . . " i.oo " " 1325 

1 8 14, — 2^ days' work, Wells 

Bennett ..." i.oo " " 2.75 

1 81 5, — I day myself (the Boss) " 1:25 " " 1.25 


1840, — David Garringer, by the month (with 

board) ;^22 and $ 24.00 

1 84 1, Oct. 23 — Jesse Downing, by the month (and 

board) 26.00 

1842, April — Isaac Rawn, by the month (without 

board) 26.00 

1843, '' 27 — David Garringer, by the month (with 

board) 24.00 

184.4, " — David Garringer, by the month (with 

board) 26.00 

1845, Sept. 26 — David Garringer, 23^ days at ;^ 1.121^ 

(without board) 25.58 

1846, July 30 — Michael Keely, 20^ days at $1.25 

(without board) 25.31 

1847, March 26 — John Bird, 2 months and 5 days at $22 

(and board) 48. 25 


1848, Nov. 8 — Charles Dun, 472^ days at ;?22 per 

month (and board) ....... 399.81 

1849, Sept. 20 — Richard Dilley, 117^ days at ^1.25 

per day (without board) 146.87 

1850, Nov. — Avery Marcy, 5 days at $1.25 (without 

board) 6.25 

1 85 1, May 10 — Richard Dilley, 16 J^ days at ^1.25 

(without board) 20.62 }4 



Butter, fresh roll, per ft). . ^. ..'... . ;^ O.25 ^ 0.28 

Butter, creamery, per ft) .25 .28 

Cheese .13 .16 

Chickens, dressed, per ft) .16 .20 

Eggs, fresh, per dozen .15 .18 

Honey • 12^(^.14 .16 

Turkey, dressed, per ft). . .18 .22 

Clover, large, per bush* * . . 6.25 6.75 

Clover, recleaned • 6.75 7.00 

Clover, medium, per bush 6.00 6.50 

Timothy, per bush 2.00 2.25 

Baled hay 20.00 22.00 

Loose hay 20.00 22.00 

Straw, rye, per ton . . . . . ... . . 14.00 16.00 

Straw, oats, per bundle .08 

Sugars, granulated, per ft) .06^ .07 

Sugars, standard, per ft) .06 J^ .06^ 

Sugars, yellow C, per ft) -05 /^ -O^ 

Molasses, New Orleans, per gal .55 .70 

Molasses, West India, per gal .50 .60 

Syrup, golden drips, per gal • . .60 .73 

Coffee, Java, green, per ft) ' .20 .25 

Coffee, Maricaibo, green, per ft). .... . .15 .18 

Coffee, Rio, green, per ft) • .11 .16 

Coffee, Rio, roasted, per ft) .15 .20 

Salt, Ashton's, per sack 3.00 3.25 

Salt, ground alum, per sack ....... i.oo 1.25 



Salt, Deakin $ 1.50 $ 1.75 

Pork, mess, per bbl 15.00 16.00 

Bacon, dry, salt -O/^ .09 

Bacon, smoked .12 .15 

Hams, sugar cured .10 .13 

Lard, bulk .09 .10 

Shoulders, per ib -oyyi .09 

Mackerel, No. I, per bbl . ;^20@38 .20 per tb. 

Mackerel, No. 2, per bbl. . I2@i8 .12^ per lb. 

New Process, per bbl. $ ^-2$ $ 8.00 

Amber, winter, per bbl. ......*... 5.50 6.00 . 

Rye flour 3.50 4.40 

Corn meal 1.25 

Corn meal, bolted, per cwt 1.15 1.40 

Cracked corn and chop, per cwt 1.15 1.25 

Corn, shelled, per bush .65 .80 

Rye, per bush .62 .65 

Oats, new, per bush .45 .50 

Wheat, red country, per bush * .90 i.oo 


Prairie steers $ 0.05 $ 0.08 

Common steers •04}4 -oy 


Sheep . .04 .07 

Calves 'OS}4 .08 

Hogs .041^ .07 

Potatoes, per bush .40 .50 

Beans, medium, per bush 1.50 1.75 

Tallow in cakes, per ft) .04 .05 j4 

Kerosene, per gal .12 to .20 


The fate of the old houses that were standing about 1840 
or 1850: — 

In order to tell this story — in a short way — the beginning will 
be made, first at the old Col. Washington Lee house at the river 
below Nanticoke, and the next at the old Urquhart house on the 
other branch of the River Road, or rather on the cross-road near 
it, but both these houses being nearest to the Newport line on its 


branch. Then we follow the roads to where they meet at the Nan- 
ticoke Corners, then follow the road to the Wilkes-Barre line. 

We then take the Middle Road — the nearest house to the New- 
port line, and follow the road to the Wilkes-Barre line. 

Then the Back Road is taken and followed up in the same 
way; always taking whatever is nearest to either road on the cross- 
roads as we go along. 


The Col. Washington Lee house at Nanticoke. This house 
stood on a high bank on the shore of the Susquehanna, having 
only the river bank and the road between the river and the house- 
It stood and still stands a few rods west of the mouth of Nanti- 
coke Creek. This was the home of Captain Andrew Lee, who died 
here in 1821. The son. Col. Washington Lee, resided here till 1868 
when he sold to a coal company. Since that time this has been a 
tenant-house of the Susquehanna Coal Company. This house is 
near the Newport line on lot No. i, second division, and is about a 
half mile above the dam in the river at the old Nanticoke Falls. 
The road to this house crosses the line into Newport (from Nanti- 
coke Corners, as it was called in old times to locate the spot) and 
down the creek towards the river it crossed into Hanover again, 
and after passing Col. Lee's house thirty or forty rods, it again 
enters Newport going west. 

Coming up to the corners of old Nanticoke, the first old house 
on the right is the Adam Lape house on lot No. 2, second division. 
This still stands and belongs to the Lapes. On the left all the way 
to the corner were old houses, dwellings and store-houses that 
belonged to Col. Lee, now all torn away and replaced by fine brick 
and frame houses, about 1868, all on lot No. 2, second division. 

Henry Rasely owned the house next to the Lape on the right. 
Rasely removed about 1868. The house still stands on lot No. 2, 
second division. 

The next house on the right is at the corner. Here was a store 
building about 1843, then it was a dwelling, but about 1855 it was 
torn away and Andrew Lee and Lewis C. Paine built a brick store 
here. The building stands yet and is used for the Susquehanna 


Company's store. The company's office is across the street nearly 
on the site of Stire's store of 1840 or thereabouts; all on lot No. 2, 
second division. 

Now to begin on the other branch of the Main Road on the 
Newport line, or the cross-road on the line. 

The old Urquhart house still stands and is pretty well preserved 
but for many years it has been a tenant-house; this is on lot No. 3, 
second division. 

On the left coming down the hill towards the corner, is the 
Henry George house — still occupied by the Georges, on lot No. 3, 
second division. 

On the right at the Corners Silas Alexander's store and 
dwelling stood. The dwelling still stands, but the old store has 
been torn away and a new one — or two — of brick have been built 
in its place since 1874. 

Still on the right the next was Charles S. Keithline's tannery 
and dwelling. In 1862 Xavier Wernet bought this property of 
Keithline, and in 1870 built a large frame hotel here. 

On the left of Main street here was the ''long row." This was 
all burned down in 1876, and is now replaced by brick stores and 
two brick hotels. 

On the right is the old tavern. This house still stands and is 
used as a hotel. 

On the left was an old house lately torn down and is now re- 
placed by a fine large residence. 

The next on the right is the old school-house with the little 
church on the top. This house still stands, but is much dilapitated 
and not used for any purpose. 

On the left are two old farm-houses, and two others built by the 
Mills heirs for residences about 1843. They sold out and went 
West soon afterwards and these have been tenant farm-houses since. 

Peter Mill's house is on a hillside on the right. This was a 
beautiful place once. His family still resides here. The Mills were 
oncfe numerous, but the two children of Peter are the only ones left 
in Hanover or Nanticoke now; this is on lot 24, first division. 

All the ground on each side of the two roads that lead from the 
Col. Lee house, and that from the Urquhart house and nearly up 


to the Mill house, is covered with streets and buildings in all 
directions, that are occupied by a population probably numbering 
six thousand or more, five thousand of them within the Hanover 
lines', in 1885. 

On the right is the Robert Robins house, on lot No. 23, first 
division. Robins lived there with a family of many sons and a 
couple of daughters, from 1837, the sons and daughters gradually 
marrying and leaving the parental home until his death in 1856. 
Afterwards John Robins, the son, lived here, till about 1866 the 
whole Robins family, except one, went West. Since that it has 
been a tenant-farm belonging to a coal company. » 

The old Samuel Jameson house is next on the right. Jameson 
was born here in 1777 and died here in 1843. ^^ had a family of 
three girls, but they all were afflicted with consumption. One alone 
married, had two daughters, and died. Both these daughters died 
young with consumption, one having married before death. Dr. 
Harry Hakes, but died without issue. Dr. Hakes had a new house 
built and resided here eight or nine years, when he removed to 
Wilkes-Barre. The property, still belongs to Dr. Hakes, but is 
rented out to farmers. This is on lot 22, first division. 

The James S. Lee house is on the left. After Lee's death in 
1850, his family being pretty much all married, the farm was soon 
rented to tenant-farmers. About 1855-6 it was sold to a coal 
company, and the Lee's have had nothing to do with it since. This 
is on lots 21 and 20, first division. 

The Pell house is next on the left. Samuel Pell was probably 
born here. He lived here until -about 1862, when he removed to 
Wilkes-Barre, where he died in 1873. He .had four children, all 
girls, all removed from the township and the farm has been let to 
tenant-farmers. This is on lot No. 19, first division. 

The Charles Streater house, away off to the right a half mile or 
so on the Hogback. Streater sold it to a Mr. Cox about 1839 
who resided there a few years. This was a most beautiful place, 
and was specially calculated for a wealthy man's country residence. 
Cox sold to S. P. Collings who resided here a short time, and re- 
turned to Wilkes-Barre. Since about 1850 it has been simply a 
tenant-farm and dwelling, and all its beauty has departed and gone 
to decay. It belongs to a coal company. This is on lot No. 18, 


first division. On the River Road, on the left next to Pell's, there 
was a farm-house for the farmer of the land. That house also 
stands, or one in the place of it. Here is probably where a block- 
house stood in ancient times. ' 

The Barnet Miller house is next on the left. Many different 
persons owned or lived here before the writer's recollection. Barnet 
Miller came and bought it about 1830. About 1853 or 1854 he 
died leaving numerous sons and daughters, who sold it and all re- 
moved — mostly to the West. This is on lot No. 17, first division. 

The Peter Kocher house was on the right. He was a black- 
smith, and long* had a shop by the side of Holland's little railroad 
(from the mines in the mountain to the canal basin at the river, 2^ 
miles long) where he died about 1855. The house still stands and 
is occupied as a tenant-house, and is on lot No.* 16, first division. 

The George Kocher house, on the left. About 1837 or 1838 
Kocher, who had lived on the Back Road came here to live. Here 
he died a very old man about 1850. It has since been a tenant- 
house, and still stands. It is also on lot No. 16, first division. 

The Jonathan Robins house to, the right on the cross-road. 
This was built about 1844, but the old house still stood on the 
opposite side of the road, and was occupied. This was at Pruner's 
Mill, about 1828-9, but the mill about that time was worn out and 
went into ruins. Robins sold out about 1856 and went West. This 
is lot No. 15, first division. 

The Henry Minnich house was 'next on the left. This was pur_ 
chased by the father of Henry Minnich about 18 10, who died 
here. Henry Minnich lived here and reared a large family of 
boys and girls, most of whom went West as soon as theyijecame of 
age. Henry died in 1845. The heirs sold out and it has been a 
tenant-farm ever since. This is lot 13 and part of 14 in first 

The Garringer house is next on the right. This was the Hurl- 
but property. John Garringer bought it in 1 8 10, died here in 
1836. He reared a large family of boys and girls. His son 
Charles resided here till 1854. Charles lives in Nanticoke now, a 
very old man, who also reared a very large family of boys and girls. 
The most of the Garringers have gone West. This is on lots 1 1 and 
12, first division. 


The Steele house and ferry is on the left at the river. The first 
known here was Joseph Steele, who kept the ferry. The house, of 
course, was not on the River Road, but was down at the river. He 
died here an old man, leaving a large family who have all gone else- 
where, mostly West The house still stands and is used as a tenant- 
house. This is on lot 28, first division. 

The " Beckey" Thomas house, on the right. She lived here 'to 
be quite old and died about 1852. She bought it in 181 5. It has 
long since rotted down, though it was used as a tenant-house for 
about ten years after her death. On lot 28, first division. 

The Behee house is on the right on the cross-road. This was 
originally the Delano mill house. Behee bought or traded for it 
about 18 1 8. Jacob Plumb lived here from about 1826 to 1829, and 
built a set of carding machines in the mill. The old house was 
replaced by a new and larger one about 1844. He died in 1846 
and the widow lived here till her death, in 1868, but there was no 
repairing done to the mill and it soon rotted down. John Barney, 
a son-in-law, resided here with the widow and died here afterwards 
in 1 88 1 and his wife in 1882. It now belongs to a coal company. 
This house and mill was on lot No. 28, first division. 

The Red Tavern is next on the left. Frederick Crisman built it 
and died here in 181 5. Then it was kept by his son Abraham, 
afterwards by Geo. P. Steele, son-in-law of Abraham. It was a 
house of entertainment (till within the past four or five years) and 
was kept by many different landlords. It is on the six-rod road. 
It belongs to a coal company. 

The Stephen Burrett house is next on the left, lower side of the 
cemetery. The original old house still stands. Stephen Burrett, 
Sr., and Stephen, Jr., both lived and died here. Stephen, Jr., was a 
bachelor and died here about 185 1. Jacob Fritz bought the 
property, resided in it and died about 1870. Reuben Downing 
then bought it. It now belongs to a coal company. This is on 
lot No. 8, second division. 

The Freman Thomas house, on the upper side of the church 
lot, was on the left. Various persons owned this pretty little 
cottage before Thomas. He lived there some years and died in 
1847, Col. Wright says. It belonged afterwards to Barnet Miller, 


then to Reuben Downing. About 1869 Downing had the cottage 
torn down and a new and larger house built. It belongs now to a 
coal company. Downing removed to Wilkes-Barre in 1870. 

On the cross-road leading from "the Green" to the Middle 
Road, off to the right at or near the foot of the hill, was Jesse 
Edgerton's house. He died about 1830. His widow remarried 
an"d lived here till her death. The house- rotted down. The land 
belongs to a coal company. 

The Dayton Dilley old house stood on this cross-road. 
Dilley reared a large family of children here and died about 1855. 
The land belongs to a coal company. The house rotted down. 

There was another house here on this cross-road. Valentine 
Myers lived here and went West about 1838. Afterwards Thomas 
Smiley, it is believed, lived here, or in one close to it. He went 
West about 1854. The house still stands; is rented as a tenant- 
house. The property belongs to a coal company. 

The Susan Dilley house is next on the left on the -River Road. 
This was a very old house and Susan Dilley lived here and re- 
mained unmarried; died here in 1879, ^g^d ninety-one years. It 
belongs to a coal company. Between the church lot (cemetery) 
and this several house-lots have been sold and houses erected 
since 1870. 

The John Greenawalt house is next on the right. John Greena- 
walt, a tailor, built this and did business here for nearly forty-five 

The James Dilley house is next on the right. This is on the 
top of the hill, and one of the finest views in the valley can be had 
from here. Dilley reared a large family of children here and died in 
1862. It belongs to a coal company, and is a tenant farm-house, 
the Dilleys having all left the township. 

The next on the right is the Edward Inman house. Col. Edward 
Inman died in 1848, a very old man, and afterwards his widowed 
daughter, Mrs. Lovina Espy, had the old house torn down and a 
new one built, and resided here till her death, in 1874. Near this 
house the Buttonwood Shaft was sunk. The coal company built, 
in about 1857, a superintendent's house nearly opposite Mrs. Espy's 
house, and a number of double houses for miners near the foot ot 
the hill. These are all standing and occupied by tenants. 


Across the canal from the Col. Ed. Inman house, on the north 
side of the canal, were some houses besides the lock-house. 
Richard Gunton long resided here. He now resides in South Wilkes- 
Barre. Here was a road that ran up north-east to Thomas Lazarus* 
and from there follows the cross-road south-east to the River Road 
at the Buttonwood bridge. In ancient times houses were built 
along this road nearly down to the mouth of Solomon's Creek. In 
later times a road ran down north-westwardly from Col. Inman's 
house across the creek at the Buttonwood Shaft, and across the 
canal at the lock, here intersecting the road north of the old canal, 
where it ended. There were, and are still, a number of houses 
here — tenant farm-houses. 

During the working of the Buttonwood Shaft there was a store 
here, but that stopped when the shaft did. There is no canal here 

The Lazarus house is off to the left on the cross-road north- 
west of Solomon's Creek. John Lazarus lived in the house on the 
north side of Solomon's Creek, west of the cross-road, at Button- 
wood. He reared a very large family here, and died in 1879. The 
house is still occupied by some of his children. This house is on 
lot No. 6, first division. 

Thomas Lazarus lived in the old homestead, on the east side of 
the cross-road, north of Solomon's Creek at Buttonwood. He also 
reared a large family of children and still resides here, though in a 
much newer house than the original homestead. This is on lot 
No. 5, first division. 

The Asahel B. Blodgett house, south of Solomon's Creek and 
east of the cross-road, is on the right. This is a finely situated 
house, among trees, on slightly elevated and ascending ground 
south of Solomon's Creek at Buttonwood. Mr. Blodgett and his 
wife, Mary Lazarus, still reside here. This is on lot No. 5, first 

The Sively house is next on the right. George Sively died in 
1854. Fanny Stewart, his wife, the owner of this land, died here 
in 1855. They had only two children, Stewart Sively, who died 
unmarried, and Mary F. Sively, who*married Benjamin F. Pfouts. 
Judge Pfouts died and Mrs. Pfouts resides in the old homestead — a 
beautiful place. 



On the left the next house is the old Isaac Hartzell house. He 
reared a large family of children here, and died about 1848 or 1850. 
The widow still lives, in Wisconsin. The heirs disposed of the 
property to G. M. Hollenback, and he granted it to Wm. H. Alex- 
ander. Alexander died about 1864 and left it to his two daughters, 
who still own it. The old house still stands, but has been repaired 
and modernized. 

The Alexander Jameson house on the left. It is not known 
that Jameson ever lived here within the recollection of living man, 
but there was, and still is, here a fine, large tenant farm-house and 
barn. George Learn resided many years here and died, and his 
son, George Learn, also resided here many years. He removed 
some twenty years ago to a farm of his own in Columbia County, 
Pa. The property belongs to Reuben Downing, and this is a 
tenant farm-house. A railroad now crosses the road here in place 
of the canal. 

Across the railroad on the left, the old farm-house, long a 
tenant farm-house, grew old and dilapidated and was replaced by a 
plank house fifteen or more years ago. This was part of the es- 
tate of Miller Horton; it descended to his heirs and now belongs 
to Reuben Downing. Here was a nursery for a few years, but it 
is now only a tenant farm-house. 

The next is also on the left. This is the old Miller Horton 
house and stands on the line between Hanover and Wilkes-Barre. 
After the Hortons it belonged to William H. Alexander. At his 
death, about 1864, it descended to his heirs, who still own it. 
This, of course, was partly on lot No. i, first division. 


Commencing on the Newport line going north-east. 

The Henry Line house. It stood down in the fields to the 
right. Henry Line reared a large family of children and died here 
in 1849. H^s son Henry resided here till about 1865, when the 
heirs sold the property and it has since been a tenant farm-house. 
It belongs to a coal company. 

The John R. Line house. On the left is the house of John R. 
Line, the only son of Conraa Line. He lived here till about 1865, 
when he removed to Wilkes-Barre, It belongs to a coal company 
and is only a tenant-house. 


The Espy house.' The house of John Espy is next on the 
right. He died here in 1843, leaving a family of six children. 
The widow resided here till about 1849. The heirs sold out about 
1865 and since then it has been a tenant farm-house. A new house 
has been built here. On this farm along the Nanticoke branch of 
the L. & S. railroad at the foot of the mountain stands the village of 
some twenty or thirty houses, called Hanover, in Nanticoke Borough. 

The Keithline house. The next on the left is John Keithline's 
house, built by him about 1830. He reared a large family of 
children here, then sold out, and, about 1865, nearly all of them 
went West. He died in Hanover in 1868. This is a tenant farm- 
house on lot No. 24, first division. 

The next house on the left stands back from the Middle Road 
some rods. This was the residence of James Stewart first, then 
Marmaduke Pierce, who married his widow; afterwards it 
belonged to Robert Robins, and his son John lived in it for 
probably twenty years, and brought up a large family of children. 
It has been a tenant farm-house since about 1865. This is on lot 
No. 23, first division. 

The next on the left are the Rinehimer houses. Conrad Rine- 
himer, the first of the name here, reared a large family and died. 
His son Peter built a house near by, and Conrad, another son, 
lived in the homestead. Peter still lives here. Conrad sold to his 
brother John and went West with his large family about 1853. 
The old houses have disappeared and new ones replaced them. 
Several building lots have been sold and houses built on this 

The next is on the right — Mrs. Ash's house. This has long 
been the property of John Deets, and a new house replaced the 
old one many years ago. 

The next house is also on the right. This is John Sorber's 
house. He has lived here in it about forty years, brought up a 
large family of children, and is now a very old man. 

On the right, on the brow of the hill, stood the old Bobb 
house. Bobb sold out and the whole family, a large one, went 
West to Iowa about 1838. A new part was built to this house 
about 1840, and is the only part now standing, the old house 
having rotted down and been torn away within the past twenty 


years. It has been a tenant farm-house since'about 1840, and for 
about thirty-five years Daniel Minnich has hved in it. It belongs 
to a coal company. This is on lot No. 16, first division. 

Next on the right is the Holcomb house. This was formerly — 
previous to 1837 — known as the Shafer house. Holcomb owned 
and lived in it from about 1837 to 1865. He sold out and went 
West. Since then it has been a tenant farm-house, and belongs to 
a coal company. This is on lot No. 15 and part of 14, first division. 
The next house was on the left. Daniel Minnich built a log- 
house on his father's land here about 1838. It was abandoned and 
went to ruin in about twenty years. This was on lot No. 13 first 

• On the right, on the cross-road, but a few rods from the Middle 
Road, was the Askam house. He lived here a long time and 
reared six children. He sold out to Jacob Shafer, and the old log- 
house was torn down and about 1850 a frame house was built on 
the site of the old one. This last has been a tenant-house since 
about 1855. It belongs to a coal company. The Askams have all 
gone away. This is on lot 12, first division. 

On this same land, on the left of the Middle Road, is the house 
of Levi L. Nyhart. It was built in 1850, and he has resided here 
ever since. 

The stone house on the right comes next. John Nagle had a 
tannery here, at the foot of the hill, about 1830 to 1835. Joseph 
Nyhart bought the tannery and carried it on from 1845 to 1855. 
R. R. Metcalf has some fine buildings on this tannery property 
now. There is a postoffice here called Askam. Wm. Rummage 
owned the stone house. This lot was purchased by J. M. Court- 
right, house lots were sold and some dozen or more buildings 
have been erected since 1870. This is on lot No. 11, first division. 
On the cross-road towards Behee's Mill were two houses be- 
longing to Rebecca Thomas. They have long since rotted down. 
George Shoemaker bought six acres of Rebecca Thomas here about 
1838 and built a house that still stands as a tenant-house, Shoe- 
maker having sold out about 1855 and gone away from the town- 
ship. It belongs to a coal company. 


On the left of the Main Road after passing the old tannery, is 
the Metcalf house. This seems to have been a tenant-house until 
about 1848, when Richard Metcalf made it his home and has re- 
sided there ever since. Soon after coming here to live, he tore 
down the old house and built a good sized frame house. The land 
belongs to a coal company. Several building lots were given to 
Mr. Metcalf's children along the road here, and they have houses 
erected on them. 

On the rip;ht in a lane out of sig^ht of the main road is the old 
Rufus Bennett house. Here was brought up a large family of 
children by Bennett. They are all dispersed, no one knows where. 
About 1838 O. Collins of Wilkes-Barre, became the owner of the 
property, and from that time it has been a tenant farm-house, and 
there is not a Bennett of this family left in the township. The old 
house stands yet. It belongs to a coal company. 

The old house next on the left was the Wiggins house. He 
was the iron maker at Nanticoke. This house was sold and left by 
Wiggins about 1834 — never had any tenants afterwards, and rotted 
down in about ten years. 

The next was on the left, a tenant-house of John Hoover. 
Hoover's residence was between the Middle and the Back Road on 
this s^me land. Hoover built himself a new house about 1846 
near the old one, and died here in 1866. The old and, new house 
both stand, and are rented as tenant farm-houses. They belong to 
a coal company. 

North-east of the John Hoover house, and in the same hollow 
between the Middle and Back Road stood a house belonging to 
Michael Hoover. It was old fifty years ago. Michael Hoover's 
family left it about 1835, and it never had tenants of any ac- 
count afterwards, and rotted down about 1845. It belonged to V. 
L. Maxwell for many years. It belongs to a coal company. The 
house was never rebuilt. 

On the left, off the main road • ten or twenty rods, is the old 
Edgerton house. This house still stands and is used as a tenant- 
house. The Edgertons long lived here, either the one or the other 
of them. They sold out about 1864, and removed to the West. 
The property belongs to a coal company. This is No. 11, second 


The Henry Hoover house was on the right opposite to the 
Hoover Hill school-house. It rotted down about 1850 and there 
are no H^oovers left in the township. The land belongs to a coal 

On the left at the foot of the hill an old house stood — a tenant- 
house till about 1855, when it was torn down and two double 
miners' tenant-houses were built here. They still stand and are oc- 
cupied by miners. They belong to a coal company. 

On the right is the earlier Downing house. This has been a 
tenant farm-house for more than fifty years. With the rest of the 
Downing property, it belongs to a coal company. 

Across the creek and on the left is the Ruggles house. Lorenzo 
Ruggles reared a large family of children here. He was a black- 
smith and. with his farming and blacksmithing made a comfortable 
fortune. He sold to a coal company in 1864, and removed to 
Wilkes-Barre. This has since been a tenant-house. 

The next on the right is the later Downing house. Here Bate- 
man Downing resided more than forty years, and was a justice of the 
peace for about the same length of time. He sold to a coal com- 
pany in 1864, and in his old age removed to the West. This has 
been a tenant farm-house since 1864-5. 

The next is on the left, the old Jacob Fisher house. Here v/as 
reared another large family of children. On the death of Fisher, 
his heirs sold the large body of land about 1855, w^hich their 
father and themselves had accumulated and all emigrated to the 
West. This has since been a tenant farm-house. It now belongs to 
a coal company. 

The next is the Samuel Burner house on the right. He sold 
out about 1846 and went West. This has since been a tenant- 
house. It still stands, and belongs to a coal company. 

On the right on the cross-road are two or three rather old 
houses — one was Henry Fisher's, one was Samuel Smiley's and the 
other owner is not remembered. These are standing yet and are 
occupied as tenant farm-houses. They belong to a coal company. 

William Shoemaker had a house where he lived a long time, off 
in the fields, east of this cross-road. He removed to a house on 
the Middle Road about 1848, or perhaps 1850. 


The next is on the left on the main road — the Simon Rine- 
himer house. This house first belonged to Joseph George, a tailor. 
Simon Rinehimer, another tailor, bought it and lived in it until his 
death in 1858. He left a large family^ of children, all but one gone 
West. It is a tenant-house. 

The next house is on the left The old house went to decay 
and the owner, Wm. Shoemaker, tore it away and built a brick 
residence in nearly the same place about 1848. Shoemaker soon 
after sold out and with his whole family went West. This is a ten- 
ant-house. It belongs to a coal company. 

The next house is also on the left — the John E. Inman house. 
Inman reared a large family of children here, and with the whole 
of them went West about 1855, ^^^^ selling his land. This has 
ever since been a tenant farm-house. It belongs to a coal company. 

The Deerhamer house was next on the right. They went West 
many years before the Inmans. It has since been a tenant-house. 
This is now a Catholic cemetery. 

The next house is on the left in the hollow, and is the Christian 
Nacrle house. Nap;le reared a larg-e family of children here and 
died in 1857. His heirs sold it out and removed, nearly all of them 
to the West. It is a tenant-house. It belongs to a coal company. 

On the hill-top on the left hand side and on the corner of the 
cross-road from Ashley, " Fritz" Deterick built a brick residence 
about 1848, and died here. This is a tenant-house. It is on lot 
No. 5, first division. 

The next house is on the left, near Solomon's Creek, at the 
• Wilkes-Barre line. This is the Quick house. Thomas Quick came 
here about 18 10, lived here till he grew old, and died at his son's 
home in Wilkes-Barre in 1866. This is on lot No. I, first division. 
The old house is gone and a new one is in* its place — a tenant- 

There is a little house belonging to Quick a few rods west of the 
Quick residence, that was long occupied by Avery Hurlbut, a son- 
in-law of Quick's. It v/as a tenant-house. 

On the right on the cross-road is Petty's Mill, and a house finely 
situated on a hill, built about 1840 by Philip Abbott. It soon after- 
wards became the property of Petty, who owned the mill and died 
here about i860. 



Beginning at the Lueder house. Christian Frederick Lueder 
built this house and lived here and reared a large family of 
children, and died in 1832. .The house is situated on a corner — 
the Back Road at this time beginning here at the cross-road that 
came from the Middle Road to the Lueder house. The Back 
Road runs from here north-east. Christian F. Lueder, the son, 
resided here — (all the rest of the family having gone away, the most 
of them to the West) — and also reared a large family of children, 
and died here in 1873. It belongs to a coal company and is a ten- 
ant farm-house. This is on lot No. 22, first division. 

The next house is on the right. It was the Polly Pell house. 
She left it about forty-five years ago, and it has since been a ten- 
ant-house. The old house has been replaced by a plank house 
within the past ten years. It belongs to a coal company. 

The next is the George Kgcher house on the right. This has 
been only a tenant-house for nearly fifty years. It belongs to a coal 

Next on the left were some houses built by Holland and Hill- 
man for miners' houses, while they were mining here from 1840 to 
1847. One or two of them are still standing and in use. 

The next house was to the left on the cross-road leading to the 
Middle Road, and was the old George Sorber house. He reared 
quite a large family of children here; sold it and died about i860. 
There has been no house there since. The old Back Road made a 
turn here to the right taking this cross-road up a very steep hill to " 
the top of it, and then turned again to the north-east. 

Here on the top of the hill on the right of the corner was a 
house belonging to Jacob Rummage. It was always a tenant-house 
but rotted down about 1850. This is on lot No. 15, first division. 

The next was the old Jacob Rummage house on the right. He 
reared a family of six children, and died here in 1835. 

The next was his son's, Jacob Rummage, on the same farm on 
the left. He had two houses here. He died here in 1858, leaving 
only three children that grew to maturity and married. They sold 
the farm and left in i860, and these were only tenant-houses after- 


ward. This is now part of the Warrior Run Mine property. The 
old houses have been replaced by many miners' houses since 1865. 
This is the western end of Sugar Notch borough. 

The next house is on the right. Tt was the old Mock house, 
became the property of John Robinson, descended to his daughter, 
Mrs. Hendrick B. Wright. The Wrights leased it to the Warrior 
Run Mining Company in 1864. The old house was replaced by a 
plank house about 1859, and has now a large number of miners' 
houses around it, some of them belonging to private parties, but 
mostly belonging to the company — A. J. Davis & Co. These and 
those on the Rummage lot constitute the mining village called 
Warrior Run. 

The house next on the right is the Harry Blackman house. It 
was built about 1830. He had a large family of children and died 
here in 1843. The widow lived here for many years after. It is 
now a miner's tenant-house and belongs to a coal company. 

The next is on the left on the cross-road about forty rods from 
the Back Road, and was the old Elisha Blackman house. This was 
about the first house built on or near the Back Road. He died 
here in 1845, after rearing six children, four of whom went West. 
His daughter, Julia Anna Blackman Plumb, was born here and has 
always lived here. The old houses have been torn down and re- 
moved, and a new and more modern one erected on the site of the 
old. This is the residence of H. B. Plumb and his mother. There 
have bcQn built on this place since 1867 ninety-six dwellings, 
thirty-six belong to H. B. Plumb, thirty-two to Robert Baur, of 
Wilkes-Barre, and the remainder to 9ther private individuals. This 
place is locally called Plumbtown and Plumbton. The railroad 
companies call their depots here Warrior Run. This is on lot No. 
12, first division. 

The next is on the left, the old John Garrison house. He sold 
out and removed about 1838, and the house became a tenant-house. 
The old house was replaced by a new one about 1850. It is a ten- 
ant-house and belongs to a coal com.pany. 

The next house is on the right, the Josiah Bennett house. He 
reared a large family of children here, who all left the paternal 

24 • 


home as they became of age. He died here in 1857. Since then 
it has been a tenant-house. It belongs to a coal company. This is 
on lot No. 29, first division, one of the public lots. 

The next house was the Bunny or Burney house on the right. 
It went to decay after Bunny left it, as long ago as 1825. No house 
was rebuilt there. The property belongs to a coal company. It is 
on lot No. 14, second division. 

The next house is on the left. This was the Ishmael Bennett 
property. He reared a large family, and removed to Ohio about 
1 8 16, when a very old man, after selling the property to James 
Sterling. Sterling died in a few years, and about 1838 the property 
was sold to Samuel Holland, and since then this has been a tenant- 
house. It belongs to a coal company. It is lot No. 21, second 

The next house is on the left, the Peggy Sterling house. It 
stood a few rods north of the Rudolph house. This last was burned 
previous to 1825. In later times Joseph Rinehimer owned the 
property, and then John Freed. 

The next is on the right. This was the Ashbel Ruggles house. 
He removed to the West in 1843. The property belonged to 
Josiah Bennett till his death in 1857, then to John Freed. It still 
stands, the house and surface owned by private parties, near the 
present school building at Sugar Notch. All the property along 
the road belonged to a coal company. Their own mine houses are 
here, and they have sold lots — on the surface only — for building, to 
many private parties who have built houses on them. This is the 
upper or eastern end of Sugar Notch borough as far as to the old 
Garrison cross-road and contains in this part a population of prob- 
ably 1 50 people or more. 

On the right, some twenty rods up in the woods was a house. 
Wright lived there and probably owned it in 1840. After- 
wards it belonged to Conrad Line, then to Henry Burney. It went 
to decay about 1850 and tumbled down. It was never rebuilt. It 
belongs to a coal company. 

The next is on the right. This is the Rimer house. Rimer 
removed to the West about 1843 ^^^ it has been a tenant-house ever 
since. The property belonged to C. B. Fisher for many years, but 
has belonged to a coal company since 1855. 


The next house is on the right. It is the old Cornelius Garrison 
house. After Garrison's death in 1825, this house belonged to his 
daughter Rachel, afterwards, about 1840, married toWm. Staple- 
ton. The property was divided into lots by Stapleton and sold, 
except the small lot on which the old house stood. This he willed 
to his niece, the wife of Thomas Roach. 

The next is on the left at the corner of the Garrison cross-road. 
This was the Andrew Shoemaker house. He sold out about 1838 
and removed. The house still stands, with a plank addition to it, 
is a tenant-house and belongs to a coal company. 

On the cross-road to the left some forty or fifty rods was the 
Jacob Garrison house. He removed to the West in 1842, and the 
house was a tenant farm-house until about 1856, when the shaft at 
Sugar Notch was begun. The old Ijouse stood and was occupied 
until within about ten years. It has been replaced by a large 
double miners' tenant-house. It belongs to a coal company. This is 
the extreme eastern end of Sugar Notch borough, as the Jacob 
Rummage property is the extreme western end of it. 

On the right, up in the notch of the Little Mountain, was the 
house of John Robins. He died in 1 83 1. The family soon after 
left it, and for many years it was a tenant-house. Peter Mensch 
lived in it Elias Carey lived in it, and many others. It rotted 
down about 1855. I^ belongs to a coal company. The Sugar 
Notch reservoir is there now. 

The next is on the left. This was the old Abraham Adam.s 
house, afterwards known as the Knock or Kanoch house. Knock 
died in 1828, and the property descended to his heirs in Germany, 
his children here having all died before himself The old house 
and barn were allowed to rot down, a new tenant-house having 
been built near by. It is owned in Germany and leased to a coal 

The next was on the right. This was the Preston house. Here 
lived Darius Preston until his death about 1842. His son, Williston 
Preston, lived here till about 1857, when he removed to Wilkes- 
Barre. It is now burned down, but it was a tenant-house and 
belonged to a coal company. 

The next house was on the left. This was the Saum house and 
still stands. The heirs of John Saum sold out about 1854 and 


removed to the West. Since then this has been a tenant-farm- 
house and belongs to a coal company. This is on lot No. lO, first 

The next on the left belonged to Sau.m and was a tenant-house 
from the first. It still stands, is occupied and belongs to a coal 

The next was also on the left. This was the Comfort Carey 
house. He died about 1837, and his son, John Carey, lived in this 
house after him until about 1843 ^^^ ^old the place to John 
Davis, and removed with his whole family to the West. The house 
was then a tenant-house until it was burned down, about i860. 
This is the south-western side of Ashley borough, and now has 
many houses, built since 1870, on both sides of the road and back 
to the foot of the mountain. Many of these houses belong to 
private parties and not to a coal company. This was on lot No. 8, 
first division. 

The next is on the left of the above, towards the north-west, in 
the fields on the same lot, No. 8. It still stands and is occupied as 
a tenant-house. John Carey lived here before his father Comfort 
died, then soon afterward he sold it to William Richards. Richards 
sold out and went West. Since then it has been only a tenant- 
house. It belongs to a coal company. 

The next house is on the right. This was one of three similar 
houses; the next on the left near Solomon's Creek, and the third 
one on the road toward the foot of the mountain. They belonged 
to the Huntingtons, were just alike in build and were all three 
painted green. This was known afterwards as the " Cook Estate," 
and is held by a benevolent institution in Philadelphia, by the will 
of the last of the Cooks, with a provision that it shall never be 
sold. There are a large number of houses on this property now. 
It is within Ashley borough. 

The next house was on the left. It was the old Daniel Kreidler 
house. It has long been torn down and replaced by a better one 
by his daughter, Susan M. (Kreidler) Frederick, and her husband, 
Charles Frederick. Frederick and wife have resided here since 1848. 

On tlie right, up the mountain on the Hazleton Road, there 
was a tavern in the gap at the head of the lower plane. This was 
the house of Israel Inman. He reared a very large family of 


children here, and sold out and went West about 1840. The house 
was famous in its time — during the building of the L. & S. rail- 
road, and during the existence of turnpike travel to the cities by 
way of Hazleton and Tamaqua, all after 1840. 

The first old house across the railroad or foot of the plane on 
the right was Christian Keyser's. He built it and lived there till 
about 1855, when they went West. The house belongs to the 
heirs of Robert H. Johnson. Johnson lived in it till his death, 
about ten years ago. 

The next was on the right of the Main Road where the Hazle- 
ton Road turns off up the mountain. This was built by Valentine 
Keyser, the father of the former, on land leased of Joseph Davis. 
Keyser and his wife both liv^d and died here in 1847. 

To the left on the cross-road, the first house was Joseph Barnes'. 
This house had replaced an older log-house on the same site about 
1823. About 1867, the hill to the south of this house (on the 
side of which the house stood) was partly cut down or off for the 
Ashley shops, and the house was soon afterwards torn down to be 
out of the way. Barnes and his family went West about 1850. 
This is on lot No. 6, first division. 

The next beyond on the same cross-road is John A. Carey's 
house. He built it about 1835 or 1836, reared a large family of 
children, and still lives here with his wife. 

The next also on the cross-road, and on the left across the 
creek was Isaac Frederick's house. He sold out and went West, 
about 1855. This has been a tenant-house since. The Lehigh 
Valley railroad runs almost over it. 

Beyond the above-mentioned "house to the left but back in the 
fields probably more than forty rods from the cross-road is the old 
Hannis house. It was built by John Hannis, and he and his Wife 
both died here. The sons and daughters, all grown up and mar- 
ried, sold out and went West about 1855. ' ■ 

The next house on the main road was on the left and was Fritz 
Dieterick's tavern. He kept the tavern many years and left it about 
1847. Then it was a store, and dwelling for many years. E. P. 
Lynch had a store there from 1847 ^^ 1849. Lewis Landmesser 
had a store there in 1855 to 1859, and others afterwards until it 
was burned down in 1880. 


The next was on the left, being the Samuel Pease house. Pease 
died in 1846, a very old man over 86 years of age. The house 
stands there yet and has been a tavern since about 1855. 

The next on the left was a log-house, built about 1838 by 
Nicholas Landmesser. He went West about 1850, and afterwards 
the house stood there as a tenant-house, until it was torn down a 
couple of years ago. 

The next was on the right, just beyond the road that goes to 
the Blackman Mines — the Back Road here — stood the house of 
Daniel Hartzell. This was part of lot No. 3, first division. It stood 
back a little in the field, but has been moved to the street and re- 
paired and still stands, now quite a respectable looking house. 
This was the last house within Ashley borough on this road or 
street. This street and others parallel, to the right and left and 
numerous cross streets all the way from Comfort Carey's and 
further, to Daniel Hartzell's and the line of the lot beyond it, are 
now quite closely built up with houses — all along the streets and 
the hills and hollows on either side, and filled with a population of 
some four thousand now — 1885. 

The next is nearly opposite the Gilbert house, and is on the 
left. It is Daniel Frederick's house. Rebuilt it about 1834, and 
has lived there ever since. It at first stood back some rods from 
the road, but it has been moved to the road and enlarged and is 
now a pretty house. The old people lived here in their old age 
very comfortably. 

The next house was on the right. This was Luman Gilbert's. It 
was a log-house and stood till within a few years past. The old 
people and the young ones went West about i860. It was a ten- 
ant-house after the Gilberts left. 

The next house was on the left. This was the cabin of Phebe 
Williams. She died about 1849 ^^ i^S^) ^^^^ then the log cabin 
was about ready to fall down from age and decay. It has long 
ceased to exist. 

Nearly opposite on the right was the house of William Askam. 
He left it and went West long ago. As early as 1854, Lewis 


Koons owned it. It still stands, and was long a tenant-house, but 
it is not inhabitable now and is ready to be torn down, to make 
room for a better one. 

The next house was Thomas Brown's, on the right. Brown 
built a house on the Back Road that goes to the Blackman or 
Franklin Mines, and left this, and soon after sold out, and about 
1855 went West with his whole family. Anthony Schappert bought 
this old house about 1855, and added to and improved it, and lived 
there till his death in 1872. His son Michael Schappert resides 
there now. This house adjoins the Wilkes-Barre line, and is on lot 
No. I, first division. 

Robert Kilmer had a house and cabinet shop on the left, 
opposite the Brown house about 1847 or earlier. He sold out and 
left about 1861-2. The house and shop were*used for the same 
business for some years after, but the property has long since been 
cut up into building lots, and the old house and shop are gone. 

Almost all the land along the Back Road from Sugar Notch — 
and below — up to the Wilkes-Barre line belongs to a coal company, 
but the company has sold off building lots on the surface and now 
from the lower or south-westerly line of Ashley borough to the 
north-easterly line of Hanover township is filled with houses, on 
the hills and hollows on each side, with parallel and cross streets. 
From the north-eastern line of Ashley to the north-eastern line of 
Hanover (the Wilkes-Barre line) is called Newtown. This is a 
thickly populated part of Hanover township. 


The Hartford No. 6 203,675 

" Sugar Notch No. 9 129,981 

" Sugar Notch No. 10 64,612 

. '' Warrior Run 82,680 

" Nanticoke {o7t the east side of the river, deducting Y^^ for 

Newport=222,go'j) 451.816 

• Total tons ' 932,764 



The Hartford No. 8 . . . • 67,580 

" Sugar Notch No. 9 i38]2yi 

" Sugar Notch No. 10 Ii9»3i5 

" Hanover (Maffet's) 93,556 

" Warrior Run 68,440 

" Nanticoke (on the east side of the river, deducting y^ 

for Newport=2)^2,g^'^) 765,966 

Total tons 1,253,128 

The pay-rolls of the railroads within Hanover's ancient lines — 
at Sugar Notch and Ashley — in the year 1884, was: — 

At Sugar Notch — Railroad hands — L. V. R. R. — total . ,^206,355.79 
" —Repair shop hands— L. V. R. R. . .. 17,768.65 
" Ashley — Railroad hands — L. & S. R. R — Total . . 66,612.00 
*' " RepaiT- machine shop and other shops — 

L. & S. R. R 227,220.01 

At Ashley — Planes employes — L. & S. R. R. '. . . . 30,043.46 

Total ;?547 .999-91 

In the above statement nothing^ is deducted for the wag-es of em- 
ployes who reside outside the lines of ancient Hanover. Should such 
an estimate be desired, it may be stated that perhaps as many as 
one-third of the employes reside outside Hanover's line. But it is 
probable that just as many men residing inside these lines work 
outside of them — thus equalizing the matter. 

For mining 1,253,128 tons coal, the employes receive . ;^ 1,25 3, 128.00 
" Railroad and car shop employes 547,999.91 

Total, . , .•. , $1,801,127.91 

Divided among the population of about 12,000, equals about one 
hundred and fifty dollars each on an average. 

Elevations above tide on the Lehigh Valley .railroad from 
Wilkes-Barre to White Haven : — 

Wilkes-Barre (30 feet above Susquehanna River) 549 

South Wilkes-Barre 546 

Sugar Notch . ' 666 

Warrior Run 716 

Newport 1023 

Fairvicw 1673 

White Haven 1143 



On the Nanticoke branch of the Lehigh and Susquehanna Rail- 
road from Ashley to Nanticoke : — • 

Ashley 634 

Sugar Notch 659 

Hanover 654 

Wanamie 644 

Nanticoke 540 

Below is a list of German, Dutch and Swiss immigrants to 
Pennsylvania as given in "Rupp, 30,000 names," and persons bear- 
ing the same or similar names in Hanover — for only such are in this 
list — may find their ancestor among them. Doubtless these are the 
ancestors in most cases of those persons in Hanover having the 

same names. The dates given refer to their arrival in America. 

Johannes Asper .... 
Hans Adam Cresmen . 
Heinrich Christman . \ 
Charles Christman . . 
Mathias Christman . . 
Johones Diterichs . . . 
Hans Georg Dietz . . . 
Jacob Dieterich .... 
Elias Dieterich .... 
AndreasjCjabriel Dieterich 
Diebolt Dieterich . . . 
Jacob Dieterich .... 
Christoffel Dieterich . . 
Michael Friederick . . 
Jacob Renhart Friederick 
Josephus Friederick . . 
Andreas Friederick . . 
Baltes Gerringer . . . 
John Georg Gehringer . 
Job Conrad Georg . . . 
Michael Georg .... 

Jacob George 

Heinrich Hertzell . . . 
Hans Leonhart Hertzell 

Jacob Hoover 

Frans Hoover .... 
John George Hollenback 
George Hoover .... 
Nicholas Keyser . . . 
Hans Jacob Keyser . . 













Johonnes Keyser . . 
Hans Michael Keyser 
Georg Kocher . . . 
John Michael Keyser 
Georg Martin Kreidler 
Stephen Kreidler . . 
Philip Jacob Kreidler 
John Martin Kreidler 
Christian Miller . . . 
Christopher Miller 
Hans Menigh . . . 
Peter Minich .... 
Lorentz Minich . . . 

Hans Georg Mijnig . 
Nicholas Mensch . . 
John Philip Minick . 
Jacob Nagel .... 
Thomas Nagel . . . 
Michael Neihart . . 
Conrad Nagel . . . 
John Wilhelm Nagel . 
John Friederich Romich 
John Adam Romich . 
Christian Romich . . 
Georg Michael Rommig 
Hans Georg Rommigh 
Johannes Romig . . 
Henry Surber . . . 
Johannes Saum . . . 


























COUNTY IN 1880. 

Brit. Am. Eng. & Wales Ireland Cier. Empire France Norway & Sweden All others 

335 12,510 13,598 5,806 108 212 1732 










from part of 

from part of 

from part of 

frojm part of 




Luzerne and 
Feb. 21, 1810 

Luzerne. Feb. 
2t, 1810. 

Luz., April 4 

Luz , 1878. 











• . 











. .' . 








































Pennsylvania 1790 — 1880. 

1790 434-373 

1800 602,365 

1810 810,091 

1820 ....... 1,047,507 

1830 1,348,233 

1840 1,724-033 

1850 2,311,786 

i860 2,906,215 

1870 3-521,951 

1880 4,282,891 

U. S. 1790— 1880. 

1790 3,929,214 

1800 ....... . 5,308,483 

1810 7-239-881 

1820 9,633,822 

1830 12,866,020 

1840 ....... 17,069,453 

1850 23,191,876 

i860 31,443,331 

1870 38,558,371 

1880 50,155-783 


This includes, civilized Indians in the U. S. 66.407; in Pa. 184 

Chinese '' " '' " 104,643; " " 152 

Japanese '' '' " " 970; " '' 4 

Colored people " '' " '' 6,580,793; " " 85,535 


Population of Hanover township; Sugar Notch, Ashley and 
Nanticoke boroughs, according to the U. S. census was : — 

1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 i860 1870 1880 
Hanover 613 635 789 1173 1938 1505 1620 3035 2000 

Sugar Notch (from part of Hanover 1867-8) 724 1582 

Ashley ( " " " " 1870) 2798 

Nanticoke ( '' '' '' '' and Newport, 1874) . . 2590 

Total ..." 8968 

Nanticoke's total population was 3884; allow ^ to be living in 
that part taken -from Newport; deduct ^ leaves 2590, as above, 
thus showing the population within ■ the ancient boundaries of 
Hanover to be in 1880, 8,968. Now, in 1884, there is probably 
over i2,cxDO. 

In 1870 there were in Hanover — Natives 2078 

" 1870 ** " '* '' Foreigners 957 

'' 1870 " '' " Sugar Notch— Natives 368 

" 1870 " " " " " Foreigners 356 

The census report of 1880 does not give the numbers of natives 
and foreigners in the townships and boroughs, but only in county 
and larger divisions. The proportions will hold about the same in 
Sugar Notch in 1880 as in 1870; but in the remainder of the town- 
ship, especially in Nanticoke, the proportions have turned very 
much in favor of the foreigner. 

1870. Luzerne County, (including Lackawanna) natives, 106,227 
1870. " " " " foreign, 54,688 

Total 160,915 

1880. Luzerne County, natives, q7,S4Q 1 ^. ^ 

00^ T 1 n 4- u ^Ji.Z > natives, . 160,701 

1880. Lackawanna County, 63,352 J j v 

1880. Luzerne County, foreign, 35,716 1,. . ^ ^ 

1880. Lackawanna County, " 26,917 J ^^^^S"' • • -^^ 33 

Total 223,334 

1870. United States. . . natives, 32,991,142; foreign, 5,567,229 
1880. '^ '' . . " 43,475,840; '' 6,679,943 

1870. Pennsylvania . . *' 2,976,642; " 545, 309 

1880. " . . " 3,695,062; " 587,829 

1880. Pa., col'd, 85,535; 1870,65,294; 1860,56,949; 1850,53,626 


In Pennsylvania there were in 1880 males over 21 years, 1,094,284 
In Luzerne Co. '' " " 1880 " "21 " 32,854 


1880. Population — Native 3,695,062, foreign 587,829, total 4,282,891. 

Native paupers, 6,182 
P^oreign " 3,975 
Nat. in prison, 3,586 
Foreign, in *' 1,300 

167 in 100,000 natives; i to every 597 natives. 

676 " 100,000 foreign. I " " 148 foreign. 

97 " 1 00,000 natives; i " '* 1,030 natives. 

221 ** 1 00,000 foreign, i " " 452 foreign. 

1870. Population^ — Native 2,976,642, foreign 545,309, total 3,521,95 i. 

Native paupers, 4,822; 161 in 100,000 natives; i to every 617 natives. 

P'oreign " 3,974; 728 *' 100,000 foreign, i ** " 137 foreign. 

Nat. in prison, 2,532; 85 " 1 00,000 natives ; i '* " 1,175 natives. 

Foreign, in " 699; 128 " 100,000 foreign, i " " 780 foreign. 

J 860. Population — Native 2,475,710, foreign 430,505, total 2,906,215. 

Native paupers, 4,495 ; 181 in 100,000 natives; i to every 550 natives. 

Foreign " 3.281; 762" 100,000 foreign, i *' *' 133 foreign. 

Nat. in prison, 756; 30'* 1 00,000 natives ; i " '' 5,274 natives. 

Foreign, in " 405; 94" 1 00,000 foreign, i " '* 1,063 foreign. 

1850. Population — Native 2,006,207, foreign 303,417, total 2,309,624. 

Native paupers, 2,654; 132 in 100,000 natives; i to every 755 natives. 
Foreign " IJ57; 3^1 '* ioo,oco foreign, i " " 262 foreign. 

14" 1 00,000 natives; I " '' 6,777 natives. 

37 " 100,000 foreign, i ** ** 2,586 foreign. 

1880. Colored population in Pennsylvania, 85,535. 

Colored paupers, 572; 66S in 100,000 colored; i to every 149 colored. 
'* in prison, 505; 590 " 100,000 *' i " " 169 " 

1870. Colored population, 65,294. 

Colored paupers, 468; 716 in 100,000 colored; i to every i39colored. 
in prison, 444; 680 " 100,000 " i" " 147 

1870. Population — Native 2,976,642, foreign 545,309, colored 65,294. 

Attended school — Natives, 706,716; i to every 4^ natives. 
'' '* — Foreigners, 18,288; I " " 29y^^ foreigners. 

" —Colored, 7,880; i " " 8^ colored. 

Nat. in prison, 296 
Foreign, in ** 115 


i860. Population — Native 2,475,710, foreign 430,505, colored 56,949. 

Attended school — Natives, 648,65 i ; i to every 3^ natives. 
" " — Foreigners, 21,310; i " " 20j^q- foreigners. 

" " — Colored, 7,573; i '' '' 7y% colored. 

1850. Population — Native 2,006,207, foreign 303,417, colored 53,626. 

Attended school — Natives, 488,823; i to every 4^^ natives. 
** '* — Foreigners, 15,787; i *' " 193^0- foreigners. 

'' —Colored, 6,499; i *' '' ^/i colored. 

1880. Population — Native 3,695,062, foreign 587,829, colored 85,535. 

Natives over 10 yrs. and cannot write, 123,200; i to every 30 nat. 
Foreign. " 10 " '' " " 86,775; i " . " 6|- for. 

Colored " 10 " " *' " 18,033; i " " 4^ col. ,. 

1870. Population — Native 2,976,642, foreign 545,309, colored 65,294. 

Natives over 10 y"rs. and cannot write, 126,803; i to every 23J/3 nat. 
Foreign. '' 10 " " '' " 95,553; i '' " 5f for. 

Colored " 10 '' " " " 15,893;!" " 4I col. 

i860. Population — Native 2,z|.75,7io, foreign 430,505, colored 56,949. 

Natives over 20 yrs. and cannot write, 44,930; i to every 55yV ^^^^• 
Foreign. " 20 " " '' " 36,585;! " " 11-/^5- for. 

Colored " 20 '' " " " 9,359; i " " 6yV col. 

1850. Population — Native 2,006,207, foreign 303,417, colored 53,626. 

Natives over 20 yrs. and cannot write, 51,283; i to every 39y-Q nat. 
Foreign. " 20 '' '' ^ " " 24,989; i " " iiyi for. 

Colored '' 20 " " * '' " 9,344; i " " sH col- 


Population — Native 106,227, foreign 54,688, colored y66. 

Natives over 10 yrs. and cannot write, 6,197; i to every 17 Va nat. 
Foreign. " 10 " " " " 17,288; i " " 3I for. 

Colored " 10 '' " " '' 260; i " '' 3 col. 



Makerish-Kitton. Applied to the Delaware; means strongs 7^apid. 

Ske-han-do-wanna . Susquehanna; muddy river or riley river. 

Sas-qite-sah-han-oiighs . Indians of the Susquehanna, so called by 
the Virginia Indians, according to Capt. Smith. 

Hanna or Hannah. Stream of water. From this come Toby- 
hanna, Lee-chaw-hanna, Lackwannock, Susquehanna, Tunkhan- 
nock, Rappahannock, etc. 

Lee-chaw or Lechaw. The foi'ks. The Lehigh River is still pro- 
nounced Lechaw by the Germans. — Chapman. 

Lechaw-hanna. Meeting of two streams. Hence Lackawanna. 

Tope-hanna. Alder stream. Hence Tobyhanna. 

Tonk-hanna. Two small streams falling into another opposite each 

Mono7igahela. Falling-in-bank-river. 

Chemung. Big horn; from a fossil tusk found in the river. 
Quinni-teck-ut. Connecticut. The country upon the long river. 
Ohio. Beautiful. 
Niagara. Neck of waiter. 

Nis-ki-beck-on. Nescopeck, Neschoppeck. Deep, black water. 
Mawshapi. Cord or reed stream. Hence Meshoppen. 
Naiv-paw-nolleiid. Place where the messenger was killed. Wap- 

Lackazvannock. Lackaw^anna River; also called 
LccJia-ugh-Jiiint. Lee-haw-ha?i7ia ; in 1761 Lackawna; in 1762 

Lee-ha-wan-nock ; in 1771 Lam-aw-wa-nak ; in 1772 Lack-o- 

v/ar-na; Lack-a-war-na ; in 1778 Lack-Uywan-nock, Lack-a- 

wan-nock and finally Lackawanna. 


Mak-erisk-kis-kon. Mak-erisk-i-toit. Mingo for Delaware River. 

LecJi-a-ivach-sein . Lackawaxen. 

Wash-co-king. Meshoppen; up the Susquehanna. 

MaugJi-wau-wa-ma. Wyoming in the Delaware tongue. Also 
Wanwmnnic, Wiwaurnic, Mch-were-zvami, Wioinic, Wiomack, 
Woyamick, Woyamock, Wyomick] the name of an Indian town 
below Wilkes-Barre near the island. 

Eries, Kickapoos^ Shawanese, ^'Nation dii chat',' were all one people. 

Onondaga. Place of the hill. Indian town near Syracuse, the 
^^ great head',' or council fire of the Six Nations. 

Cayuga. Long lake. The name of a tribe of the Six Nations. 

Oneida. People of the beacon stone. A tribe of the Six Nations. 

Seneca. A corrupt Indian pronunciation of the Dutch ''sinnibar," 
Vermillion, red paint. 

Mohazvk. Man eaters; raw^ flesh eaters. 

Maquos. Name by which the Dutch of New York knew the 

Mingoes. The name the Six Nations called themselves by. 
Aqu-nns-chi-o-nis. The united people. The Six Nations. 
Ak-an-ish-i-on-egy. Country of the Five Nations, or Six Nations. 
Cannassatego. A chief of the Mingoes or Six Nations. 
Gi-an-gwah-tah. Brant, a chief of the Six Nations — Mohawks. 
Sgahonto-wano. Mingo name for Wyoming. Gahonto meaning 

large plains without trees, zvano meaning river. 
Onas. Quill, or feather, or pen. The Mingo name of Wm. Penn. 
Miqiwn. Elder brother. The Delaware name of William Penn. 
Algonqidn. A race of Indians said to differ radically in their 

language from the Mingoes. The Delawares and Shawanese 

were called Algonquin. 
Wyandots. (Hurons of the French.) The Indians of Canada about 

Hochelega (Montreal) previous to and at the arrival of the 

French in Canada. They were utterly defeated by the Mingoes 

and driven west of Lake Superior among the Sioux. 
Tiiscaroras. A tribe that united with the Mingoes in 171 2. 
Shawa7iese. An Indian tribe and town in Plymouth. 


Nanticoke, An Indian tribe and town on the Susquehanna, eight 
miles below Wilkes-Barre or Maughwauwama, east side. 

Waiighnies. Plains or flats. 

Massachusetts. A hill in the form of an arrow head. Blue hills. 

Kitta-tinmmk. Blue mountains. 

Shamokin. Sunbury, down the Susquehanna. 

Mace-zvi-hilti-sing . Wyalusing as wTitten by Moravian missionaries. 

Tsche-chshe-qua-ii-nink. Sheshequin, so written by the Moravians. 

Aiighquago^ or Oqiiago. Windson now. Indian town on the Sus- 

Ozvego. Indian town on the Susquehanna. 

Chenango. (Binghamton.) Indian town up the river in N. Y. 

Asserrnghny. Indian town at the mouth of the Lackawanna. 

Qni-ha-loo-sing. Macli-im-hi-lii-sing. Wick-a-loii-sin. Wyalusing. 


Coshiitiink. Cochecton, on the Delaware River. 

Tyogo. Tyaogo. Gate or door in the Delaware language. (Tioga.) 
Swift current. 

Ad-jou-qua. Name of the lower portion of the Lackawanna 

Woaphollotighpink. Place where white hemp grows. 

Mancrh Oiunk. Bear Mountain. Mauch Chunk on Bear Mountain 

Oswego. Onondaga name of Lake Ontario. 

Ontario. Indian, from. Onontee; "a village on a mountain;" the 
chief seat of the Onondagas. 

Canada. A collection of huts ; a town. 

Chesapeake. Great waters. 

Mannitta. Manitoii. The Great Spirit; God. 

Shesheqiiani, or ShesJiequinmink. Sheshequin, an Indian town. 

Capoiise, or Capoose. Indian tov/n near Scranton, and Indian chief. 

Og-ha-gha-disha. A Mingo chief. 

Gach-ga-wat-a-cJu-qua. A Pickaway chief. 

Tadame. A chief of the Delawares. Lived near Easton. 

Tadenscund, or Ttdenscnng. Chief or king of the Delawares after 


Lemii Lenapes. The original people. The Delaware Indians, in- 
cluding the Turtles, the Turkeys and the Wolf or Monsey tribes. 
Other tribes on the Susquehanna and Delaware were the 
Canoys, Tuteloes, Chugnues, Unamies, Minnisinks, Mohicans, 
Nanticokes, Wappingers and Shawanese. 

Tishekitnk. A Delaware chief. 

Nutinnis. A Delaware chief before Tadame's time. 

Saggenah. The Indian name for the English. 

Chesakawon. The old home of the Nanticokes in Maryland on 
Chesapeake Bay. 

Chenenk. A place up the Susquehanna (of the Nanticokes). 

Cheimmk. A place up the Susquehanna (of the Nanticokes). 

Massawaumees. Name given to the Iroquois by the Virginia 

Queen Easter, or Esther. Indian queen living at Sheshequin (Eng- 

ShikellUnus. The Onondaga viceroy over the Susquehanna 

Powhatans. Indians of Virginia harassed by the Six Nations. 

Cataivbas. Indians of South Carolina harassed by the Six Nations. 

Cherokees. Indians of Mississippi harassed by the Six Nations. 

Chociaivs. Southern Indians constantly harassed by the Six 

Creeks. Southern Indians constantly harassed by the Six Nations. 
Paxinos. Shawanese chief or king, 1754. 
Squaw. Woman. 

Wigwam. Indian name for a dwelling, hut or tent. 
Yokeag. Mohican for parched corn pounded with maple sugar. 
Nas-uinp. Sam^; parched corn pounded. 

Sap'paen. Crushed corn boiled. Name as it sounded to the 
Dutch of New York in 1670. 

Suck-o-tash. Indian name for green corn and green beans boiled 
together, cut off the cob and eaten with the water it is boiled 
in. (A most delicious dish.) 



Wampinn. A kind of money used among the Indians. It was a 
kind of bead made of the shells of the great conch, and other 
shells, curiously wrought and polished, with a hole through. 
They were of different colors, blue, red, white, black and purple. 
Six of the white or three of the black and blue passed for a 

Cal-it-met. An Indian pipe; the pipe of peace. 

Tamaqiion. the beaver stream ; Indian name of the Little Schuyl- 

Ganshowehanna. The 7ioisy stream; applied to the Schuylkill. 

Shokamaxon. Place of eels. 

Tulpehoccon, Tidpehocken, Tiilpeiviliacki. The land of turtles. 





Jacob Andrew, or Andrus, was of German descent; owned the 
farm and clover-mill on the River Road and Nanticoke Creek, 

near the present Dundee Shaft, about 1830; married 

Bridinger. They had : — 

Catharine Andrew, m. George Deshhammer 

Peter Andrew, in. Julia Minnich. 

John Andrew, m. Eliza Garringer. 

Adam Andrew, in.^ went West. 

Jacob Andrew, ;;2., went West. 

Mary Andrew, m., went West. 


Silas Alexander ;1 born in New Jersey in 1799; came here in 
1820; kept a store and lived in Nanticoke; married Elizabeth 
Smith of New Jersey. They had : — 

Cyrus Alexander, b. 1822, m^ Laura Beam. 

James Alexander, ^. 1825, <i. 1850. 

Mary Ann Alexander, b. 1827, m. L. N. Skinner. 

Maria Louisa Alexander, b. 1829, m. Joseph Whitmore. 

John J. Alexander, b. 1831. 

Durand Charles Alexander, b. 1833, vi. Jenny Walton. 

Eugene N. Alexander, b. 1835, m. Lydia George. 

Adrian C. Alexander, b. 1837, m. Kate Edwards. 

Phoebe Ann Alexander, b. 1 839, m. [ ist,Thos^McNeisch. 

^^ ( 2d, Leisenrmg. 

Edwin W. Alexander, ^.1841, m. Agnes Thompkins. 


DuRAND Charles Alexander^ (^St/as^); born in Nanticoke 
(Hanover) in 1833; married Jenny Walton; lives in Laporte, 

Eugene Napoleon Alexander^ {Si'/as'^); born in Hanover 
1835; lives in Hanover; married Lydia George. They had: — 

Willie Silqis Alexander. 
Edith Alexander. 
Tola Bird Alexander. 

AuRL^N Carpenter- Alexander^ (Si/els'^); born in Hanover 
1837; married Kate Edwards; has always lived in Nanticoke. 
They had: — . 

Nelly Alexander. 
Stephen Alexander. 
Phoebe Alexander. 

Edwin Washington Alexander^ {Silas'^)\ born in Hanover in 
1841 ; has always lived in Nanticoke; married Agnes Tompkins. 
They had: — 

James Alexander. 
Elizabeth Alexander. 
Adrian Alexander. 


William Askam;^ born in England; came to Hanover from 
Wilkes-Barre about 1820; lived on the Middle Road below, west 
of the stone house ; married Elsie . They had : — 

Maria Askam, ni. Thomas Brown. 

Caroline Askam, b. 1805, d. 1853, ^''^- Christian Saum. 

William Askam, b. about 1807, m. Lydia Learn. 

Katie Askam, ;//. Benjamin Carey. 

John Askam, vi. Julia Lueder. 

Thomas Askam, in. 

Burton Askam, <^. about 18 18, in. 


John Bobb^ was of German descent; came here from Northamp- 
ton County, Pa., with his family about 181 5; lived on the Middle 


Road just below the creek called Nanticoke Creek; the whole 
family went West in 1S38 or 1839. ^^ had: — 

Lydia Bobb, ;//. Robert Downer. 

Elizabeth Bobb, ;;/. 

Washington Bobb, m. Elizabeth Coates. 

Miles Bobb, in. 

John Bobb, in. 

Susan Bobb, ;//. 

Mary Ann Bobb, ;;/. 

Abi Bobb, ;;/. 

They all went West to Iowa. ^ ' 


George Behee,^ of German descent, came to Newport town- 
shipfrom Northampton County first, and about 1818 came to Han- 
over; owned the mill on the cross-road from Plumbton to the Red 
Tavern; was born in 1788; died 1846. He had: — 

George Behee, m. Susan Gruver. 

Adam Behee, in. Mary Ann Patterson. 

Sally Behee, d. vi. John Barney. 

Betsey Behee, in. Sidney Ide. 

John Behee, * vi. Mrs. Fell. 

Polly Behee, ;;/. Jacob Kline. 

Ellen Behee, ;//. James Butler. 


Christian Burrier,^ of German descent, came to Hanover 
from Northampton County with his family about 1810; lived and 
died in Hanover; married Maria Nagle; lived on the Middle Road 
above Bateman Downing's. They had : — 

Thomas Burrier, b. about 1798, m. Susan Meyers. 

Sarah Burrier, ;;/. Joseph Kirkendall. 

Samuel Burrier, ni. Mary Edwards. 

Christian Burrier, m. Courtright. 

Thomas Burrier^ (CJiristian^') was born in Northampton County 
about 1798; came with his father's family; married Susan Myers; 
is still alive — very old. They had: — 


Katy Ann Burrier, in. William Rummage. 

William Burrier, went West. 

Priscilla Burrier, in. George Kennedy. 

Sarah Burner. 

Susannah Burrier, d. 1885, m. Henry Gress. 

Samuel Burrier^ {Christian'^) was born in Northampton 
County, Pa.; came to Hanover about 1 8 10 with his father's family; 
married Mary Edwards; removed to Wisconsin about 1846. 


David Blodgett;1 born, married and lived in Massachusetts; 

died about 1809. They had: — 

\ 1 1 -Di 1 ,, i 1st, Eunice Corkins, 

Asahel Blodgett, ^A a\ • j ^1 

^ [2d, Lucmda Clapp. 

David Blodgett, m. Margaret . ' 

Jerusha Blodgett, m. Samuel Ingraham. 

Sarah Blodgett, ;;/. John Evelith. 

Experience Blodgett, m. Mathews. 

AsAHEL Blodgett^ {David'^); born in Massachusetts; lived 

and died there; married ist Eunice Corkins, 2d Lucinda Clapp. 
They had: — 

1st, Israel P. Blodgett, in. Avis Dodge. 

" Alonzo C. Blodgett, in. Rosalind Hyde. 

" David Blodgett, in. Sarah Dickinson. 

*' Asahel B. Blodgett, ni. Mary Lazarus. 

2d, Eunice Blodgett, in. Charles Blair. 

'* Lucinda Blodgett, in. Ward Adams. 

" Theodore Blodgett, in. 

AsAHEL B. Blodgett^ {Asahel,'^ David^); born in Massachu- 
setts; came to Hanover about 1830-32; married Mary Lazarus; 
lives in Hanover near or at the Buttonwood bridge on the River 
Road. They had: — 

Eunice Blodgett, in. Ziba Gruver. 

George Blodgett, ^.1835, " in. Lucinda Miller. 

Asa L. Blodgett, b. 1835, ;;/. Rebecca Jenkins. 

James M. Blodgett, in. Jane Miller. 

Thomas P. Blodgett, b. 1843, ' ^^^- Maggie Y. Ligget. 


Charles B. Blodgett, tn. Elizabeth Learn, 

Alma Elizabeth Blodgett, ;;2. John Rinehimer. 

Hiram E. Blodgett, m. Jenny Bowman. 

^ Ida F. Blodgett, ?;/. Janson B. Davenport. 

Henry H. Blodgett, died in the Army, 1863. 


RuFUS Bennett^ came here from Connecticut with the family 
consisting of a mother and grandmother, but the names of the 
father and grandfather are lost. He v/as born in 1754; was a 
soldier in the Revolutionary War; was home on furlough and 
fought in the Battle of Wyornihg, and in the escape or flight two 
Indians were in close pursuit of him with tomahawk and spear. 
Richard Inman, who had fallen out on the way to the battle-field, 
saw the Indians and shot one and the other ran back; lived in 
Hanover and died in Wilkes-Barre about 1842; he married Martha 
Bennett, daughter of Ishmael Bennett — no relation to him before. 
They had: — 

Sally Bennett, in. Jared Marcy. 

William Bennett, in., went West. 

Welles Bennett, m. Jane Fell. 

Miranda Bennett, m. George Gledhill. 

c 1 , -D -4. • • f 1st, Randall Stivers, 

belesta Bennett, . ^^- ^ j -n ^ -r-- 1 

' ( 2d, reter l^isher. 

Rockwell Bennett, in. Fisher. 

Rufus H. Bennett, ni. Harriet Lueder. 

Ransom Bennett, /;/. Phoebe Smiley. 

Elmer Bennett, m. Beck. 

the ishmael BENNETT FAMILY. 

Ishmael^ and Thomas Bennett, ^ two brothers, came from 

England to America some time during the reign of Charles 11. , 

married, and one of them settled in Rhode Island. A son or 

grandson of his believed to have been named Ishmael had, among 

other children, two sons that came in their old age to Wyoming: — 

f I St, ■ . 

Ishmael Bennett, b. about 1730, m.l 2d, AbigailBeers,^. 

( of Philip Weeks. 

Thomas Bennett, ;//. Martha Jackson. 


IsHMAEL Bennett^ [Ishmael'^) was born in Rhode Island about 
1730; moved to Connecticut; came to Wilkes-Barre about 1770 
with a family by a first wife; settled in Wilkes-Barre; after the 
battle of July 3, 1778, returned with the expelled inhabitants; mar- 
ried a second time Abigail Beers, widow of Philip Weeks, who 
was killed in the massacre at the river's edge; removed to Han- 
over about 1788; lived on the Back Road about a half mile below 
the Sugar Notch Mines; removed to Ohio about 18 16; died there, 
very old. They had: — 

rist, . 

1st, Ishmael Bennett, b. 1761, d. 1859, ^^^m 2d, Elizabeth Searle 

( 3d, AmandaBelcher 
" Martha Bennett, b. 1763, in. Rufus Bennett. 

" Thomas Bennett, b. 1765, ' m. Mary Ann Espy. 

2d, Daniel Bennett, b. 1784, ;;/. Sally Adams. ^ 

'' Josiah Bennett, b. 1786, d. 1857, ;;/. Sally Taylor. 
*' Nathan Bennett, b. 1788, d. 1872, in. Ann Hoover. 
" Polly Bennett, b. 1789, d. 1831, in. Lorenzo Ruggles. 
** Sarah Bennett, b. 1791, d. 1881, ;;/. Henry Blackman. 
Thomas Bennett^ {Ishmael'^) was born in Rhode Island; came 
to the Delaware River on his way with his family to settle in 
Wyoming in 1763; the massacre of that year kept him away till 
1769, when he was one of the first forty tllat came on for settle- 
ment in Kingston in February; brought his family with him; was 
in Forty Fort when the battle took place, and when the fort sur- 
rendered the next day, July 4, 1778; fled with the rest from the 
valley down the river; returned and was taken prisoner by the 
Indians with a young son, Andrew, and Lebbeus Hammond, who 
was one of the two that had escaped from the fatal ring at Queen 
Esther's Rock on the night of the massacre; two nights after their 
capture they freed themselves from their bonds, rose upon their 
captors, slew four out of the six of them, two only escaping, and 
one of them with a tomahawk sticking in his back; got home three 
days afterwards with four scalps, five rifles, a silver mounted sword, 
and several spears, blankets and tomahawks as trophies; was an 

old man at this time; died in Kingston in . They had: — 

Solomon Bennett, ;;/. 

Martha Bennett, b. \J^l, d. 1851, ;;/. Philip Myers. 


Andrew Bennett, b. 1767, d. m. Abbie Kelly. 

Polly Bennett, . ni. Tuttle. 

Solomon Bennett^ (Thomas,'^ Ishmael'^) was born in Rhode 
Island; came to Forty Fort or Kingston with his father's family; 
was in the battle of July 3, 1778, and escaped; married, but his 
wife and family are unknown; removed to Canada. 

Andrew Bennett^ {Thomas,'^ Ishmael^) was born in New 
York; came to Kingston with his father's family in 1769; was 
taken prisoner with his father and Hammond; rose upon the 
Indians in the night, killed them, came home with their arms, etc.; 

lived in- Kingston; married Abbie Kelly; died in Kingston in . 

They had: — 

John Bennett, b. d. in. 

Andrew Bennett, b. 1809, d. 1885, m. 

"George Bennett, m. 

Elizabeth Bennett, * in. 

IsHMAEL Bennett^ {Ishmael,'^ hhvtael^) was born in Connecti- 
cut in 1760; came to Wyoming with his father's family aboiit 1770; 
settled in Wilkes-Barre; married Elizabeth Searle, daughter of 
Constant Searle, .widow of Capt. Dethick Hewitt, for second wife; 
third wife, Amanda Belcher; lived in Pittston and Lackawanna; 
died there about 1858, aged 98, They had: — 

John Bennett, ni. Araminta . 

Raymond Bennett. 

Thomas Bennett^ (Ishmael,'^ Ishinael^) was born in Connecti- 
cut in 1765; came to Wilkes-Barre with his father's family about 
1770; came to Hanover with them in 1788; married Mary Ann 
Espy; lived in Nanticoke, and died there. They had: — 

Mary Ann Bennett, m. Alden I. Bennett. 

Samuel Bennett. 

JosiAH Bennett^ {Ishmael,'^ Ishmael'^) was born in Wilkes- 
Barre in 1786; married Sally Taylor; lived in Hanover on the 
Back Road on a part of the Town Committee Lot No. 29; died 
there in 1857. They had: — . 

Angelina Bennett, m. Ashbel Ruggles. 

T 1 -r 1 -D i-i. f 1st, Hannah Miller. 

John Taylor Bennett, m. | ^^ ' ^ ^^.^^^ 



Lydia Bennett, ;//. Robert Smith. 

Eliza Bennett, ^ ;//. Solomon Newton. 

Polly Bennett, in. Abram Smith. 

Josiah Bennett, in. Charlotte Smith. 

Samuel Bennett, ni. 

Silas W. Bennett, b. 1827, m. Margaret Moister. 

Nathan Bennett^ (^Ishmael,'^ Ishinael'^) was born in Hanover 
in 1788; married Ann Hoover; lived in Wilkes-Barre; died there 
in 1872. They had: — 

George W. Bennett, b. 1^12, d. 1884, ;;/. Jane Bevans. 

Polly Bennett, m. John A. Carey. 

Sarah Bennett, m. Charles Drake. 

Daniel Bennett, m. Emily Kite. 

Stewart Bennett, b. 1830, d. 1885, in. Sally Ann Lynn. 

John Taylor Bennett^ {Josiah,^ Ishmael,'^ Ishmael^) was born 

in Hanover in ; married ist, Hannah Miller, 2d, Henrietta 

Shiner; lived in Wilkes-Barre; removed to Minnesota in 1859; 
lives in Dacotah. They had: — 

Mary Bennett, m. 

Martha Bennett, in. 

Kate Bennett, m. Lanning Rinehimer. 

Hannah Bennett, m. Robins. 

George Bennett, m. 

Emma Bennett, nt. 

Esther Bennett, m. 

Fanny Bennett, m, 

Josiah Bennett^ {Josiah,'^ Ishmael,'^ IshmaeP-^ was born in 

Hanover in ; married Charlotte Smith; lived in Wilkes-Barre; 

died there in . They had: — 

Calvin Bennett, in. 

Ella Bennett, m, 

Silas W. Bennett* {Josiah,^ Ishinael,'^ Ishinael'^) was born in 
Hanover in 1827; married Margaret Moister; lives in Wilkes- 
Barre. They had: — 

Monroe Bennett. 

Margaret Bennett. 


George W. Bennett^ {Nathan,'^ Ishmaelp' Ishniael^) was born 
in Hanover in i8i2; married JaneBevans; lived in White Haven 
and Ashley; died in Ashley in 1884. They had: — 
? ' Elizabeth Bennett, m. Dr. Samuel Trimmer. 

Charles Bennett, ni. Eddinger. 

Stewart Bennett, m. Belle Barkman. 

Mary Bennett, w. Thomas Durdan. 

Emma Bennett, in. Samuel Snyder. 

George Bennett, in. 

Frank Bennett, m. 

Daniel Bennett^ (NatJian,^ Ishinael,'^ Ishmael'^) was born in 

Hanover in ; married Emily Kyte; lived in Wilkes-Barre. 

They had : — 

Winfield S. Bennett, m. Hoffman. 

Frank Bennett, m. Kittle. 

George W. Bennett, m. 

Stewart Bennett^ {Nathan,'^ Ishmael,'^ Ishmael^) was born in 
Hanover in 1830; married Sally Ann Lynn; lived in Wilkes-Barre; 
died 1885. They had: — 

Nathan Bennett, m, Eliza Sturdevant. 

Rufus Bennett, d. 1885. 

Alexander Bennett. 

Stewart Bennett. 

Robert Bennett. 

Ella Bennett. 

the brown family. 

Alexander Brown ^ was born in Lancaster County, Pa.; 
emigrated to Kingston, Luzerne County, with his family; married 
Mai-y Tyler. They had: — 

Alexander Brown, — went away. 

John Brown, — went away. 

George Brown, — went away. 

James Brown, — went to Wayne County,. Pa. 

William Brown, m. Sarah Lewis. 

Sarah Brown, in. Gideon Underwood. 

Jane Brown, m. Jesse Lee. 



William Brown^ [Alexander'^) was born in Lancaster County; 
lived in Kingston, Pa.; married Sarah Lewis; died young, in 
Kingston. They had : — 

1st, Amanda Dilley 

William Brown, /;. 1797, d. 1880, 


2d, Julia Mosier. 

William Brown^ {William,'^ Alexander'^) was born in Kingston, 
Luzerne County, Pa., in 1797; lived in Hanover and Newport; 
married Amanda Dilley first, and second Julia Mosier.- They 
had : — 

1st, Stephen Brown, 

'' Alma Brown, 

2d, Sarah Brown, 
" Anderson Brown, 
'' Hendrick W. Brown, 
*' George A. Brown, 
^' Lewis C. Brown, 


m. Mary Wooley. 

I st, Samuel Michael 
2d, Abram Walton. 

in. Anson Dunn. 

in. Melinda Coolbaugh. 

in. Sarah McCrary. 


in. Etta Luce. 

Stephen Brown* {William^ William f Ale xander^^ was born in 
Hanover about 1827; married Mary Wooley; lives in Hanover. 
They had: — 

Emma Brown, in. George Shafer. 

Mary Brown, nt. Charles Butzbaugh. 

Amanda Brown, m. 

Annie Brown. 
Jane' Brown. 
Charles Brown. 

Anderson Brown* {William^ William,^ Alexander^) was born 
in Newport; lives in Wilkes-Barre; married Melinda Coolbaugh. 
They had: — 

Minne Brown. 
Eliza Brown. 
Bertha Brown. 
Harvey Brown. 
Frank Brown. 


Hendrick W. Brown^ ( William^ William,^ Alexander^) was born 
in Newport; lives in Hanover; married Sarah McCrary. They 
had : — 

Franklin Brown. 

Laura Brown. 

Lewis Brown. 

Susan Brown. 

Lewis C. Brown"^ ( Williamf William^ Alexander^) was born in 
Newport; lives in Wisconsin; married Etta Luce. They had: — 

George Brown. 

the burritt family. 

William Burritt^ was born in Wales; came to Connecticut in 

1630; died at Stratford in Connecticut in 165 1; married 

. They had: — 

Stephen Burritt, b. d. 1698, m. 

Stephen Burritt^ ( ^///2<^/;2^) was born in Stratford; married 
; resided in Connecticut; died there in 1698. They 


Peleg Burritt, b. 1679, d. m. 

Peleg Burritt^ (Stephen^ William}) was born in Stratford, Con- 
necticut, in 1679; married ; died there in . They 


f I st, ElizabethBlack- 

Peleg Burritt, b. 1721, d. 1789, m. i ^j, DeborahBeards- 

L ^^^• 

Capt. Peleg Burritt* {Pelegf Stephen^ William}) was born in 
Stratford, Conn., in 1721; married ist, Elizabeth Blackleach, 2d, 
Deborah Beardslee; removed to Hanover as early as about 1773 or 
1774; bought Lot No. 7, first division, of Caleb Spencer in March, 
1777; died in Hanover near the Green in 1789. They had: — 

1st, Rev. Blackleach Burritt, h. ; lived in Connecticut. 
" Mabel Burritt, b. ; lived in Connecticut. 

2d, Gideon Burritt, h. ; died in Hanover, never married. 

^ist, Cyprian Hib- 

'• Sarah Burritt,^. 1750, d. 1833, m.{ ^^^ ^^^^^^.^ ^^^_ 




2d. Stephen Burritt, h. in. Mary Keeler. 

- Marv Burritt b m I ^^^' ^^^^^ Hubbell. 

Mary liurritt, 0. m. | ^^^ ^^^^ Woodruff. 

Stephen Burritt^ {Capt. Pcleg^ Pelegf Stephe?i^ William^) was 
born in Connecticut about 1750; came to Hanover about 1773 or 
1774; owned the lot No. 8, second division, surrounding the 
''Green" and church-yard; married Mary Keeler; died in Han- 
over in . They had : — 

Joel Burritt, h. d. m. Ruth Dilley. 

Stephen Burritt, 6. d. about 1850, never married. 

Polly Burritt, b. ^ in. Jonathan Dilley. 

Joel Burritt^ (^Peleg^ Pelegf Stephen^ Williavi') was born in 
Connecticut; came to Hanover about 1773 or 1774; married 
Ruth Dilley ; removed to other parts. They had : — 

Joel Burritt, m, 

Melissa Burritt, in. Fleet. 

David Burritt, m. 


John (?) Blackman^ was born in England about 1600; had an 
elder brother, to whom the family property descended; emigrated 
to Massachusetts or Connecticut about 1635; married, lived and 
died there. They had : — 

John (?) Blackman, pt. 

And other children. 

John (?) Blackman^ ( Blackniaii)') was born in Connecticut 

about 1635 ; married, lived and died there, so far as known. They 


Elisha Blackman, b. about 1687, d. \ 
about 1768, j 

And other children. 

Elisha '^i^kzym.K'^' {Blackman^ Blackman} the Englishman) 
was born in Connecticut about 1687; married, lived and died about 
1768 or 1769 in Lebanon, subsequent to the year 1767. They 

Elisha Blackman, b. 171 7, d. 1804, ;;/.Lucy Polly (tc. Smith). 

And other children. 


Elisha Blackman'^ (Elishaf Blackman^ Blacknian} the English- 
man) was born in Lebanon, Connecticut, in 1717; married Lucy 
Polly (the widow Smith); immigrated with his family to Wilkes- 
Barre early in the spring of 1772 at the age of 55; w^as in the 
battle at Nanticoke and defeat of Plunkett in 1775; was in the 
skirmish with the Indians at Exeter on July ist, ^778; returned to 
Lebanon, Connecticut, after the battle and massacre of July 3, 
1778; returned to Wilkes-Barre in 1790; owned a farm extending 
both sides of Main street one lot west of Academy street, Wilkes- 
Barre; died there in 1804. They had: — > 

Elisha Blackman, b. 1760, d. 1845, ^^^- Anna Hurlbut. 

Ichabod Blackman, b. 1762, d. 1804, in. Elizabeth Franklin. 

Eleazer Blackman, b. 1765, d. 1844, m. Clara Hyde. 

Lucy Blackman, in. John Titus (in Conn). 

T • 7T1 1 f Darius Spafford 

Lovma Blackman, in.{ /, -n i t 1 o\ 

\ (killed July 3, 1778). 

Elisha Blackman^ (Elisha^ Elisha f Blackman^ Blackman^) was 
born in Lebanon, Connecticut, in 1760; immigrated with his father 
to Wilkes-Barre in 1772; was in the skirmish at Exeter with his 
father and brother Ichabod two days before the massacre; was in 
the battle and massacre of July 3d, 1778, and escaped; fled with 
his father to the Delaware; came back with Capt. Spalding's com- 
pany in August; helped to bury the dead at Wyoming; helped to 
harvest such crops as could be saved, and in the fall enlisted in the 
army, being then 18 years old, and served till the end of the war; 
returned to Wilkes-Barre and lived on his father's farm ; married 
Anna Hurlbut and settled in Hanover in 1 791; lived near the 
Back Road, now Plumbton; died there in 1845, nearly 86 years 
old; buried with military honors on the ''Green." They had: — 

Henry Blackman, b. 1788, d. 1843, ^^- Sarah Bennett. 

Ebenezer Blackman, ^ I79i,<a^. 7?/. SusanM.Stockbridge 

Hurlbut Blackman, b. 1794, d. in. Sarah RoUin. 

Elizabeth Blackman, b. 1799, d. in. Henry Boos. 

Elisha Blackman, b. \d>oi, d. 1872, /;/. Amy RoUin. 

Julia Ann Blackman, b. 1806, ;//. Charles Plumb. --^ 

Ichabod Blackman'^ {Elisha,^ Elisha^ Blackman^ English 

Blackmail^) was born in Connecticut in 1762; came to Wilkes- 


Barre with his father's family in 1772; was in the skirmish at 
Exeter July i, 1778, together with his father and brother Elisha; 
fled with his mother, sisters and brother Eleazer on July 4, 1778, 
through the woods to Stroudsburg and Connecticut; returned to 
Wilkes-Barre about 1784; in 1786 married Elizabeth Franklin, 
daughter of Arnold Franklin, who was in the Wyoming Massacre, 
but escaped; removed to Bradford County, Pa., in 1786; died 
there. They had: — 

Franklin Blackman, b. 1787, d. 1879, ;;/. Sibyl Beardsley. 

Elisha Blackman, ^. 1701, <^. 1881, \ in. , ' r--i ^ o ^^ 1 ' 

'^ \ 2d, hilena Searle. 

Rev. Davids. Blackman, b. 1792, d. in. Lydia Horton. 

Eleazer Blackman^ {Elisha,^ Elisha^ Blackman,^ 

Blackmail^) was born in Connecticut in 1765; came to Wilkes- 
Barre with his parents in 1772; drove a team of oxen hauling logs 
to build the fort in Wilkes-Barre in 1778, when 13 years old; fled 
through the woods with his mother and sisters and brother 
Ichabod, the day after the Wyoming Massacre, to Stroudsburg and 
Connecticut; returned to Wilkes-Barre about 1784; married Clara 
Hyde; lived on his farm in Wilkes-Barre, afterwards called Black- 
man's Mines, now the Franklin Mines; died there in 1844. They 
had : — 

Lucy Blackman, b. 1790, d. m. Shepard Stearns. 

Minerva Blackman, b. 1791, d. in. Calvin Edwards. 

Melinda Blackman, b. 1793, d. in. Daniel Collings. 

Amanda Blackman, b. 1795, d. in. Thomas Gary. 

Julia Blackman, b. 1808, in. Edward Jones. 

Lovina Blackman, ^.1811, ' ;//. Richard Jones. 

Henry Blackman^ {Elisha,^ Elisha,^ Elisha,^ Blackman,^ 

Blackman^) was born in Wilkes-Barre in 1788; came with his 

parents to Hanover in 1791; married Sarah Bennett; lived on the 
Back Road in Hanover; died there in 1843. They had: — 

Lucinda Blackman, b. 18 14, ;;/. Avery Marcy. 

Abigail J. Blackman, b. 18 16, ;//. William Potter. 

Melinda Blackman, b. 1820, ;//. John White. 

Elisha B. Blackman, b. 1822, d. in. Adaline Bidleman. 

Araminta Blackman, b. 1824, ///. John Dwight Safford. 


Elizabeth A. Blackman, b. 1828, ;//. Daniel Kidney. 

Martha L. Blackman, b. 1833, d. in. Brittain Williams. 

Susan M. Blackman, b. 1839, m. 

Ebenezer Blackman^ {Elisha^ Elisha^ Eliskaf Blackman^ 

BlackTna?i^) was born in Hanover in 1791 ; emigrated to Ohio 

about 181 5 or 1 8 16; married Susan M. Stockbridge; lived in Troy, 
Ohio, and died there. They had: — ^ 

Joseph E. Blackman. 

Sarah Blackman, m. Henry Eddy. 

HuRLBUT Blackman® {ElisJia^ Elisha^ ElisJiaf Blackvian^ 

— — Blackmarf) was born in Hanover in 1794; emigrated to Ohio 
about 181 5 or 18 16; married Sarah RoUin; lived in Troy, Miami 
County, Ohio; died there. They had: — 

Jane Anna Blackman, 6. d. 1883, 

Mary Blackman, h. 

William I. R. Blackman, ^. about 1825, \ 

d. 1883, yn. 

Elisha Blackman'^ (Elisha^ Elisha,^ Elishaf Blackman^ 

Blackman^') was born in Hanover in 1801 ; went to Indiana in 

1822; Married Amy Rollin; lived in Ligonier, Noble County, Ind.; 
died there in 1872. They had: — 

Julia Anna Blackman, b. 1834, ' in. Jacob Spangle. 

William H. Blackman, ^. 18 S7,<3f. 1862 1 ^^ ^./r i- -d 

. ^1 ^' > in. Mary Melissa Brown, 

m the army, J ^ 

Elisha Blackman, b. 1838, in. Mary Ann Spangle. 

Sylvester Blackman, b. 1842, d. 1863 in the army. 

Milton Hurlbut Blackman, b. 1854. 

Elisha Blackman® [Ichabod^ Elisha^^ Elisha^ Blackman^ 

Blackman^) was born in Horn Brook, Bradford County, Pa., in 

1 791; married ist, Polly Searle, 2d, Filena Searle, 3d, Sarah 
Atherton; lived in Pittston; died there in 1881. They had: — 

1st, Fanny Blackman, in. Dr. Avery Knapp.-^-^ 

" Miner S. Blackman, in. Elizabeth Drake. 

" Harvey Blackman, m., went West. 

2d, Cornelius Blackman, in. Mary Shannon. 

" Mary Blackman, in. Emory. 

" Elizabeth Blackman, ;//. Healy. 



Col. Franklin Blackman*^ i^Ichabod'^ Elisha^ Elishaf Black- 
man^ Blackman}) was born in Sheshequin, Bradford County, 

Pa., in 1787; married Sibyl Beardsley; lived in Sheshequin; died 
there in 1879. They had: — 

George W. Blackman, m. 

Joseph Franklin Blackman, 7n. Lucy Ann Horton. 

Betsey Blackman, m. Ferguson. 

Melinda Blackman, m. Wm. Bullard Horton. 

Hiram L. Blackman, b. 18 19, m. 

Mary Blackman, ni. William Shaw. 

Rev. David Blackman*^ {Ichabod,^ Elisha^ ElisJiaf Black- 
man^ Blackmail") was born in Sheshequin, Bradford Count>% 

Pa., in 1792; married Lydia Horton; was a Methodist clergyman 
and resided in many different places and died in Sheshequin. 
They had: — 

Milton Blackman, m. 

Sterling Blackman, m,. 

Elisha Billings. Blackman, m. 

Franklin Blackman, b. 1832, in. Ethleen Gillette. 

Charles Ichabod Blackman, m. 

Eliza B. Blackman, in. 

David S. Blackman. 

Elisha B. Blackman^ {Henry f Elisha^ Elis J la^ ElisJiaf Black- 
man^ Blackman^) was born in Hanover in 1822; married 

Adelina Bidleman; went West; lived in Missouri; died there. 
They had: — 

Sarah Ellen Blackman, b. 1848, m. 

William H. Blackman, <5. 1851, 111. 

Florence B. Blackman, ^.1855, m. 

Nelson D. Blackman, b. 1857, ^^^• 

THE CRISMAN family. 

Frederick Crisman^ (German descent) came to Hanover as early 
as 1788; built and kept the Red Tavern ; died in 1 8 1 5 . They had : — 
Abram Crisman, ni. 

Beshero Crisman. 
Rachel Crisman, 


Betsey Crisman, m. Lazarus Stewart. 

Charles Crisman. 

Priscilla Crisman, ;;^. LewisMulisonHorton 

Harriet Crisman. 

Jesse Crisman, d. 1834, "tn. Polly Hartzell. 

Abram Crisman^ (Frederick^^ kept the Red Tavern; married 
. They had : — 

• John Crisman, in. Warner. 

Susan Crisman, b. 1807, d. 1847, in. George P. Steele. 

Katie Crisman, m. John Long. 

Euphemia Crisman, in. George Kocher. 

Jesse Crisman^ [Frederick^) was born in Hanover; married Polly 
Hartzell; removed to Kingston; lived in the house at the west end 
of the Wilkes-Barre bridge; in 1834 he put his family, live stock 
and furniture on a sort of an ark in the river there, floated down to 
the feeder lock at Nanticoke, entered the canal, went down to the 
Juniata, up that canal to Hollidaysburg, across the Allegheny 
Mountain on a railroad, without unloading his boat, took the 
canal on the other side to Pittsburg, intending to have entered the 
Ohio River there and floated down to Illinois, his destination. He 
never reached his destination, but was robbed and murdered at 

Names of his family not known. 


Eleazer Carey,^ the first of the family known here, came to 

Wyoming as early as 1769; his family of five sons came with him 

from Connecticut to New York, and in 1772 came to Wyoming 

Valley. They had: — 

J -i n ( was in the Revo- 

John Carey, m., < .. . 

-^ -^ ' \ tionary Army. 

AT 4.1 n / u i. --0 f was in the battle 

JNathan Carey, a. about I7s8, ;;/.,< , , 

-' ' -^ \ and escaped. 

Samuel Carey, b. about 1760, ;;/. Theressa Gore. 

Benjamin Carey, b. 1763, <3f. 1830, m. Mercy Abbot. 

Comfort Carey, m. Hulda Weeks. 

John CaI^ey^ {Eleazer^^ came to Wilkes-Barre with his father's 
family in 1772; served in the Revolutionary Army; lived after- 


wards at Careytown, named after him, the lower part of Wilkes- 
Barre on the River Road. They had : — 

Hannah Carey, in. Nathan Bardey. 

Amanda Carey, in. Henry Tillberry. 

Polly Carey, vi. Gore. 

Benjamin Carey^ [Eleazer^) was born in 1763; came to the 
valley with his father's family in 1772; was too young to be in the 
Wyoming Battle in 1778; settled in Hanover as early as 1795; 
married Mercy Abbot; lived in Hanover on the Middle Road; 
died in Hanover in 1830. They had: — 

Nathan Carey, m. Sally Ann Allen. 

Nancy Carey, in. Elijah Adams. 

Rachel Carey, m. Sira Landing. 

Elias Carey, in. Lettitia Smiley. 

Sarah Carey, in. Bateman Downing. 

Esther Carey, in. Darius Waters. 

Martha Carey, in. Peter Mensch. 

Benjamin Carey, m, Jane Smiley. 

Selesta Carey, -, m. Harvey Holcomb. 

John A. Carey, m. Polly Bennett. 

Comfort Carey^ {Eleazer^) came here with his father's family 
in 1772, too young for the battle of Wyoming; settled in Hano- 
ver on the Back Road near Ashley. Married Hulda Weeks. 
They had : — 

John Carey, m. Hannah Dickson. 

Benjamin Carey, , m. Katy Askam. 

Daniel Carey, • in. Lovina Dilley. 

Lucy Carey, in. Erastus Coswell. 

Lydia Carey, ' m. Jacob Worthing. 

Nathan Carey^ {Benjamin,^ Eleaser^) born in Hanover; mar- 
ried Sally Ann Allen; went to Wisconsin in 1844. They had: — 
Elias Carey, ///.-Sally Ann Patterson. 

^ , „ f John Sliker, killed 

Selesta Carey, ^ ///. ^ ' -^ Mexican War. 

David Carey, ///. In the West. 

Waters Carey, ///. 

Nathan Carey, ///. " " * " 

Byron Carey, ni. 



Eli AS Carey^ {Bejijamin^ Eleazer^) born in Hanover about 
1795; lived in Wright township at the time of his death; married 
Lettitia Smiley. They had: — 

Mercy Ann Carey, 
George Carey, 
Mary Carey, 
Eleazer Carey, 
Archibald Carey, 
Jane Carey, 
Benjamin Carey, 
Thomas Carey, 
Emma Carey, 

in. Samuel Coughlin. 
in. Mary Ovens. 
in. Edward Ovens. 
in. Harriet Shafer. 
in. Elizabeth Shafer. 
in. Morris Bush. 
in. Eliza Deterick. 

;;/. Cronk. 

in. Thomas Morrison. 

Benjamin Carey^ [Benjamin^ Eleazer^) was born in Hanover; 
married Jane Smiley, and removed to the West in 1845, (W^iscon- 
sin.) They had : — 

Mary Ann Carey, ;;/. in the West. 

Charles Carey, in. *' '' " 

Harriet Carey, in. '' " '' 

Sarah Jane Carey, m. "■ " " 

John A. Carey^ (Benjamin'^ Eleazer^^ born in Hanover; lives 
on the Ashley cross-road in Ashley, now called Cemetery street; 
married Polly Bennett. They had: — 

Hiram Carey, ;;/. Susan Sigler. 

Susan Carey, in. Henry Stein. 
Sarah Carey, ' in. Christian Liezer. 

Jane Carey, in. Charles Lehr. 

Stewart Carey, in. Mary McCue. 

John Carey, , in. Mary Smith. 

Nathan Carey, in. 

John Carey"^ [Comfort,^ Eleazer^) born in Hanover; married 
Hannah Dickson; lived in the stoop-house, still standing near the 
Lehigh Valley railroad in the fields near Ashley They went West 
about 1843. They had: — ^ 

Daniel Carey, ;;/.Elaviah(Clara) Smiley 

Lucy Carey, . in. George Barns. 

Ambrose Carey, in. in the West. 



Reuben Downing^ was born in Connecticut; came to Wyo- 
ming in 1 770; settled in Wilkes-Barre; married Hannah Arnold; 
lived in Wilkes-Barre; died there. They had: — 

Bateman Downing, b. 1795, d. 1879, m. -| ^^5?^ ^^^^>'' ^^^ 

^' '^^' '^' \ Hanover. 

Martin Downing^, b. about 1707, d. in. \ -n, . ^ •^' ^^ 

^' ^-^^' \ Flams.) 

Elias Downing, b. about 1799, d. • in. Jane Dana. 

Sarepta Downing, b. d. in. Jonas Hartzell. 

Ann Downing, b. d. ni. George Carey. 

Bateman Downing^ [Reidien^) was born in Wilkes-Barre in 
1795 ; married Sarah Carey, daughter of Benjamin Carey; removed 
to Hanover; resided on the Middle Road; removed to Wisconsin 
in 1865; died there in 1879. They had: — 

Burton Downing, ^. 181 5, (3^. 184 1, in. Hannah Kreidler. 

Lydia Ann Downing, b. 18 17, in. William Nagle. 

Reuben Downing, b. 1822, in. Nancy Miller. 

Sarah Downing, b. 1824, d. 1847, ^^^- Levi Petty. 

Benjamin F. Downing,^. iSiy^d. 1872, in. Caroline Holcomb. 

Burton Downing-^ {Bateman^ Reuben^) was born in Hanover in 
1 81 5; married Hannah Kreidler, daughter of George Kreidler; 
lived in Hanover; died there in 184 1. They had: — 

John C. Downing, b. 1841, m. Olive A. Torbert. 

Reuben Downing^ {Bateman^ Reuben^') was born in Hanover in 
1822; married Nancy Miller, daughter of Barnet Miller, of Han(^- 
ver; removed to Wilkes-Barre in i872;^lives there. They had: — 

Burton Downing, b. 1845, ^'^^• 

Charles D. Downing, b. 1857, d. 1875, 
Martha L. Downing, b. 1862. 

Benjamin F. Downing^ {Bateman^ Reuben^') was born in Hano- 
ver in 1829; married Caroline Holcomb, daughter of Harvey Hol- 
comb; removed to Wisconsin; died there in 1872. They had: — 

Emeline A. Downing, b. 1851, ;;/. Henry M. Fitch. 

Willie S. Downing, b. 1852, m. Clark T. Sherman. 


Anna L. Downing, b. 1853, in, Charles C. Hathorn. 

Charles B. Downing, b. 1857, ;//. Etta Reeves. 

Ida H. Downing, b. 1862. 
Marvin B. F. Downing, b. 1868. 


Deterick^ was of German descent; lived in Northampton 

County; married ; died there. They had: — 

Frederick Deterick, ;//. Catharine Lazarus. 

Jacob Deterick, in. Hannah Hannis. 

George Deterick, m. 

Frederick Deterick^ ( Deterick^) was born in Northamp- 
ton County, Pa.; came to Hanover about 181 8; married Catharine 
^ Lazarus; lived at Ashley; died in Hanover in . They had: — 

Mary Deterick, m. Henry Stoddart. 

Pamelia Deterick, in. Church. 

Lovina Deterick, m. Fred. Albert 

Sarah Deterick, in. John Stoddart. 
Catharine Deterick, 

Miller H. Deterick, b. about 1829, in. Elizabeth Miller. 

Jacob Deterick^ ( Deterick^) was born in Northampton 

County, Pa.; came to Hanover about 1818; lived on the Back Road 
near Scrabbletown, now Ashley; married Hannah Hannis; went 
West in 1855. They had: — 

James Deterick, in: Adaline Sleppy. 

Horton Deterick, ;;/. 

Eliza Deterick, in. Benjamin Carey. 

Ann Deterick, m. Jack Day. 

George Deterick^ ( Deterick^) born in Northampton 

County; came to Hanover about 18 18; lived on the Back Road 
close to the Wilkes-Barre line; married . They had: — 

William Deterick, in. Sarah Albert. 

Theron Deterick, m. 

Caroline Deterick, m. 

Mary Ann Deterick, m. 



Richard Dilley^ was born in New Jersey; came to Hanover 
with his family after the Revolutionary War, but as early as 1784 
settled on the River Road at Buttonwood; died in Hanover in 

1799; married . They had ten children, all born in New 


Richard Dilley, d. 1840, m. Polly Voke. 

Susannah Dilley, 

Adam Dilley, 

Jerusha Dilley, m. Edward Inman. 

Prudence Dilley, in. Edward Edgerton. 

Jonathan Dilley, ^ ui. Polly Burritt. 

Mary Dilley, • ;;/. David Richards. 

John F. Dilley, Went South. 

■ Ruth Dilley, vi. Joel Burritt. 

Nancy Dilley, • vi. Nathan Wade. 

Richard Dilley,^ {Richard'^) was born in New Jersey; came 

to Hanover with his father's family in 1784; lived at Buttonwood; 
married Polly Voke. They had : — 

James Dilley, b. 1792, d. 1862,. ;//. Margaret Campbell. 

Jesse Dilley, b. 1794, d. 1852, in. Hannah K. Lueder. 

Dayton Dilley, d. about 1855, in. Lorinda Marcy. 

Susan Dilley, b. 1788, d. 1879, 

Sally Dilley, m. John Dolph. 

Amor Dilley, ;;/. Quithel. 

Jerusha Dilley. 

Jonathan Dilley^ {Richard^) was born in New Jersey; came 
to Hanover with his father's family in 1784; married Polly Bur- 
ritt; lived near Behee's mill pond; died there. They had: — 

Amanda Dilley, ;;/. William Brown. 

John Dilley, m. Barker. 

Abigail Dilley, m. Joshua Williams. 

George Dilley, m. Phipps. 

Lovina Dilley, in. Daniel Carey. 

Mary Ann Dilley, in. Tracy. 

Matthias Dilley, in. Went to Minnesota. 

Rev. Alexander B. Dilley, 6. about 181 8, in, Man. 


James Dilley^ (Richard^ Richard^) was born in . Hanover in 
1792; lived on Dilley's Hill on the River Road; married Margaret 
Campbell ; died in Hanover in 1 862. They had : — 

William Dilley, m. Catharine Butler. 

Richard Dilley, m., in New York. 

Stewart Dilley, m. Wertz. 

James Dilley, m. Jane Cox. 

Charles Dilley, m. 

,, 1 T^.i, • [Mary Catharine 

Alvah Dilley, , ^-^-^ -d- u- 

•^ ' ( Kmehimer. 

Harriet Dilley, ' in. Charles Buel. 

Mary Dilley, m. Brown. 

Margaret Dilley, ;//. Howard. 

Ann Dilley, m. William McCullough 

Jesse Dilley^ {Richard^ Richard^^ was born in Hanover in 
1794; married Hannah K. Lueder; lived in Wilkes-Barre;^ died in 
1852. They had: — 

Sylvester Dilley, m. Mary Ann Barkman. 

Anning Dilley, m. Eliza Houpt. 
Lyman Dilley, died in Mexican War in 1847. 

Charlotte Dilley, m. Charles E. Lathrop. 

Urbane Dilley, ni. Lydia Ann Webber. 

Butler Dilley, m. Pettebone. 

Friedland Dilley, * in. 

Monroe Dilley, m. Joanna Marks. 

Mary Dilley, in. Edwin H. Jones. 

Dayton Dilley^ {Richard^ Richard^) was born in Hanover; 
lived and died on the River Road near the old homestead; married 
Lorinda Marcy. They had: — 

Richard Dilley, m. Polly Barnes. 

Ira Dilley, b. 1830, m. Ferguson. 

Loretta Dilley, m. 

Sarah Dilley, m. Humple. 

Mary Ellen Dilley, m. Egberson. 

Jared Dilley, died in the Army in 1863. 




JosiAH Espy/ the first whose name is known, lived in^ Scotland 
or Ireland. They had, among others unknown: — 
. George Espy, m. 

George Espy^ [Josiah^) resided in Scotland or Ireland, but 
which country is unknown, the family being originally Scotch. 
They had, among others unknown: — 

Josiah Espy, in. 

JosiAH Espy"^ (George^ JosiaJi^) immigrated to Lancaster County 

(now Dauphin), married, lived and died there.^ They had: — 

George Espy, b. 1749, d. 1814, vi. Mary Stewart. 

Martha Espy, 7//. LazarusStewart(fr<^//. 

r 1st, James Stewart. 
Priscilla Espy, mA 2d, Andrew Lee 

George Espy"^ {Josiahf George^ JosiaJiF) was born in Lancaster 
County in 1749; came to Hanover previous to 1778; lived on the 
Middle Road back of Nanticoke; married Mary Stewart, sister of 
Lieut. Lazarus Stewart, Jr.; died in 18 14. They had: 

Ann Espy, b. 1777, . m. Tilley. 

John Espy, b. 1779, ni. Lavina Inman. 

Mary Ann Espy, b. 1781, in. Thomas Bennett. 

George Espy, b. 1784 ; went away. 

John Espy^ (George^ JosiaJif George^ JosiaJi}) was born in Han- 
over in 1779; lived at the old homestead back of Nanticoke; 
died there in 1843; married Lavina Inman. They had: — 

T T- / o ^ o„ f MaryMillerfdaue^h- 

James Espy, ^. 1 8 1 1 . «?. 1 872, m. | ^ J ^^ ^^^^^^^ 

Fanny Espy, b. 1813, <^. in. Abram Line. 

T . T^ , o *{ Peter D.Miller (son 

Lavma Espy, b. 1820, m. ^ ^^ Barnet). 

Mary Espy, b. 1822, ;//. John R. Line. 

^ . .„ -r. , o f Levi M. Miller (son 

Priscilla Espy, b. 1827, ///. | ^^ Barnet). 

John Espy, b. 1830, d. i860, ;//. Mary Taylor. 

James Espy'' [John^ George^ Josiahf Geoigef Josiah^) was born 
in Hanover in 181 1; lived in Hanover; married Mary Miller, 


daughter of Barnet Miller; died in Bradford County in 1872. 
They had: — 

John Espy, b. 1842, m. Martha M. Wood. 

Theodore F. Espy, h. 1844, in. Catharine Scofield. 

Barnet M. Espy, h. 1846, m, Carrie Wood. 

Frank Espy, h. 1848, in. Efifie . 

Edward I. Espy, h. 1850, in. Fanny . 

Minnie M. Espy, h. 1858, m. 


Edward Edgerton^ was born in Ireland in 1750; immigrated 
to America in 1768; was wounded in the Revolutionary War, 
having a bayonet run through his body at the battle of Paoli; mar- 
ried Prudence Dilley, of Sussex County, N. J.; removed first to 
Careytown, Wilkes-Barre, then to Hanover about 1787, where he 
owned a farm at Hoover Hill school-house on the Middle Road; 
died there in 1818. They had: — 

James Edgerton, went away at 18. 

Mary Edgerton. 

Jesse Edgerton, d. about 1830, in. Jane Whipple. 

Ruth Edgerton, in. Anthony Wilkinson. 

Richard Edgerton, in. Miller. 

Elijah Edgerton, in. Rebecca Nagle. 

Jesse Edgerton^ [Edzvard^) was born in Hanover in ; 

lived on the cross-road leading from the Hanover ** Green," now 
cemetery, to Bateman Downing's; married Jane Whipple. They 

Susan Edgerton, ///.BenjaminVandermark 

Ruth Ann Edgerton, in. Catlin Ruggles. 

Jesse Edgerton, b. about 1830, m. 

Richard Edgerton^ [Edward^) was born in Hanover in ; 

lived on the homestead back of Hoover Hill school-house; re- 
moved to Michigan in 1864; married Miller; lives in 

Michigan. They had : — • 

Addison J. Edgerton, h. about 1843. 


Prudence Edgerton, • m. Webster Harnet. 

Ruth Ann Edgerton, " ' ni, 

Edward Edgerton. 

Annis Edgerton. 

Elijah Edgerton. 

Amos Edgerton. 


John Franklin/ the first of the family known, lived in Canaan, 

Connecticut; married , and died there. They had:-— 

John Franklin, b. d. 1778, V/. Elizabeth . 

Rosewell Franklin, b. d. """ ^ ' 

2d, Mrs. Lciiter. 
Jonathan Franklin, b. d. 1778 (killed in the Battle). 

John Franklin^ {Johi^) was born in Connecticut; married 

Elizabeth ; was among the first two hundred settlers that 

came into the valley in 1769; was one of the original Associates 
in the Proprietorship of Hanover; was slain in the battle and mas- 
sacre of July 3, 1778; his lots in the allotment of Hanover were 
.No. 15, first division, and No. 27, second division. They had: — 

Flulda Franklin, in. Hugh Rippets. 

Phoebe Franklin, m. Rufus Foster. 

Betsey Franklin, in. George Frazee. 

Martha Franklin, m. 

John Franklin, in. 

Rosewell Franklin^ {Jolui^) was born in Connecticut; came to 

Hanover about 1770; married ist, — - — , 2d, Mrs. Betsey 

Lester, widow of Edward Lester; was Lieutenant in the Hanover 
company in the battle July 3, 1778, and escaped; lived on lot No. 
17, near. Hanover basin; Lieut. Franklin had command of the 
block-house there in 1778; defended it frequently frorn Indian 
attacks, but had his family all carried away captive or slain; four 
were afterward recovered; his first wife and two children were 
slain; removed to New York State about 1790, to twelfth town- 
ship, Montgomery County; died in Herkimer County, N. Y., about 
1792, at a place afterwards called Aurora, in Cayuga County. 
They had: — 


Arnold Franklin, h. about 1763, I ^^^^Sept^T^S^^ ^^^ 

T IT- 11- L \^ 2. zr- f murdered bv Indians 

Joseph Franklin, 6. about 1765, j .. ^ g^ 

Rosewell Franklin, Jr., b. about 1767, \ ^'^P ^^^ 7^178^1 ^^^^ 

/^i- T- 1 T 7 T_ ^ ^zc f captured by Indians 

Ohve Franklin, b. about 1769, <^ ^ . ^.^ 7 1782. 

o T- 1 T /. 1- 1. w f captured by Indians 

Susanna rranklin, b. about 1771, < ^ a -i „ ^o 

' ' ^ ' [ April 7, 1782. 

o^ 1 T- IT 7- i_ i. ^ o (captured by Indians 

Stephen Franklin, b. about 1778, { _ ^ . ^.^ ^^y^^. 

TiujT- IT /. u ^ ^o f captured by Indians 

Ichabod l^ranklin, 0. about 1780, < ^ a -i ^ ^o 

' ' ' , ( April 7, 1782. 

His wife carried away with these last, and herself and the 

youngest child killed in the attempt to recapture them. The 

others were saved. 

Jonathan Franklin^ i^Johff) was born in Connecticut; came to 
Wyoming Valley and to Hanover about 1770 with his brothers; 
was married and had a family with him; was in the battle of July 
3, 1778, together with his son Arnold; was slain; his son escaped. 
They had: — 

Arnold Franklin, m. Abigail Foster. 


Frederick^ came from Holland to Northampton County; 

married a German woman from Strasburg; they lived and died in 
Northampton County. They had : — 

John Frederick, in. Christiann Fogle, 

John Frederick^ {Frederick^) was born in Northampton Coun- 
ty; came to Hanover with his family in 1821; married Christiann 
Fogle; lived on the Back Road near Solomon's Creek; died in 
Wilkes-Barre about 1852. They had: — 

Isaac Frederick, b. 1805, in. Jane Hannis. 

Daniel Frederick, b. 1807, in. Christiann Steele. 

Joseph Frederick, b. 18 10, m. Lovina Saum. 

Charles Frederick, b. 181 3, in. Susan M. Kreidler. 

T17-1T -c- J • 1 A o - f Lived, married, died 

William Frederick, 6. i8k, m.< • -r^ i^- 

' •^' I 1^ Baltimore. 


Isaac Frederick^ {John^ Frederick) born in Northamp- 
ton County in 1805; came to Hanover in 1821 with his father's 
family; married Jane Hannis; removed to Illinois in 1855. They 

George Frederick, m. Lives in Illinois. 

Miller Frederick, m. " '' 

Emma Frederick, in. " " " 

Ellen Frederick, 6. about 185 1, m. " " " 

Daniel Frederick^ {^o/m,^ Frederick^~) born in Northampton 
County in 1807; came to Hanover with his father in 1821; lives in 
Hanover at Newtown, near Ashley; married Christiann Steele. 
They had: — 

Mary Frederick, h. 1832, in. Alonzo Quick. 

Charles Frederick, h. 1835, in. Elizabeth Dilley. 

Howard Frederick, h. 1839, in. Esther Jones. 

Merrit H. Frederick, h. 1841, m. Margaret Berry. 

Annette Frederick, h. 1844, m. Stewart Mcintosh. 

Catharine Frederick, h. 1846, ' m. Peter Farley. 

Ruth Frederick, h, 1849. 

Joseph Frederick^ {yohn^ Frederick^) was born in Northamp- 
ton County in 18 10; came to Hanover with his father's family in 
1 821; married Lovina Saum; resides in Wilkes-Barre near the 
Hanover line on the Hazleton road. They had: — 

Sarah Frederick, 6. 1835, in. Barnet Gress. 

■ Harriet Frederick, b. 1837, m. William R. Barnes. 

John S. Frederick, b. 1840, m. Priscilla Hass. 

William H. Frederick, b. 1843, in. Anna Miller. 

Frances E. Frederick, 6. 1850, d. 1875, in. William Peltz. 

Thomas I. Frederick, b. 1854, m. Sarah Merical. 

Charles Frederick^ (John^ Frederick^) was born in North- 
ampton County, Pa., in 181 3; came to Hanover with his father's 
family in 1 821; married Susan M. Kreidler; resides in a house of 
theirs standing on the site of the old Daniel Kreidler dwelling by 
the side of the Lehigh & Susquehanna railroad, at the foot of the 
lower plane at Ashley. They had : — 

Stella S. Frederick, b. 1854, in. Benjamin Tucker. 



RuLUFF Fisher^ born in Holland in 1724; came to this country 

before the Revolution; married Mary , settled on the Middle 

Road in Hanover; died 1809, aged 85 ; his wife, born 1725, died 
1830, aged 105; both buried in Hanover cemetery. They had: — 

Jacob Fisher, h. lyyi, d. 1852, m. Hannah Adams. 

Jacob Fisher^ {Ruhiff^) born in America in 1771 ; lived on the 
Middle Road in Hanover, near Downing's; married Hannah 
Adams; died in 1852. They had: — 

Henry Fisher, h. 1803, d. 185 i, m. Mary Smiley. 

Clara Fisher, m. Eleazer Marble. 

Susan Fisher, ' m. Samuel Smiley. 

Polly Fisher, in. John Mensch. 

Perry Fisher, in. Rebecca Thomas. 

Margaret Fisher, in. Joseph Steele. 

Jacob Fisher, m. Harriet Inman. 

Giles -Fisher, in. Thomas. 

Sarah Fisher, ^T about 1829, m. Charles Holcomb. 

Henry Fisher^ i^Jacob^ Ruluff^~) was born in Hanover in 1803; 
married Mary Smiley; resided in Wilkes-Barre ; owned the hotel 
at South Wilkes-Barre, built about 1848; died with his son on the 
North Branch Canal, where he had a contract in 1851 ; his son died 
at the same time at the same place ; it is believed they were both 
robbed and murdered, and the house with them in it burned. His 
children, among others, were: 

Abram Fisher, b. 1827, d. \%^\. 

THE gore family. 

John Gore^ was born in England; came to America in 1634 

and settled in Roxbury, Massachusetts; married Rhoda ; 

Died in Massachusetts. They had : — 

Samuel Gore, b. 1652, m. Elizabeth Weld. 

• Samuel Gore,^ {JohriS) was born in Massachusetts about 1653; 
lived and died there; married Elizabeth Weld. They had: — 

Samuel Gore, b. 168 1^ m. Hannah . 


Samuel Gore;'^ {Samuel^ jfoJirf) was born in Massachusetts in 

1681; married Hannah ; moved to Norwich, Connecticut, 

about 1718; died there. They had: — 

Obadiah Gore, 6. \j\\ d. 1779, m. Hannah Parks. 

Obadiah Gore,^ (Samitelf Samuel^ John^) was born in Massa- 
chusetts in 17 14; came to Connecticut with his father's family 
about 171 8; married Hannah Parks; lived in Plainfield, Conn.; 
came to Wyoming in 1769 with his family; died in Wilkes-Barre 
in 1779. They had: — 

Obadiah Gore, ^. 1744, <^. 1820, (Lieut, 
in army.) 

Daniel Gore, b. 1746, d. (.wounded in 

Silas Gore, b. 1747, d. 1778, (slain in 

Asa Gore, b. 1750, d. 1778, (slain in 

Tj I. /- / - f Timothy Pierce, 

Hannah Gore, ^.17^2, ^^. w 1 • • iv/r \ 

' ^ -^ ' [ (slam m Massacre) 

^ n J .jf / J John Murfee, 

^ ' ' '^^^ ' \ (slain in Massacre) 

r I st, Lawrence 
Sarah Gore, b. 1756, m. I Meyers, • 2d, Rev. 

( Benjamin Bidlack. 

George Gore, b. 1759, d. 1778, (killed in Massacre.) 

Samuel Gore, b. 1761, d. 1836, (was in 
the Battle and escaped.) 

John Gore, b. 1764, d. 1837, m. Elizabeth Ross. 

Obadiah Gore^ (Obadiah!" Samuelf Samuel^ jfohn^^ was born 
in Connecticut in 1744; was one of those who attempted to settle 
Wyoming Valley in 1762-3; came again with the first 200 settlers 
in 1769; was a lieutenant in the Revolutionary army; married 

; removed to Sheshequin, (now in Bradford County), Pa., in 

1783; was an Associate Judge of Luzerne County; was the first 
person that ever burned anthracite coal; burned it in his black- 
srhith forge in 1769 in Wilkes-Barre, the first year of the settlements 
and the first Pennamite and Yankee war; died in 1820 in Sheshe- 
quin. They had : — 


. ^ f Lucy Gore, 

Avery Gore, ■ m. | (daughter of Silas) 

Wealthy Gore, _ m. John Spalding. 

Anna Gore, m. John Shepard. 

Daniel Gore,^ (Obadiah^ Samuel^ Samuel^ John^) was born in 
Connecticut in 1746; came with the first 200 settlers in 1769; was 
in the battle of July 3, 1778, and escaped with a broken arm; en- 
listed in the army and served till the end of the war; married 

. They had: — 

• Theresa Gore, m. Samuel Carey. 

Silas Gore,^ (Obadiah^ Samuel f Samuel^ jfohrf) was born in 
Connecticut in 1747; came to Wyoming with the first 200 settlers 
in 1769; was one of Captain Lazarus Stewart's eighteen "asso- 
ciates" among whom the land in Hanover was allotted, his lot in 
the first division being No. 28, and in the second division No. 13 ; 

married ; was slain in the battle and massacre July 3d, 

1778. They had:— 

Lucy Gore, h. lyy^, d. 1867, 7n. Avery Gore. 

Gore, m. . Wilkeson. 

And' two other children, names not known. 

Asa Gore,^ {Obadiah^ Samuelf Samuel f jfohTiS) born in Con- 
necticut in 1750; came with the family to Wilkes-Barre in 1769; 

married ; had children; was killed in the massacre of 1778; 

family not afterwards known. 

George Gore^ {Obadiah^ Sa77tuelf Samuel^ John^) was born in 

♦ Connecticut in 1759; came to Wilkes-Barre with the family in 

1769; was slain in the battle and massacre of 1778. Not married. 

Samuel Gore^ (Obadiah^ Samuel f Samuel^ John^) was born in 
Connecticut in 1761 ; came to Wilkes-Barre with his father's family 
in 1769;- was in the battle July 3, 1778, and escaped; enlisted in 
the Revolutionary army and served till the end of the war; mar- 
ried Sarah Brokaw in 1785; moved to Sheshequin, Pa., with his 
brother Obadiah in 1783; died therein 1836. Children not known. 

John Gore'^ {Obadiah,^ Samuelf Samuel^ Johri^) was Lorn in 
Connecticut in 1764; came to Wilkes-Barre with the family in 



1769; fled with his father and family after the massacre; returned; 

Hved in Kingston; married EHzabeth Ross; died in Kingston in 
1837. They had: — 

Asa Gore, h. 1794, d. 1855, m. 

John Gore, b. 1799, d. m. Ruth Searle. 

Mary Gore, b. 1802, d. 1861, m. Moses Wood. 

George Gore, h. 1804, d. 1841, m. Harriet Smith. 

Sarah Gore, b. 1807, m. John B. Wood. 

George Gore^ ^John^ Obadiah^ Samuelf Samuel^ Johff) was 
born in Kingston, Pa., in 1804; married Harriet Smith; resided in 
Kingston; died there in 1841. They had: — 

William Gore, b. 

Hettie Gore, b. m. 


Henry George^ was born in 1797; came to Hanover (Nanti- 
coke) when a young man; settled in Nanticoke; married Catharine 
Kocher; lived in Nanticoke and died there in 1849. They had: — 

Elizabeth George, m. S. T. Puterbaugh. 

William George, wl, Ann Croop. 

Hiram George, m. Amanda Gruver. 

o r- f 1st, Daniel Lazarus. 

Susan George, '"^ { zd/ A, M. Jeffries. 

John George, m. Serlina Robins, 

Adelaide George, m. Augusta Nybil. 

( 1st, Martha Van- 
Samuel George, mA dermark. 

( 2d, Hattie Totten. 

Josephine George, m. Dr. Wm. G. Robins. 

Isaiah George, 6. 183 1, (^. 1875, m. 

■ William George^ {Hejiry^) was born in Hanover; lives in ; 

married Ann Croop. They had: — 

Harry George, m. Euphemia Sorber. 

Edward G. George, m. Lizzie Drumheller. 

Hylman George, m. 

Lydia George, m. Eugene N.Alexander 

Jennie George, ^ m. Samuel L, Lueder. 


Hiram George^ (Henry^) was born in Hanover; lived and died 

in Hanover, (Nanticoke) 1883; married Amanda Gruver. They 
had: — 

Emma George, m. 

William George, m. 

Estella George, - m. 

Kate George, in. Ruff. 

Adella George, m. 

Joanna George, tn. 

Orlando George, m. 

John George^ {Henry^) was born in Hanover (Nanticoke); lives 

in ; married Serlina Robins. They had: — 

Wesley George, 7n. 

Bird George, m. 

George George, m. 

Samuel George^ [Henry^) was born in Hanover (Nanticoke); 
lives in Nanticoke; married ist, Martha Vandermark, 2d, Hattie 
Totten. They had: — 

1st, Charles George, m. 

" Anna George, in. William Shelly. 

" Susie George. 

*' Ira George. 

'' Addie George. 
2d, Mary George. 

" Martha George. 

" Grover C. George. 

Isaiah Gie.orge^ {Henry^) was born in Nanticoke in 1831; lived 
in Wilkes-Barre; married; died in Wilkes-Barre in 1875. They 

Clara George, m, 

Linnie George, - m. 

Mary George. 

Palmer George. 

THE garrison FAMILY. 

Cornelius Garrison^ was born in Alsace, then France, in 1756; 
came to America as a French soldier in our Revolutionary War; 


did not return with the French at the end of the war in 1782; 

married Mary ; settled in Hanover on the Back Road at Sugar 

Notch; died in 1825. They had: — 

Elizabeth Garrison, b. 1782, d. 1827, ;;/. John Saum. 

John Garrison, ni. Catharine Mack. 

Mary Garrison, - m. John Robins. . 

Rachel Garrison, in. William Stapleton. 

Nancy Garrison. 

Jacob Garrison, in. Rachel Rimer. 

James Garrison, in. Mary Wiggins. 

John Garrison^ [Cornelius^) was born in Hanover about 1784; 
lived in Hanover and Dorrance; died in Dorrance in 1865; mar- 
ried Catharine (Kate) Mack. They had: — 

Cornelius Garrison, in. 

Rebecca Garrison, in. Henry Burney. 

Ziba Garrison, m. 

Jacob Garrison^ [Cornelhis^) was born in Hanover; married 
Rachel Rimer; moved to the West in 1842. They had: — 
William Garrison, in. In the West. 

George Garrison, b. about 1829, in. *' " " 

Silas Garrison, in. " *' " 

Elizabeth Garrison, m. *' " " 


Garringer^ lived in Northampton County, Pa.; was killed 

at the age of 26 years by a horse, leaving a young family. They 
were : — 

John Garringer, b. 1785, d. 1836, in. MaryMagdaleneHess 

Adam Garringer, b. d. m. 

Daniel Garringer, b. d. m. 

John Garringer^ ( Garringer^) was born in Northampton 

County in 1785; came to Hanover in 1810; bought the Hurlbut 
farm below the Red Tavern on the River Road; married Mary 
Magdalene Hess; died in 1836. They had: — 

Charles Garringer, b. 1805, • in, Elizabeth Lueder. 

Levi Garringer, b. 1806, in.Ka.ty Reynard. 

Thomas Garringer, b. 1807. 



Eliza Garringer, b. 1809, d. 1850, 
Jesse Garringer, b. 18 12, 
John G. Garringer, b. 18 14. 
Mary Garringer, b. 18 17, 
David Garringer, b. 1 8 19. 
Su^n Garringer, b. 1822, 
Isaac Garringer, b. 1824. 
Daniel Garringer, b. 1826, d. 1858.- 
Lucinda Garringer, b. 1828, 
Aaron Garringer, b. 1830, 

Charles Garringer^ {John,^ — 

m. John Andrew. 
m. Sarah Croop. 



m. John Sutton. 

in. William King. 

— Garringer^) was born in 
Northampton County in 1805 ; came to Hanover with his father in 
1 8 10; has always lived in Hanover; married Elizabeth Lueder. 
They had: — 

in. Phoebe Shafer. 
in. Mary Mensch. 
in. William Connor. 
in. George Inman. 
in. Wm. Deets, died 1862 
in. Xavier Wernet. 
ni. Alfred Fairchild. 
in. Jane Shafer. 
in. Sarah Boone. 

— Garringer^) was 

William A. Garringer, b. 1828, 
Edward L. Garringer, b. 1830, 
Charlotte Garringer, b. 1832, 
Mary Garringer, b. 1834, 
Lydia Garringer, b. 1835, 
Hannah Garringer, b. 1837, 
Euphemia Garringer, b. 1842, 
Anderson C. Garringer, b. 1844, 
Anning M. Garringer, b. 1847, 

William A. Garringer* {Charles^ John^ 
born in Hanover in 1828; married Phoebe Shafer; lives in Lake 
township, Luzerne County, Pa. They had: — 

Margaret Garringer, b. in. John Irving. 

Charles Garringer, b. 

Henry Garringer, b. 

Nelson Garringer, b. 

Samuel Garringer, b. . ^ 

Martha Garringer, b. 

Emma Garringer, b. 

.Wilson Garringer, b. 

Amanda Garringer, b. 

Salida Garringer, b. 

Irving Garringer, b. 


Edward L. Garringer* {Charles^ John ^ Garriiiger^) was 

born in Hanover in 1830; married Mary Mensch, of Hanover; 
removed to Michigan. They had: — 

John Garringer, b. 
EHzabeth Garringer, b. 
Leonard Garringer, b. 
Letta Garringer, b. 

Anderson Garringer'' [Charles^ JoJin^ Garrmger^^ was 

born in Hanover in 1844; married Jane Shafer; Hves in Nanti- 
coke. They had: — 

Dolly Garringer, b. 
Butler Garringer, b. 
Charles Garringer, b. 
Fred Garringer, b. 

Anning Garringer'^ [Charles^ JoJin^ Garringer^) was born 

in Hanover in. 1847: married Sarah Boone; removed to Kansas. 
They had : — "♦ 

William Garringer. 
Nettie Garringer. 
Bruce Garringer. 
Lloyd Garringer. 

Jesse Garringer^ {John^ Garringei'-'^)wdiS born in Hanover 

in 1 8 12; married Catharine Croop; resided in Hanover, and in 
Wilkes-Barre on the Middle Road near the Hanover line. They 

Sally Garringer, in. M. B. Houpt 

Susan Garringer, in. Charles Sands. 

George Garringer, served in army, 1863-64-65, 5 2d Pa. Vol. 

Mary Garringer. 

Andrew Garringer, ' m. Alice Honnard. 

Jennie E. Garringer. 

Harrison Garringer, . m. Ella E. Barney. 

Franklin D. Garringer, h. 1857, m. Fannie Lueder. 



Isaac Hartzell^ was born in Northampton County, Pa.; carrie 
to Hanover previous to 1 8 10; lived on the River Road above 
Buttonwood; married Margaret Hartzell. They had: — 

Thomas Hartzell, — went West 

Polly Hartzell, m. Jesse Crisman. 

Jonas Hartzell, m. Sarepta Downing. 

Elizabeth Hartzell, m. Caleb Inman. 

Susan Hartzell, :, m. Abram Fritz. 

Daniel Hartzell, ' m. Maria Fellis. 

the hibbard family. 

Robert Hibbard,^ the first of the family certainly known in 
America by name, was born (probably in Beverly, Mass.) in 1647; 

married Mary ; removed to Windham, Conn.; died there in 

1 7 10. They had: 

Robert Hibbard, b. 1676, d. ^ m. Mary Read. 

Joseph Hibbard, b. 1678, d. ni. Abigail Hibbard. 

Nathaniel Hibbard, b. d. "tn. Sarah Crane. 

Ebenezer Hibbard, b. d. in. 

Mary Hibbard, b. d. m. Jonathan Crane. 

Martha Hibbard, b. d. in. Ephraim Culver. 

Hannah Hibbard, b. d. in. 

Sarah Hibbard, b. d. 

Abigail Hibbard, b. d. 

Ebenezer Hibbard^ {Robert^) was born in Windham, Conn., 
about 1684; married; died, the place and time uncertain, but 
believed to have been in Windham County. They had (among 
other children) : — 

Ebenezer Hibbard, b. about 17 10, d. m. Hannah Downer. 

Ebenezer Hibbard^ [^Ebenezer ^ Robert'^) was born in Connecti- 
cut, the date is uncertain, but believed to be about 17 10, as he 
came to Wyoming in 1769 an old man with a family of grown-up 
sons; had married Hannah Downer; died in Hanover in 1779, at 
Buttonwood. They had: — 

Ebenezer Hibbard, b. about 1740, d. in. 


\xru- ^ u'uu A L ' ■ f Unmarried, died in 

William Hibbard, d. < ^ i \ o 

[ Conn, about 1835. 

Cyprian Hibbard, I?. iy^2, d. 1778, ;;/. Sarah Burrett. 

Ebenezer Hibbard* [Ebenezerf Ebenezer^ Robert^) was born in 
Connecticut, probably about 1740; came to Wyoming among the 
first two hundred settlers in 1769 with his father's family, or ahead 
of them ; settled near the River Road in Hanover on Solomon's 
Creek about 1772; married; was in the Wyoming Massacre of 
July 3, 1778, with his two brothers, William and Cyprian, but 
escaped; died in Hanover subsequent to 1790. They had: — 

Naomi Hibbard, b. d. in. Darius Preston. 

Bathsheba (Brasha) Hibbard, b. d. ni. John Hendershot. 

Calvin Hibbard, b. d. vi. 

Cyprian Hibbard* [Ebenezer^ Ebenezer^ Robert^) was born in 

Connecticut in 1752; came with his father's family to Hanover 

about 1772; married Sarah Burrett; resided in Hanover adjoining 

the ''Green" — Cemetery now — on the north-east; was in the 

Wyoming Massacre July 3, 1778, with his two brothers, Ebenezer 

and William, and was slain on the river bank in the edge of the 

water; the two brothers escaped. They had: — 

Hannah Downer Hibbard, b. 1778, 1 t t, a i j 

7 r,^ ' V 7//. John Alexander. 


Uncle Hyde^ — so-called — was born in New England; immi- 
grated with his family to Wilkes-Barre before the Wyoming Mas- 
sacre; was in the fort at Wilkes-Barre at the time of massacre; 
when the women and children and the old men left the fort 
for the Delaware River on the 4th of July, 1778 — the day after the 
massacre — he, with old Elisha Blackman, Sr., were the only 
persons left in the fort to receive the few returning fugitives that 
had escaped the massacre; he came to Hanover to reside previous 
to 1796; resided on the Middle Road on the farm long known 
afterwards as Metcalf's; the Askam postoffice is on the opposite 
side of Bennett's Creek from his house; he died hereabout 18 10 or 
181 2. His children, so far as known, were: — 

William Hyde, b. d. 7n. Catharine Hurlbut. 

Willis Hyde, b. d. m. Eunice Grist. 


Clara Hyde, h. d. m. Eleazer Blackman. 
Hyde, h. d. m. Samuel Phinney. 

William Hyde^ {Uncle Hyde^) was born in New England; came 
with the family to Wilkes-Barre, then to Hanover about 1787; mar- 
ried Catharine Hurlbut; removed, it is thought, to Great Bend 
about 1806. They had: — 

Avery Hyde, b. d. m. 

Judith Hyde, h. d. m. 

Lucinda Hyde, h. d. in. 

Joseph Hyde, h. d. m. . . 

Lydia Hyde, h. d. m. 

Willis Hyde^ (Uncle Hyde^) was born in New England; came 
with the family to Wilkes-Barre; removed to Hanover previous to 
1799; lived with his father; married Eunice Grist; after his father's 
death in 18 10-12 he removed to Mauch Chunk. They had: — 

John Hyde, b. d. m. 

Emma Hyde, b. d. m*. 

Filena Hyde, b. d. m. 

Willis Hyde, b. d. m. 

Annis Hyde, b. d. m. 

And other children before and after leaving Hanover. 


Lieut. Thomas Hurlbut^ was born in England about 161 5; 
immigrated to New England; was lieutenant of the first company 
that garrisoned the fort of Saybrook, Connecticut, in 1636; was 
wounded in the Pequot War; was one of the first settlers in 
Weathersfield; was voted a tract of land in 167 1 for his services in 
the Pequot War; was a member of the Assembly in Connecticut 

in 1640; married ; died in Weathersfield about 1672, the 

exact date uncertain. They had (arriong others) : — 

Samuel Hurlbut, b. about 1640, ;//. 

Samuel Hurlbut^ {Thomas^) was supposed to have been born 
in Saybrook about 1640; married ; died in Weathers- 
field. They had (among others) : — 

Stephen Hurlbut, b, about 1670, m. 



Stephen Hurlbut^ (Samuel^ Thomas^) was born about 1670; 

married ; died . They had (among others): — 

John Hurlbut, b. about 1700, in. Stoddard. 

John Hurlbut^ [Stephen^ Samuel^ Thomas^) was born in 
Weathers field about 1700; removed to Groton, Connecticut; mar- 
ried Stoddard; died in Groton. They had (among others): — 

John Hurlbut, b. 1730, d. 1782, m. Abigail Avery. 

Deacon John Hurlbut^ {John,^ Stephen^ Samuel,^ Thovias^)^ 
known in history as the " Deacon," was born in Groton, Connecti- 
cut, in 1730; married Abigail Avery; removed with his family and 
animals and loose property for Wyoming in 1778,* where (in Han- 
over) he had bought, the previous year, eight hundred acres of 
land; did not reach Hanover till 1779 on account of the Wyoming 
Massacre having taken place when he reached Lackawaxen; set- 
tled on the north side of the River Road north-east of the creek 
below the Red Tavern ; the same year he was sent to represent the 
County of Westmoreland in the Connecticut Assembly; was also 
Assemblyman in 1780 and 1781; died in Hanover at the Stewart 
place in Buttonwood in March, 1782; was buried on his own farm 
north-west of the house, near an orchard he had set out with his 
own hands. They had: — 

Christopher Hurlbut, b. 17^?^ ^- i^Si? ^^^- Elizabeth Mann. 

John Hurlbut, b. 1760, d, m. Hannah Millet. 

Anna Hurlbut, b. 1762, d. 1828, ;//. Elisha. Blagkman. 

Catharine Hurlbut, b. 1764, d. 1804, m. William Hyde. 

Naphtali Hurlbut, b. 1767, d. 1844, ;;/. Olive Smith. 

Lydia Hurlbut, b. 1775, <^. ;//. John Tiffany. 

Christopher Hurlbut^' {Deacon Johnf John^ Stephen^ Samuel^ 
Thomas!'^ was born in Connecticut in 1757; came to Wyoming in 
1770; was a soldier in the Revolutionary War from 1776 to the 
end; was at Harlem, N. Y., White Plains, N. Y., through New 
Jersey to Pennsylvania, thence in New Jersey again, in the battles 
of Trenton and Princeton; was discharged at Chatham, N. J.; re- 
sided in Hanover till 1797; married Elizabeth Mann; died in 
Arkport, N. Y., in 1831. They had: — 

John Hurlbut, b. 1784, <3^. 1831, m. Priscilla Sharpe. 

James Hurlbut, b. 1787, d. 1863, ;//. Mrs. Susan Dorrance 


Sarah Hurlbut, b. 1789, d. 1837, m. James Taggart. 

Elizabeth Hurlbut, b. 1791, d, 1870, ni. Joshua Shepard. 

Nancy Hurlbut, b. 1793, d. 1873, m. Ziba Hoyt. 

Christopher Hurlbut, b. 1794, d. 1875, m. Ellen Tiffany. 

John Hurlbut® (Deacon John^ John^ Stephenf Samuel^ 
Thomas^) was born in Connecticut in 1760; came to Hanover with 
his father's family in 1779; left Hanover in 1797; resided in 
Palmyra, N. Y.; married Hannah Millet; died in Palmyra. They 
had: — 

Jeremiah Hurlbut, m. 

Silas Hurlbut. 

John Hurlbut. 

Francis Hurlbut. 

Herman Hurlbut. 

Charles Hurlbut. 

Anna Hurlbut, 7n. Tise. 

Rhoda Hurlbut. 

Lydia Hurlbut. 

Naphtali Hurlbut® (Deacori John;' John^ Stephenf Samuel^ 
Thoinas^) was born in Connecticut in 1767; came to Hanover with 
his father's family in 1779; lived in the old homestead until 1803; 
was sheriff of the county; lived in Wilkes-Barre; in Exeter; re- 
moved to New York; married Olive Smith; died in New York. 
They had: — 

Asseneth Hurlbut, b. 1794, d. m. Annas Newcomb. 

Esther Hurlbut, b. d. m. Abel Hoyt. 

Mary Ann Hurlbut, b. 1803, d. 1849, in. Lucien P. Kennedy. 

Avery Hurlbut, b. 1805, d. m. Susan Quick. 

William Hooker Hurlbut, b. d. m. Mary Ann Carey. 

Lyman Hurlbut, b. d. m. Caroline Schofield. 

John Hurlbut^ [Christopher,^ Deacon Johnf John!' Stephenf 
Samuel f ThoTnas^) was born in Hanover in 1784; removed with 
his father to Pittston, Pa., in 1797, then to Arkport, N. Y.; mar- 
ried Priscilla Sharpe; died in 1831 at Arkport. They had: — 

William S. Hurlbut, b. 18 19, m. Susan Carey. 

John Hurlbut, b. 1821, m. Mary Major. 


Charles S. Hurlbut, b. 1826, «../ t^'". /"^^^ .'" 

[ Lewistown, ra.) • 

Elizabeth Hurlbut,^. m. Rev» H.E. Woodcock 

Rev. Thos. M. 

Mary Hurlbut, ^. m.^ tt i 

•^ ^ Hodgman. 

James Hurlbut^ (Christopher^ Deacon Johit,^ John^ Stephen} 
Samuel} Thojnas^) was born in Hanover in 1787; removed with the 
family to Pittston, Pa., in 1797, and then to Arkport, N. Y.; mar- 
ried Mrs. Susan Dorrance; died in New York in 1863. They 

Susan Hurlbut, b. m. John Warnock. 

Henry M. Hurlbut, b. 1826, d. 1883, m. Hellen Lisman. 

Christopher Hurlbut^ {Christopher} Deacon John} John} 

Stephen} Samuel} Thomas^) was born in Hanover in 1794; taken 

with the family to Pittston, Pa., in 1797, then to Arkport, N. Y.; 

married Ellen Tiffany; died in Arkport in 1875. They had: — 

Myron Hurlbut, b. 1825, m. Alice Stewart. 

Edmund Hurlbut, b. 1826, 7n Elvira Tiffany. 

Lydia Hurlbut, b. 1829, d. m. William Loveland. 

Nancy Hurlbut, b. 183 1, d, 1876, m. Henry B; Loveland. 

( 1st, C. C. Horton. 
Elizabeth Hurlbut, b. 1835, d. 1884, m.l 2d, Rev. George N. 

( Todd. 

Avery Hurlbut'' [Naphtali} Deacon John} John} Stephen} 
Samuel} Thomas^) was born in Wilkes-Barre in 1805; lived and. 
died there; married Susan Quick. They had: — 

Ellen Hurlbut, b. m. George Knapp. 

Mary Hurlbut, b. m, 

George Hurlbut, b. m, 

the hoover family. 

Felix Hoover,^ probably of Dutch descent, came to Hanover 
from New Jersey about 1790; owned a place on the Middle Road 
at Hoover Hill; lived between Middle and Back Roads, His 
children were: — 

Henry Hoover, b. d. 1848, m. Hannah Burgess. 

Michael Hoover, b. m. Asseneth Burgess. 


John Hoover, b. 1782, d. 1866, m. Sarah Sims. 

Hannah Hoover, b. m. Silas Wiggins. 

Henry Hoover^ (iv//;r^) was born in New Jersey; came ^ to 
Hanover with his father; Hved on the Middle Road at Hoover 
Hill; died there in 1848; married Hannah Burgess. They had: — 

Ann Hoover, b. nt. Nathan Bennett. 

Rachel Hoover, b. m. Patrick. 

John Hoover, b. m. Higgs. 

Michael Hoover^ {Felix^) was born in New Jersey; lived in 
Hanover between Middle and Back Roads; married Asseneth 
Burgess; the whole family sold out and went West in 1838. They 

John L. Hoover, went West in 1838. 

Elizabeth Hoover, " " "1838. 

Catharine Hoover, ^' " " 1838. 

John Hoover^ (Felix^) came to Hanover with his father about 
1790; lived between Middle and Back Roads; died in Hanover in 
1866; married Sarah Sims. They had: — 

Polly Hoover, m. John Rummage. 

Henry Hoover, m. Elrzabeth Sidmore. 

John Hoover. 

Michael Hoover, m. Betsey Ann Custerd. 

Eliza Hoover, m. Samuel Keithline. 

Jacob Hoover, b. 1828, m. Susan Sorber. 

Henry Hoover^ [^John^ Felix^) was born in Hanover; lives in 
Wisconsin (since 1840); married Elizabeth Sidmore. They have a 
large family. Names unknown. 

Michael Hoover^ {John,^ Felix^) was born in Hanover; lives in 
Wisconsin (since i860); married Betsey Custerd. Has many 
children. Names unknown. 

]aco^ Y{ oov^^ {John, ^ Felix^) was born in Hanover in 1828; 
has always lived in Hanover; married Susan Sorber; has now 
(1884) gone to Wisconsin. They had: — 

Sarah Hoover, in. Chas. Wesley Sorber. 

Charles Hoover. 


John Hoover^ {Henry ^ Felix^) was born iiT Hanover; lived and 
died in Hanover; married Mrs. Higgs. They had: — 
John Hoover, vi. 

' Irene Hoover, 7n. Silas Bellas. 


Barnabas Horton^ {Joscpli) was born in England in 1600; 
emigrated to America in the ship "Swallow," in 1635-38; landed 
in Massachusetts; came to New Haven, Conn., in 1640; settled 
permanently on the east end of Long Island in New York in 1640; 
married Mary ; died there. They had: — 

Joseph Horton, b. 1632, in. Jane Budd. 

Benjamin Horton, /;. 1634, ;;2. Anna Budd. 

Caleb Horton, b. 1640, d. 1702, in. Abigail Hallock. 

Joshua Horton, b. 1643, m. Mary Tuthill. 

Jonathan Horton, b. 1648, m. Bethia Wells. 

Caleb Horton^ (Barnabas^) was born in Southold, Long Island, 
in 1640; married Abigail Hallock; lived at Cutchogue, L. I.; died 
there in 1702. They had: — 

Barnabas Horton, b. 1666, d. m. Sarah Hines. 

Jonathan Horton, b. 1668, d. m. Bethia Conklin. 

David Horton, b. 1672, d. m. Mary Horton. 

Jonathan Horton^ {Caleb^ Barnabas^^ was born in Long Island 
in 1668; married Bethia Conklin; (perhaps) lived and died on 
Long Island at Cutchogue. They had: — 

Jonathan Horton, h. 1694, d. m. Elizabeth Goldsmith. 

Barnabas Hortoji, h. 

Jonathan'^ {Jonathan^ Caleb^ Barnabas^) was born on Long 
Island in 1694; married Elizabeth Goldsmith; lived and died at 
Cutchogue, L. I. They had: — 

Israel Horton, b. 1728, d. m. Sarah Lee. 

Jonathan Horton, b. 1730, d. in. Bethia Horton. 

Barnabas Horton, <^. -1732, d. ;;^. (perhaps) MaryTuthill 

Zaccheus Horton, b. 1734, d. in. widow Elizabeth Case 


Jonathan Horton,^ {Jonathan^ jfonathanf Caleb^ Barnabas^) 
was born at Cutchogue in 1730; married Bethia Horton; removed 
to Orange County, N. Y.; lived and died in Orange County. They 

John Horton, 6. 1753, 7/2. MaryDe La Montayne 

Caleb Horton, h. ' m. Jayne. 

Benjamin Horton, b. 

Lieut. John Horton,*^ {Jonathan^ Jonathan^ Jonathanf Calcb^ 
Barnabas^) was born in Southold, L. I., in 1753; went to Wyoming 
Valley, where, in 1782, he married Mary De La Montayne; he was 
a soldier in the Revolutionary War; was in the battle of Wyoming, 
1778, and escaped the massacre; lived and died in Wyoming Val- 
ley. They had: — 

Sarah Horton, b. 1784, in. John Hannis. 

Mary Horton, b. 1786, m. John Shalls. 

John Horton, b. 1790, m. Wickizer. 

Miller Horton, b. 1792, d. 1847, in. Elizabeth Waller. 

Josiah Horton, b. 1795, went South, died in Georgia. 

Jesse Horton, b. 1 797, ^- { ^f ^ow^Se. 

Lewis Mulison Horton, b. 1799, in. Priscilla Crisman. 

Miller Horton,''' [John^ yonathan^ JonatJian^ JonatJianf 
Caleb, ^ Barnabas^) was born in Wyoming Valley in 1792J married 
Elizabeth Waller; was a great stage proprietor in his day; lived 
on the River Road, his house standing on and across the Hanover 
and Wilkes-Barre line, being partly in each tov/nship; he paid his 
personal taxes in Hanover and was a citizen and voter in Hanover 
township; his lot in Hanover was No. i, first division, surveyed and 
certified to Nathan Waller in 1802; he lived and died in Hanover. 
They had: — 

John Waller Horton, h. 1814, <^. in. Sarah Gates. 

Elizabeth Horton, h. 1816, <^. m.,V. McC. Gilchrist. 

Mary Horton, b. 1818, ^. m. W. L. Cook. 

Nathan Miller Horton, b. 1821, ^. ;;/. Susan Richards. 

Emily Horton, b. 1824, d. in. Stephen Bolles. 

Thomas Miner Horton, 6. 1826, d. in. Mary Webb. 


John Waller Horton,^ [Miller^ John^ Jonathan^ Jonathan^ 
Jonathanf Caleb^ Barnabas^) was born in Wilkes-Barre, or Hano- 
ver, in 1 8 14; married Sarah Gates; lived and died in Wilkes-Barre. 
They had: — 

Emily Cortland Horton. 
Harriet Waller Horton. 
James Gallup Horton. 
Sarah Elizabeth Horton. 
John Carlysle Horton. 
Harry Miller Horton. 

Nathan Miller Horton,^ {Miller^ John^ Jonatha}!^ Jonathan,^ 
jfonathanf Calcb^ Bm-nabas^) was born in Wilkes-Barre or Hano- 
ver in 1 821; married Susan Richards; lives in Wilkes-Barre. 
They had: — 

( 1st, Lizzie Cook, 
Nathan Waller Horton, m.-l 2d, Annie Housel 

( Schenck. 

Mary Pruner Horton, m. Lyndon L. Ayres. 

Elizabeth Waller Horton. 

William Richards Horton, m. Junietta Salsbury. 

THE HANNIS family. 

John Hannis^ came to Hanover before 1796, from Connecticut; 
lived on the River Road; owned part of lot No. 2, first division, 
Hanover, in 1802; married Sarah Horton, sister of Miller Plorton; 
removed to house near the Ashley cross-road on lot No. 7, first 
division; lived and died in Hanover. They had: — 

William Hannis, went West 1849. 
George Hannis, " " <' 
Josiah Hannis, 

John Hannis, ^ " " " m. Steele. 

Harry Hannis, went to Pike Co., Pa. 

Hannah Hannis, in. Jacob Deterick. 

Jane Hannis, m. Isaac Frederick. 

Polly Hannis, in. John E. Inman, 



John Hendershot/ of German descent, came to Hanover from 
New Jersey in 1785; settled on the River Road at Buttonwood 
when he was 19 years old; married, ist, Brasha (Bathsheba) Hib- 
bard, 2d, Susan Anstay. They had: — 

1st, William Hendershot, enlisted 18 12, never returned. 

Hendershot, m. Samuel Lynn. 

Sarah Hendershot, . ni. Peter Lamb. 

Joseph Hendershot, m. Sally Shoemaker. 

2d, Samuel Hendershot, h. 18 16, m. Whitman. 

Abner Hendershot, h. 1818, m. Mary Woods. 

Hannah Hendershot, h. 1820, ni. Dwight Allen. 

Nathan Hendershot, h. 1822, in. Anna Bunn. 

Lydia Hendershot, h. 1824, m. Reuben Mack. 

Sylvester Hendershot, h. 1827, in. Bunn. 

Albert Hendershot, 6. 1831, m. Mary Sorber. 

Abner Hendershot^ (yi?>^;2^) was born in Hanover in 1818; 
lives in Hanover; married Mary Woods in 1852. They had: — 
John Hendershot, h. 1854, m. Catharine Collins. 

Julia Hendershot, h. 1857, ^-^^ Samuel Miller. 

Samuel Hendershot^ {John^) was born in Hanover in 18 16; 

married Whitman. They had: — 

Angelo Hendershot. 
Perry Hendershot. 
Fuller Hendershot. 
Dennis Hendershot. 

Nathan Hendershot^ (/6'/^;/^) was born in Hanover in 1822; 
married Anna Bunn; emigrated to Missouri. They have one son 
living in Missouri. 

Sylvester Hendershot^ {Jolm^) was born in Hanover in 1827; 

married Bunn. They had: — 

Wilson Hendershot. 
Susan Hendershot. 
Abner Hendershot. 
Mary Hendershot. 



Albert Hendershot^ {JohnS) was born in Hanover in 1831; 
lived in Hanover; died in the army in 1864; married Mary Sorber. 
They had: — 

Edward Hendershot, ;//. Ceh'a Geist. 

Eh'zabeth Hendershot, in. George Race. 

Andrew Hendershot, . in. Susan Losten. 

Rose Hendershot, * in. Joseph Long. 

John Hendershot^ [Abner^ yohit^) was born in Hanover in 
1854; married Catharine Collins; lives in Hanover. They had: — 
William Hendershot. 


Elijah Inman^ was born in Connecticut in 17 18; married Susan 
; came to Hanover previous to the Wyoming Massacre with a 

large family, there being seven sons, the youngest being 15 at the 
time of the Wyoming Massacre; died in 1804, aged ^6\ his resi- 
dence was on the River Road on Solomon's Creek, north side, a 
half mile below the present Buttonwood bridge. They had : — 
Elijah Inman, b. d. 1778, killed 

in Wyoming Massacre, ^ 

Israel Inman, b. d. 1778, killed 1 

in Wyoming Massacre. j 

David Inman, b. d. I'J'J^, died from exposure at the massacre. 

Isaac Inman, b. 1760, d. 1778, killed by Indians near home. 

Richard Inman, b. 175 i, d. 1831, in. Hannah Spencer. 

John Inman, b. 1758, d. 18 14, ni. 

Edward Inman, b. 1763, d. 1848, ni. Jerusha Dilley. 

Richard Inman^ {Elijah}') was born in Connecticut in 175 1; 
came to Hanover with his fathc/i-'s family before the Revolutionary 
War; was in the Wyoming Massacre and escaped; was the man 
that saved Rufus Bennett's life by shooting the Indian in chase of 
him; married Hannah Spencer; lived in Hanover at Buttonwood; 
died there in 1831. They had: — 

Israel Inman, b. d. in. Himmelreid. 

Isaac Inman, b. d. in. 

Caleb Inman, b. d. m. Elizabeth Hartzell. 

Richard Inman, b. d. " in. Brandon. 



Walter Inman, b. d. 
John Inman, b. d. 
Parry Inman, b. d. 
Mary Inman, b. d. 
Susan Inman, b. d. 
Margaret Inman, b. d. 

— Alden. 

— Brandon. 

— Van Buskirk. 

in. Robert Valentine. 


John Inman^ {ElijaJi}) v/as born in Connecticut in 1758; came 
to Hanover with his father's family; married; lived in Buttonwood; 
died there in 18 14. They had: — 

Hiram Inman, h. d. m. 

Richard Inman, h. d. m. 

Edward Inman^ {Elijah^) was born in Connecticut in 1763; 
came to Hanover with his father's family; married Jerusha Dilley; 
lived on Inman's Hill near Buttonwood, Hanover; died there in 
1848. They had: — • 

Lovina Inman, h. 1787, d. 1874, 
Jemima Inman, h. d. 
Susan Inman, h. d. 
Jerusha Inman, h. d. 
John E. Inman, h. d. 
EUzabeth Inman, b. 1801, <^. 1851, 

in. John Espy. 
m. John Turner. 
in. John Whitney. 
in. William Jackson. 
in. Mary Hannis. 
in. Stiles. 

John E. Inman^ {Edward^ Elijah}) was born in Hanover; mar- 
ried Mary Hannis; lived on the Middle Road; removed to the 
West in 1856 with his whole family. They had: — 

Edward Inman, h. d. in. 

Elijah Inman, b. in. Barney. 

Annice Inman, b. in. Dr. Freece. 

George Inman, b. in. Mary Garringer. 

Mary Inman, 6. in. 

Levi Inman, b. in. Robins. 

Whitney Inman, b. in. 

Israel Inman^ [Richard^ ElijaliS) was born in Hanover; owned 
the tavern in Solomon's Gap at the head of the lower plane ; mar- 
ried Himmelreid; went West with his whole family in 1840; 

lived in Wisconsin. They had: — 


David Inman. h. d. m. Jane . 

Richard Inman, 6. d. • ;//. 

Israel Inman, m. 

Cyprian Inman, * m. 

Peter Inman, m. 

Hannah Inman, . m. Robert Burt. 

Isaac Inman^ {Richard^ Elijah^) was born in Hanover; married 
; went West in 1840. They had: — 

Caleb Inman, b. d. m. 

Spencer Inman, m. 

Caleb Inman^ (Richai^d^ Elijah^) was born in Hanover; married 
Elizabeth Hartzell; removed to the West in 1843; lived in Wis- 
consin. They had : — 

Harrison Inman, 6. 1817, m. 

Thomas Inman, 6. 1819^ m. 

Lyman Inman, 6. 1821, in. , 

Jonas Inman, h. 1824, m. 

Edward Inman, h. 1827, m. 

Margaret Inman, 6. 1830, m. 

Mary Inman, h. 1833, m. 

Richard Inman^ {Richard^ Elijah^) was born in Hanover; mar- 
ried E Brandon; went to Wisconsin in 1840. They had: — 

Wesley Inman, h. d. m. 

Harvey Inman, ;;/. 

Margaret Inman, m. 

James Inman, m. 

John Inman^ [Richard^ Elijah^) was born in Hanover; married 

Brandon; went to Wisconsin in 1840. They had:-?— 

John B. Inman,. h. d. in. 
, 6. d. in. 

Walter Inman^ [Richard^ Elijah^) was born in Hanover; mar- 
ried Alden; went to Wisconsin in 1840; live there. They 


, h. d. in. 

, h. d, in. 



John Jameson^ was born in Ireland; married Rosanna Irvin; 
emigrated to Boston in 17 1 8. They had: — 

Robert Jameson, b. iyi4, d. 1786, m. Agnes Dixon. 

Robert Jameson^ {/o/in^) was born in Ireland in 1714; came to 
Boston with his father in 17 18; married Agnes Dixon; settled in 
Voluntown, Connecticut; came in 1776 and settled in Nanticoke, 
in Hanover; died in Hanover in 1786. They had: — 

John Jameson, ^. 1749, ^. 1882, ;;2. Abigail Alden. 

Mary Jameson. 

William Jameson, d. 1752, d. 1778, \ 
murdered by Indians at Careytown. J 

Robert Jameson,^. 1755,^. 1778, killed "I 
in Wyoming Battle and Massacre. J 

Elizabeth Jameson. 

Rosanna Jameson, m. Elisha Harvey. 

Samuel Jameson. 

Hannah Jameson. 

Joseph Jameson, d. about 1763, lived \ 
in Salem, Luzerne Co., Pa. J 

Alexander Jameson, d. about 1761, m. Elizabeth Stewart. 

Agnes Jameson. 

Benjamin Jameson, d. about 1765. 

John Jameson^ (Rodert,^ /ohn^) was born in Voluntown, Con- 
necticut, in 1749; came to Hanover before his father, in 1773; 
lived in Hanover; married Abigail Alden; was in the Wyoming 
Massacre and escaped; was murdered by Indians in the road at the 
Hanover Cemetery in 1782. They had: — 

Samuel Jameson, d. 1777, d. 1843, m. Hannah Hunlock. 

Polly Jameson, d. 1780, m. Jonathan Hunlock. 

( 1st, James Stewart. 
Hannah Jameson, ^. 1782, m.< 2d, Marmaduke 

( Pearce. 

Alexander Jameson^ {Robert^ John}) was born in Voluntown, 
Connecticut, about 1761; came to Hanover with his father's family 


in 1776; married Elizabeth Stewart, daughter of Capt. Lazarus 
Stewart; lived in Salem, Luzerne County, Pa.; died there. They 

Names unknown. 

Samuel Jameson^ {John^ Robert^ Johff) was born in Hanover 
in 1777; lived near Nanticoke; married Hannah Hunlock; died in 
Hanover in 1843. They had: — 

Maria Jameson, b. 1801, d. 1827. 

Eliza Jameson, b. 1803, <^. 1818. 

Ann Jameson, b. 1806, d. 1832, in. Anderson Dana. 


Valentine Keyser,^ of German descent, was born in North- 
ampton County, Pa., in 1769; lived in Northampton, now Monroe 
County, Pa.; married Catharine Salome Saum; removed to Hano- 
ver, (Ashley); died in Hanover in 1847. They had: — 

Christian Keyser, m. Teena Merwine. 

John Keyser, m, Frances Merwine. 

Charles Keyser, m. Sally Gress. 

Peter Keyser, . in. 

Christian Keyser^ ( Valentine^) was born in Northampton, now 
Monroe County, Pa.; came to Hanover with his family about 18 16; 
settled at Ashley, (Scrabbletown) ; married ''Teena" Merwine; 
lived in Ashley; went West 1855. They had: — 

T) u ir A xo.r- ^ xO«^ [Hannah Kreidler, 

Reuben Keyser, b. 1815, d. 1872, m. | ^^.^^^ Downing) 

Thomas Keyser, m. Emily Downing. 

Charles Keyser, went West. in. 

John Keyser, 

Fanny Keyser, " " 

Catharine Keyser, " '* 

Julia Keyser, ;;/. Bateman Downing. 

John Keyser^ {Valentine^) was born in Northampton, now 
Monroe County, Pa.; lived and died there; married Frances Mer- 
wine. They had: — 

John Keyser, ' in. Kate Teeter. 


Valentine Keyser, m. { ^ J Lovfna Kre"sky' 

Mary Keyser, in. William Adams. 

Betsey Keyser, ni. Washington Tolbert. 

Frances Keyser, ni. Thomas Albert. 

Sally Ann Keyser, in. Andrew Rick. 

Caroline Keyser, ;//. Jacob Gress. 

Maria Keyser, ni. Florian Goss. 

Charles Keyser^ ( Valentiize^) was born in Northampton, now 
Monroe County, Pa.; came to Hanover with his father's family; 
lived on the Back Road below the Nanticoke Creek; died there; 
married Sally Gress. They had : — 

George Keyser, b. about 1829, d. in. 

Fernando Keyser, went West. in. 

Samuel Keyser, d. m. Cease. 

John Keyser, in. 

James Keyser, went West. in. 

Elizabeth Keyser, in. Philip Hoch. 

T^ ^1 . T^ f 1st Wm. J.Wagner, 
Katharme Keyser, in.-l ,' -^ ^ ' 

Harriet Keyser, in. James Morris. 

Jane Keyser, in. William Nixon. 

Reuben Keyser^ {Christian,^ Valentine^) was born in Monroe 
County, Pa., in 181 5; came to Hanover with his father's family; 
married Hannah Kreidler, (widow of Burton Downing); died in 
Hanover in 1872. They had: — . 

Martha Keyser, m. Alexander Keithline. 

Margaret Keyser, b. 1846, in. James W. Burton. 

Christiann Keyser, ;;/. John Metcalf 

Sterling Keyser, b. 1850, in. Nettie Giles. 

Hannah D. Keyser, in. William Jones. 

Reuben Keyser, in. 

Thomas Keyser^ {Christian,^ Valentine^) was born in Ashley; 
married Emily Downing; lived and died in Ashley. They had:— 

Isaiah Keyser, killed in battle in the army in 1863. 


Mary Keyser, 7n. Wes. J. Colborn. 

Jesse Keyser, m. 

Keyser, in. 

Christiann Keyser, m. Phillips. 

Valentine Keyser^ {John} Valentine^) was born in Monroe 
County, Pa.; lives in Hanover; married, ist, Margaret Singer, 2d, 
Lovina Kresky. They had: — 

1st, Philip Keyser, m. Jane Lear. 

2d, Edward Keyser, in. Sarah Edwards. 

" William Keyser, m. 

" George Keyser, 

" Fanny Keyser, 

'' Anna Keyser, 

" Harry Keyser. 


Kreidlbr^ was born in Germany; came to Northampton 

County and lived and died there; married there. They had: — 
Frederick Kreidler, in. 

Frederick Kreidler^ ( Kreidler^) was born in Northamp- 
ton County; married; lived and died there. They had: — 

Daniel Kreidler, b. 1770, d. 1855, in. Catharine Hartzell. 

Frederick Kreidler, in. In Northampton. 

George Kreidler, b. ^.1855, ;;/. Rebecca Hartzell. 

Peter Kreidler, in. In Northampton. 

Elizabeth Kreidler, m. Transue. 

Daniel Kreidler-^ {Frederick} Kreidler^) was born in 

Northampton County in 1770; married Catharine Hartzell; came 
to Hanover with his family in 1823; settled on Solomon's Creek 
on the Back Road, now Ashley; had a trip-hammer blacksmith- 
shop there; died there 1855, aged 84. They had: — 

Elizabeth Kreidler, b. 1794, m. George Engle. 

Daniel Kreidler, b, 1800, m. Margaret Boyer. 

Thomas Kreidler, b. 1802, m. Mary Dill. 

Mary Kreidler, b. 1805, m. Charles Hay. 

Rachel Kreidler, /;. 1809, d. 1876, m. Williston Preston. 


Susan M. Kreidler, b. 1812,' m, Charles Frederick. 

Lovina Kreidler, ^.1818, m. Simon Rinehimer. 

George Kreidler^ (Frederick^ Kreidler^) was born in 

Northampton County ; came to Hanover in 1823; married Rebecca 
Hartzell ; lived on a lot a short distance south-west of Petty's 
Mill; died in Hanover in 1855. They had: — 

Margaret Kreidler, m. Henry Stroh. 

John Kreidler, m. Christiann Ransom. 

Catharine Kreidler, m. Nicholas Landmesser 

Arthur Kreidler, 7n. 

T7 u T^ -Ji 700^ o^ ' f ist.BurtonDownine^ 

Hannah Kreidler,^. 1818,^. 1870, inA •, -o 1 t^ ^ 

' J / :^» 1^ 2d, ReubenKeyser. 

Daniel Kreidler, ;;/. Mary Haas. 

Daniel Kreidler'' {Daniel^ Frederick^ Kreidler^) was 

born in Northampton County in 1800; lived in Northampton; 
married Margaret Boyer; died in Northampton County. They 
had: — 

Catharine Kreidler, m. 

William Kreidler, 7n. 

John Kreidler, m. 

Michael Kreidler, ;/^, 

Peter Kreidler, m. 

Daniel Kreidler, m. 

Harry Kreidler, in. 

George Kreidler, in. 


George Kocher^ was of German descent; came to Hanover 
from Northampton County with a grown-up family about 1805; 
owned the farm, afterwards Charles Streator's, on Hog Back, lot No. 
18. His children were: — 

George Kocher, ' . m. Elizabeth Rothermel. 

Henry Kocher, ;;/. 

Mary Kocher, m. Conrad Rinehimer, 

Sarah Kocher, m. Philip Gross. 

Betsey Kocher, • m, Teeter. 




George Kocher^ {George^) was born in Northampton County 
in 1769'; came to Hanover with his father in 1805; lived on the 
Back Road near the Nanticoke Creek; lived there many years, and 
died on the River Road at the Hanover basin in 1850; married 
Elizabeth Rothermel. They had: — 

John Kocher, 

George Kocher, 

Peter Kocher, 

Mary Kocher, b. 1795, d. 1876, ^ 

Rose Ann Kocher, 

Lydia Kocher, 

Susan Kocher, 

Catharine Kocher, b. 1801, ^. 1878, 

;//. Catharine Teeter. 
in. Euphemia Crisman. 

m. Eliza . 

m. John Ash. 

in. Truman Decker. 

in. SamuelH.Puterbaugh 

( 1st, Samuel H. 
;//. < Puterbaugh. 

(^ 2d, Silas Alexander. 
m. Henry George. 

the keithline family. 

Joseph Keithline^ was of German descent; 

Northampton County, Pa.; married Elizabeth 

port township about 1824; died in Newport in 1850. They had:- 

was born in 
came to New- 

Samuel Keithline, b. d. 

Catharine Keithline, b. d. 

John Keithline, b. 1800, d. 1868, 

Joseph Keithline, b. 1802, d. 

Polly Keithline, b. d. 

William Keithline, b. 

Charles Keithline, b. d. 1880, 

Jacob Keithline, b. 

Peter Keithline, b. 

Abram Keithline, b. 1822, d. 1885, 


in. Peter Belles. 

m. Mary Nyhart. 


m. George Grc^'ss. 


in. Ann Deets. 


in. Sarah Fink. 

in. Charlotte Corby. 

John Keithline^ {Joseph^) was born in Northampton County, 
Pa., in 1800; married Mary Nyhart; removed to Newport, Luzerne 
County, in 1824; removed to Hanover in 1831; lived on the 
Middle Road near the Keithline school-house; died in Hanover in 
1868. They had:— 

Samuel Keithline, b. 1823, m. Eliza Hoover. 

Catharine Keithline, b. 1825, in. John Deets. 


Andrew Keithline, b. 1828, m. Rose Varner. 

Julia Keithline, b. 1832, m. William Lear. 

Sarah Keithline, b. 1834, m. Elias Bush. 

. Priscilla Keithline, ^.1835, m. Richard Gillman. 

John Keithline, b. 1837, m. Mary Jane Dennis. 

Peter Keithline, b. 1840, m. Nancy Gillman. 

Mary E. Keithline, b. 1843, m. Jacob Gillman. 

Abram Keithline^ {Joseph}) was born in Northampton County 
in 1822; came with his father's family to Newport in 1824; re- 
moved to Tunkhannock about 1844; married Charlotte Corby; 
died in Tunkhannock in 1885. They had: — 

1st, Alexander Keithline, b. m. Martha Keyser. 

2d, Elijah Keithline, in. Mary Jane Norris. 

" James Keithline, in. Ann Norris. 

" Frank Keithline, in. Mary — — . 

*' Esther Keithline, m. Lorenzo Bedford. 

Samuel Keithline^ {John^ JosepliF) was born in N^orthampton 
County in 1823; came to Newport and Hanover, Luzerne County, 
in 1 83 1 with his father's family; married Eliza Hoover, and lived 
long in Hanover; removed to Kansas in 1883. They had: — 

John Keithline, h. 185 1, m. Anna Abrams. 

Charles Keithline, h. 1858, in. Fanny Goss. 

Lincoln Keithline, b. i860. 

Sarah Keithline, 6. 1863. 

Emma Keithline, h. 1865. 

Cora Keithline, h. 1869. 

% Andrew Keithline^ {John,^ JosepJiF) was born in Newport 
township in 1828; married Rose Varner; removed to Kansas about 
1858; resides in Kansas. They had: — 

Gilbert Keithline, b. in. Josie Martin. 

Cora Keithline. « 

John Keithline^ {John^ JosepJiF) was born in Hanover in 1837; 
married Mary Jane Dennis; has always lived in Hanover. They 
had: — 

Joseph Keithline, b. 1856, m. Victoria Whitworth. 


Priscilia Keithline, b. 1858, ni. Nelson Ace. 

John Keithline, /;. i860. 

Jane Keithline, b. 1863. 

Adrian Keithline, b. 1867. , 

Charles Keithline, b. 1870. 

Peter Keithline^ {John^ Joseph^) was born in Hanover in 
1840; married Nancy Gillman; resides in Wilkes-Barre. They 
had: — 

Charles Keithline, b. 1873. 
Stanley Keithline, b. 1879. 


Captain ' Andrew Lee^ was born in Lancaster County, now 
Dauphin, in 1739; was one of the ''Paxtang Boys;" served as a 
captain of dragoons during the Revolutionary War; was noted for^ 
his services as a partisan officer during that war; was taken prisoner 
by the British and confined in a hulk in New York harbor; after 
the peace of 1783 he returned to Lancaster County; married 
Priscilia Espy, widow of James Stewart, brother of Capt. Lazarus 
Stewart; removed to Harrisburg, and in 1804 removed to Hanover; 
resided on the river bank at the mouth of Nanticoke Creek, a half 
mile above Nanticoke Falls; died there in 1821. They had: — 

Col. Washington Lee, h. 1786, d. 1 871,?;/. Elizabeth Campbell. 
James S. Lee, b. 1789, d, 1850, vi. Martha Campbell. 

Col. Washington Lee^ {Capt. Andrew^) was born in Harris- 
burg in 1786; was an officer in the United States Army ; served 
through the War of 1 812 as paymaster; married Elizabeth Camp- 
bell; removed to Nanticoke in 18 17; lived at the homestead on the 
bank of the Susquehanna about a half mile from the "falls" (after- 
wards the Nanticoke dam) ; was engaged in iron making on the 
Newport branch of Nanticoke Creek before the canal was built, 
and afterwards in coal mining for many years ; removed to Wilkes- 
Barre in 1869; died there without issue in 1 871. 

James S. Lee^ (Capt. Andrezv^) was born in Harrisburg in 
1789; came to Hanover with his father's family in 1804; married 


Martha Campbell ; lived on the River Road about a mile above 
Nanticoke, near the Nanticoke Creek (Lee's Creek); died there in 
1850. They had: — 

Andrew Lee, h. 1815, d. 1882, ;//. Sarah Jane Buckhout 

Priscilla Lee, b. 18 19, m. Ziba Bennett 

Washington Lee, h. 1821, <^. 1883, in. Emily Thomas. 

Margaret Lee, b. 1823, d. 1866, m. Dr. James F.Doolittle 

Mary Lee, b. 1829, d. 1853, m. Lewis C. Paine. 

Andrew Lee^ [James S.^ Capt. Andreu?-^ was born in Hanover 
in 181 5; married Sarah Jane Buckhout; lived in Nanticoke and in 
Wilkes-Barre ; died in Wilkes-Barre in 1882. They had: — ^ 

James S. Lee, b. m.. 

William W. Lee, b. 

Minnie Lee, b. 

Washington Lee^ {James S.^ Capt. Andrew^) was born in Han- 
over in 1821 ; married Emily Thomas; lived in Wilkes-Barre and 
in New York City; died in New York in 1883. They had: — 

Elizabeth Lee, in. Dr. W. J. Morton. 

J. Frank Lee, m. Madge Swetland. 

Josephine Lee, in. Bruce Price. 

Emma Lee, in. Benjamin Barroll. 

Charles W. Lee, in. Priscilla L. Doolittle. 


John Adam Loeb^ was born in Germany; came to America a 
single man; settled in Lehigh County about 1780; married Miss 

Honpater; came with his family to Newport township 

previous to 1 8 10; married second time, Anna Mary Huntsicker; 
died in Newport (Honey Pot). They had: — 

1st, John Lape, -1795, d. 1862, in. Sally Hiddle. 

'' Elizabeth Lape, b. 1802, d. 1881, in. John Clark. 
2d, Adam Lape, b. 1810, ^. 1847, ^^- Elizabeth Croop. 

" Susan Lape, b. 1^12, d. 
" George Lape, b. 1814, <^. 1874, in. Mary Gary. 

John 'Lkvy? [John Adam^) was born in Lehigh County in 1795; 
came to Newport with his father previous to 18 10; changed the 
spelling of his name to Lape ; married Sally Hiddle; lived and 
died in Newport. They had: — 


William Lape, b. 1837, d. 1864; died in Andersonville prison. 

Adam Lape^ {John Adani^) was born in Newport in 18 10; 
changed the spelling of his name to Lape ; married Elizabeth 
Croop; lived in Nanticoke (Hanover); died there in 1847. They 

Harriet Lape, b. 1833, in. Dr. Harry Hakes. 

William Lape, b. 1835, d. 1875, served 

four years in Army, Co. D, 9th Pa. Cav. 

Andrew Lape, b. 1837, ^^^^ ^'^ Arrny, 
Co. D, 9th Pa. Cavalry. 

Alvin Lape, b. 1839, m. Amelia James. 

Francis S. Lape, b. 1841, d. 1881, 1 
served in Army, 5 2d Pa. Vol. J 

{r ranees n/ T 1 n e 
(widow Lueder.) 
Clara J. Lape, b. 1845. 

George Lape^ {John Adanf) was born in Newport in 18 14; 
married Mary Gary; changed the spelling of his name to Lape ; 
lived in Wilkes-Barre; died in New York in 1874. They had: — 

Edward Lape, died in the Army. 

Anna Lape. 

George Lape, b. d. 1873, m. 

Amanda Lape, in. 

Charles Lape. 

Alvin Lape^ {Adam ^ John Adain^) was born in Nanticoke in 
1839: married Amelia James; lives in Nanticoke. They' had: — 
Bessie Lape, b. 
Andrew Lape, b. 

Carrie Lape, b. • • • 

Harry Lape, b. , > * , 

Heller) Lape, b. 
Joseph S. Lape, b. 

Dr. Allen A. Lape'^ {Adam^ John Adam^^ was born in Nanti- 
coke in 1843; married Frances V. Line, widow of William Lueder; 
lived in Nanticoke; died there in 1884. They had: — 

Vienna Lape, b. 1872. 

Mamie Lape, /;. 1874. 



Conrad Line^ was of German descent; was born in New Jersey 

in 1 731; married Clarrissa ; came to Hanover (Nanticoke) 

before the Revolutionary War; lived on the Middle Road in the 
lower end of the township; died there in 181 5. They had: — 

Peter Line, went away. 

John Line, m. Harrison. 

Adrian Line, m. 

Conrad Line, m. 

Lena Line, m. Nathaniel Worden. 

Henry Line, h. 1783, d. 1849, ^- Anna Sliker. 

John Line^ (^Conrad '^y wdiS born in New Jersey; came with his 

father to Hanover; married Harrison; lived in Hanover; died 

at Fairview. They had: — 

Jesse Line, m. (widow) Connor 

Polly Line, . m. Fairchild. 

John Line, m. 

Conrad Line^ (^Conrad'^) was born in Nanticoke, Hanover; 
lived at Line's Ferry, below Shickshinny; died there; married 
. They had: — • 

Conrad Line, ' ^ m. Sarah Santee. 

Motty Line, m. 

Henry Line^ {Conrad^) was born in Hanover in 1783; married 
Anna Sliker; lived on the Middle Road in Hanover, near the lower 
end of the township on the south side. They had: — 

Margaret Line, b. 1807, <^. 1881, m. Samuel Pell. 

James Line, b. 1809, d. 1846, in. Catharine Mill. 

Abram Line, b. about 181 1, ^n. Fanny Espy. 

Elizabeth Line, ^.1813, vi. George Mill. 

Martha Line, m. John Fairchild. 

Julia Ann Line, in. James Beaty. 

Henry Line, m. Eliza Ann Robins. 

Maria Line, m. Jacob S. Robins. 

Catharine Line, in. Daniel Raiselay. 

Samuel Line, b. 1830, m. Emma E. Butts. 


Adrian Line^ {Conrad^) was born in Hanover; lived on the 
Middle Road, in the lower end of the township, on the north side; 
married . They had : — 

Conrad Line, ;;/. Elizabeth Fairchild. 

Conrad Line^ {Adrian,^ Conrad^) was born in Hanover; lived 
near the Hanover line on the Middle Road in Newport; married 
Elizabeth Fairchild; died in Newport. They had:—* 

Mary Line, m. Solomon Mill. 

Eliza Line, m. John Mill. 

Rachel Line, m. Charles Keithline. 

Sydia Line, in. Joseph Deets. 

John R. Line, in. Mary Espy. 

Amanda Line, ♦ in. Henry Barker. 

Conrad Line^ {Conrad^ Conrad^) was born at Line's. Ferry; 

married Sarah Santee ; died at the Ferry. They had : — 

Samuel Line, m. 

James Line, m. 

Mort. Line, in. Ellen Courtright. 

Rachel Line, m. Nathan Garrison. 

Margaret Line, m. • 

Pet-er Line, m. 

Stewart Line, m. 

Fletcher Line, sn. Sarah Andrus. 

John Line, m. 

James Line^ {Henry, "^ Conrad^) was born in Hanover in 1809; 
lived there; died there in 1846; married Catharine Mill. They 
had : — 

Mary Line, in. Adam Learn. 

Abram Line^ {Henry ^ Conrad^) was born in Hanover about 
igii ; married Fanny Espy; lives in Kingston. They had: — 

1st, Wm. Lueder. 

Frances E. Line, m. ^ ^^^ ^^ ^ ^ape. 

Emily Line, h. 1836, d. 1853, m. Solomon Fairchild. 

Lovina Line, in. W. S. Smith. 

Annetta Line, m. Charles D. Wells. 

Augusta Line, in. Charles Hollenback. 

Edward C. Line, vi, Rosa M. Moyer. 


Henry Line^ [Henry f Conrad^) was born in Hanover; married 
Eliza Ann Robins; removed to St. Jo. County, Michigan, about 
1865 with his whole family. They had: — 

Cornelius V. Line, m. Gruver. 

Charles Line, m. 

Mary Margaret Line, m. Wesley C. Gruver. 

Julia Ann Line, ni. Houpt. 

Christian Line, m. 

John Line, ' m. 

Samuel Line^ [Henry ^ Conrad^) was born in Hanover in 1830; 
married Emma E. Butts; lives in Wilkes-Barre. They had: — 

Florence Ida Line, ni. Walter S. Robins. 

Merritt L. Line. 

Lawrence W. Line. 

Harry E. Line. 

Minnie Line. 

the learn family. 

George Learn^ was of German descent; was born in Northamp- 
ton County, Pa., in 1 781; married and came to Hanover in 18 10; 
lived on the River Road where the canal — now railroad — crosses 
it; died there in 1850. They had: — ' 

Simon Learn, in. 

Levi Learn, m. Sarah Sterling. 

Lovina Learn, m. 

Lee Learn, ni. Hannah Hartzell. 

Heller Learn, m. Catharine Stucker. 

(George P. Learn, • in. Naomi Keller. 

Michael Learn, went West. 

Charles Learn. 

Adam Learn, in. Mary Line. 

William Learn, went West. 

Lydia Learn, m. William Askam. 

Mary Ann Learn, in. Gress. 


George Lazarus^ was of German descent; was born in 
Northampton County, Pa., in 1761; married Mary Hartzell; re-; 




moved with his family to Hanover in 1818; Hved on the flats in 
Hanover; owned lot No. 5, adjoining the Ashley cross-road on the 
east; died in Hanover in 1844. They had: — 

John Lazarus, h. 1796, d. 1879, 
Elizabeth Lazarus, h. 1798, 
Catharine Lazarus, b. 1800, 
Sarah Lazarus, b. 1804, 
George Lazarus, b. 1809, d. 1882, 
Mary Lazarus, b. 18 12, 
Thomas Lazarus, b. 18 16, 

m. Polly Drake. 
m. Benjamin Stocker. 
m. Frederick Deterick. 
in. John Blanchard. 
m. Margaret Barber. 
in. Asahel B. Blodgett. 
in. Rachel Miller. 

John Lazarus^ {George^) was born in Northampton County in 
1796; came to Hanover with his father's family in 1818; married 
Polly Drake; lived in Hanover near his father; died in Wilkes- 
Barre in 1879. They had: — 

William Lazarus, 
Julia Lazarus, 
Silas Lazarus, 
Elizabeth Lazarus, 
Daniel Lazarus, 
Mary Lazarus. 
Martha Lazarus, 
Louisa Lazarus. 
Ellen Lazarus, 
Harriet Lazarus, 

m. Lottie Pruner. 
in. John Stettler. 
m. Mary Pierce. 
in. William Norris. 
m. Susan George. 

m. James Butler. 

;//. Simon Jones. 
in. Elihu Williams. 

George Lazarus^ {George^^ was born in Northampton County, 
Pa., in 1809; came to Hanover with his father's family in 181 8; 
married Margaret Barber; lived in Pittston and died there in 1882. 
They had: — 

Emanuel Lazarus, m. Justine Smith. 

John Lazarus, in. Ellen Barber. 

Thomas \^kzkk\5'^ {George^^ was born in Northampton County, 
Pa., in 1816; came to Hanover with his father's family in 1818; 
married Rachel Miller; lives on the original farm of his father in 
Hanover, on the north side of Solomon's Creek, and of the old 
canal, and of the N. & W. B. R. R., at the station called Plymouth 
Ferry. They had : — 


Emma Lazarus, 7n. William Harrison. 

Lucy A. Lazarus, in. Augustus B. Lueder. 

George Lazarus, in. Emma Majors. 

Margaret Lazarus, in. Randolph Bennett. 

Chester Lazarus, in. Elizabeth Wheelock. 

Estella Lazarus, • in. Clarence Brader. 


Christian F. Lueder^ was born in Germany in 1769; emigrated 
to America; settled first in Northampton County; married Mary 
Magdalen Ryswick; came to Hanover and settled on the Back 
Road; died there in 1832, aged 63. They had: — 

John Lueder, in. MargaretVandermark 

Frederick Lueder, in. Mary Vandermark. 

Augustus Lueder, • in. Rose Anna Lutzey. 

Christian F. Lueder, in. Hannah Lutzey. 

Hannah K. Lueder, in. Jesse Dilley. 

Elizabeth Lueder, in. Charles Garringer. 

Harriet Lueder, ;;/. Rufus Bennett. 

Julia Lueder, . in. John Askam. 

Lydia Lueder, in. Archibald Smiley. 

Mary Lueder, in. Equilla Deeter. 

Christian F. Lueder^ [Christian F}) was born in Hanover in 
1 8 10; lived and died (1873) in Hanover at the old homestead; 
married Hannah Lutzey. They had: — 

William Lueder, d. 1862, ;;/. Frances E. Line. 

Mary Lueder, 7;/. 'Frederick M. Jones. 

Augustus B. Lueder, ;//. Lucy A. Lazarus. 

Sarah Etta Lueder, . ;;/. William B. Moore. 

Martha Lueder, ;;/. Isaac H. Moore. 

George Lueder, m. 

Anning Lueder, • m. Nelly Fry. 

Samuel Lueder, m. Jenny George. 

Charles Lueder, m. 

Hendrick W. Lueder, m. 



Daniel Learch^ was of German descent; was born in New 
Jersey; immigrated to Hanover about 1813; married Rachel 
Gardner; died in Nanticoke. They had: — 

Philip Learch, b. 1806, d. 1879, in. Anna Winters. 

Anna Learch, b. c/. 1885, in. Charles Smith. 

Jacob Learch, b. 1808, d. 1*883, m. Ellen Teel. 

William Learch, b. 18 10, m. Sally Slagle. 

Philip Learch^ [Daniel^) was born in New Jersey in 1806; 
emigrated to Easton, Pa., about 1834, then, several years later, 
emigrated to Wayne County, Pa.; married Anna Winters; died in 
Wayne County about 1878. They had: — 

John Learch, b. in. Rene Arnold. 

Maggie Learch, b. ni. Fails Varney. 

Henry Learch^ b. 

Nettie Learch, b. 

Spencer Learch, b. 

Jacob Learch^ {Daniel^) was born in New Jersey in 1808; came 
to Hanover about 1820; married Ellen Teel; lived in Nanticoke; 
died in Nanticoke in 1883. They had: — 

Rachel Learch, b. 1833, d. 1862, ;;/. Stewart Cutler. 

John Learch, 6. 1835, in. Catharine Thomas. 

Catharine Learch, b. 1838. 

Daniel Learch, b. 1840, d. 1878, in. Corinda Atwell. 

Philip Learch, b. 1846, d. 1881, ;;/. Lydia Gates. 

William Learch, b. 1848. 

Adrian Learch, b. 1866. 

William Learch^ {Daniel^) was born in New Jersey in 18 10; 
came to Hanover with his father's family about 181 3; married 
Sally Slagle; lives in Pittston, Pa. They had: — 

Linda Learch, b. in. Oliver. 

Elizabeth Learch, m. William Hale. 

Rachel Learch, d. about 1863. 

Catharine Learch, d. about 1880, m. John Williams. 

Anna Learch, ;//. Isaiah Hale. . 

Jacob Learch. 

Lewis Learch. 

Thomas Learch. 



John Mill^ was born in 1730 near Philadelphia; came to Han- 
over about 1802; settled in Nanticoke; died there in 18 14. They 

John Mill, b. 1765, d. 1840, 7;/. Catharine Klinker. 

John Mill^ {/okn^) was born near Philadelphia in 1765; came 
to Hanover with his father's family about 1802; lived in Nanticoke; 
married Catharine Klinker; died in Nanticoke in 1840. They 
had:— - 

Mary Mill, * m. Henry Anheuser. 

Peter Mill, d. 1800, d, 1871, m. Mary Keithline. 

George Mill, in. Elizabeth Line. 

Solomon Mill, ;//. Mary Line. 

John Mill, m. Eliza Line. 

Catharine Mill, . 7;i. James Line. 

Peter Mill^ (/o/m^ /okn^) was born near Philadelphia in 1800; 
came to Hanover with his father; lived in Nanticoke; married 
Mary Keithline; died in Nanticoke in 1871. They had: — 

Sarah Mill, m. M. L. Luke. 

Peter Mill. 

Samantha Mill. 

George Mill^ (^John^ John}') was born in Hanover; went West; 
married Elizabeth Line. They had: — 
Henry Mill. 
Peter Mill. 
Charles Mill. 
Frank Mill. 
Sylvester Mill. 
Mary Mill. 


George Peter Minnich^ was born in 1764; came from Germany 
at about 20 years of age; settled in Northampton County in 1784; 
married Elizabeth Rockel; came to Hanover with his family about 
1 8 10; settled on the River Road below the Red Tavern; died 
there in 1826. They had: — • ♦ 

Henry Minnich, h. 1785, d. 1845, * ^^- Elizabeth Knaus. 


Sarah Minnich, m. Luthridge Knaus, 

Elizabeth Minnich, h. 1786, d. 182 1, ;;/. Henry Mack. 

Susan Minnich, m. Jacob Rummage. 

Catharine Minnich, in. Conrad Rummage. 

Polly Minnich, 6. 1795, d. 1876, ;;/. Henry Ash. 

Henry Minnich^ (George Peter^) was born in Northampton 
County in 1785; came from Northampton County about the time 
his father did — 18 10; married Elizabeth Knaus; settled on the 
River Road by the side of his father; died there in 1845. They 
had: — 

Peter Minnich, d. 1882, in. Katy Ann Downs. 

Julia Minnich, in. Peter Andrew. 

Anthony Minnich, in. Susan Youngs. 

Daniel Minnich, b. 18 14, m. Julia Ann Kocher. 

John Minnich, ^,1817, , m. Julia . 

Abram Minnich, b. 1818, <^. 1880, in. Mary Ann Husselton 

David Minnich, m. Catharine Lester. 

Peter Minnich^ [Henry ^ George Peter^) was born in Northamp- 
ton County; came to Hanover with his father's family; married 
Katy Ann Downs; lived and died in Ohio. They had: — 

John Lary Minnich, in. Emily Shock. 

Louisa Minnich, in. Daniel M. Conkey. 

Emma Minnich, in. Daniel Klingerman. 

Lodema Minnich, in, 

Anthony Minnich^ [Henry ^ George Peter^) was born in 
Northampton County; came to Hanover with his father; married 
Susan Youngs; went to Wisconsin; lives there now. They had: — 

Anna Minnich, in. Howard. 

John Minnich, m. 

Emma Minnich, m. 

Daniel Minnich^ [Hemy^ George Peter^) was born in Hanover 
in 1 814; lives in Hanover; married Julia Ann Kocher. They 

Christiann Minnich, b. 1834. 

William Henry Minnich, <^. 1836, <^. 1 88 1,;;/. Amy Price. 

Nathaniel Minnich, /;. 1838, in. Rebecca Couter. 


T 1 Tv/r- • u i o f 1st, Sarah Keyser. 

John, b. 1841, m.i^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ij^ 

Lyman Minnich, b. 1845, ^- Louisa Klutz. 

Leander Minnich, b. 1850, m. Henrietta Coolbaugh 

Vianna E. Minnich, b. i860, in. Ario Tinsley. 

John Minnich^ {Henry ^ George P?) was born in Hanover; hves 

in Ohio; married JuHa . They had: — 

Ellen Minnich, m. David Garret. 

Emma Minnich, . m. 

Abram Minnich^ (Henry, ^ George P}) was born in Hanover; 
lived in Wilkes-Barre; died in Wilkes-Barre in 1880; married ist, 
Mary Ann Husselton, 2d, Mary Smyser. They had: — 

1st, William Minnich, m. Martha Smith. 

" Lydia Ann Minnich, m. Cyrus Croop. 

** George Minnich, m. Emma Flickinger. 

2d, Butler Ivy Minnich. 

" Frank Minnich. 

David Minnich^ [Henry ^ George Peter^) was born in Hanover; 
lives in Iowa; married Catharine Lester. They had: — 

Margaret Ann Minnich, m. Mayo. 

Charles Minnich. 

Wm. Henry Minnich* {Daniel^ He?iry^ George Peter^) was born 
in Hanover in 1836; always hved in Hanover; died in 1881; mar- 
ried Amy Price. They had : — 

Irvin Minnich. 
Frank Minnich. 
Sarah Minnich. 

Nathaniel Minnich* {Daniel f Henry ^ George Peter^) was born 
in Hanover in 1838; lives in Hanover; married Rebecca Couter. 
They had: — 

Sylvester D. Minnich. 
Lorah A. Minnich. 
Hattie Minnich. 
Susan Minnich. 
Loretta Minnich. 



John Minnich^ {Daniel^ Henry'^ George Peter^) was born in 
Hanover in 1841; lives in Hanover; married ist, Sarah Keyser, 
2d, Sarah Clark. They had: — 

Charles Minnich. 

Edward Minnich. 

Carrie Minnich. 

Mary Minnich. 

Raymond Minnich. 

Lyman Minnich"^ [Daniel^ Henry ^ George Peter^) was born in 
Hanover; lives in Plymouth, Luzerne County, Pa.; married Louisa 
Klutz. They had: — 

Harry Minnich. 

Leander Minnich'^ [Daniel^ Henry^ George Peter^^ was born in 
Hanover in 1850; lives in Hanover (Sugar Notch); married Henri- 
etta Coolbaugh. They had : — 

Eli Minnich. 

Alice Minnich. 

Charles Minnich. 

Oscar Minnich. 


Jacob Miller^ was born in Northampton County; was of 
German descent; came to Hanover about 18 16; married Christine 
Rummage. They had: — 

John Miller. 

Sarah Miller, ;;/. James Greenawalt. 

Peter Miller, in, Sybilla Richards. ' 

Catharine Miller, in. Simon Shoemaker. 

Simon Miller, h. about 1829, in. Sarah Keener. 

Washington Miller, in. Lydia Custerd. 

Andrew Miller, in. ChristiannSwartwood 

Peter Miller^ {Jacob'^) was born in Hanover; married Sybilla 
Richards; lives in Wright township. They had: — 
Edward Miller, . vt. 

Elijah Miller, m. 

Ann Miller, m. 


Simon Miller^ [Jacob^) was born in Hanover; lives in Wright 
township; married Sarah Keener. They had: — 
William Miller. 
Charles Miller. 
John Peter Miller. 

Washington Miller^ [Jacob^] was born in Hanover; lives in 
Wright township; married Lydia Custerd. They had: — 
Christiann Miller, m. Richard Keener. 

Sarah Miller, m. Swartwood. 

George Miller, m. Margaret Swartwood. 
Emily Miller, m. Swartwood. 

Andrew Miller^ {Jacob^) was born in Hanover; lives in Wright 
township; married Christiann Swartwood. They had: — 
Ellie Miller. 


John Marcy^ was born in Limerick, Ireland, in 1662; married 
and emigrated to America. Had, among others : 
Ebenezer Marcy, b. 1709, m. 

Ebenezer Marcy^ {Joh7t^) was born at Woodstock, Conn., in 
1709; married and had, among other children: — 
Ebenezer Marcy, b. 1741, d. m. 

Ebenezer Marcy^ {Ebenezerf JohiiS) was born at Dover, Duchess 
County, New York, in 1741 ; emigrated to Wyoming Valley about 
1772; settled in Pittston; fled through the wilderness after the 
battle and massacre of Wyoming; returned and lived and died in 
Pittston. He had, among others : — 

Jared Marcy, b. 1782, d. 18 16, m. Sarah Bennett. 

_ Jared Marcy'' {Ebenezer f Ebenezer^ John}^ was born in Pittston 
in 1782; married Sarah Bennett, daughter of Rufus Bennett; 
settled in Hanover; removed to Pittston; died in 18 16. They 

Lorinda Marcy, h. 1805, d. 1848, vi. Dayton Dilley. 

Ira Marcy, h. 1807, ^- 1^74* ^^^' Mary Teeter. 

T) , Ti/r I ,0^ f 1st, LucyAnnWren- 

Reuben Marcy, 6. 1 800, in.{ ^ ' , -u . -p, 

•' ^ (ton, 2d, Sarah Ryon 

Avery Marcy, h, 181 1, in. Lucinda Blackman. 



Ira Marcy''^ ^Jared^ Ebenezerf Ebenezer^ John^) was born in 
Hanover in 1807; married Mary Teeter; lived in Hanover and 
Wilkes-Barre; died in Wilkes-Barre in 1874. They had: — 

William H. Marcy, b. 1836, m. Susan A. Stone. 

Rufus W. Marcy, b. 1839, in. Ruth Kelley. 

Ira Marcy, b. d., killed in a California train wreck. 

Sarah E. Marcy, b. 1843, d. 1875, in. Charles Stout. 

Reuben Marcy^ {Jarcd,^ Ebenezerf Ebenezer^ John^) was born 
in Hanover in 1809; married, ist, Lucy Ann Wrenton and 2d, 
Mrs. Sarah Ryon, (McCool). They had : — 
1st, Jane Clifton Marcy. 

" Lorinda Marcy, in. Alfred Coon. 

" Mary Ann Marcy, in. J. W. Harden. 

" Harriet M. Marcy, ;;/. George V. Mans. 

*' Bennett W. Marcy, in. Emma Post. 

2d, Lizzi? W. Marcy, in. Walter F. Holms. 

" Charles R. Marcy, in. Ada Raub. 

'* Benjamin R. Marcy, m. Jean McCullough. 

Avery Marcy^ {Jared,^ Ebenezerf Ebenezer^ John^) was born in 
Hanover in 181 1; married Lucinda Blackman; lived in Wilkes- 
Barre, and Hanover and Lake townships. They had: — 

Elmina Marcy, in. David Hill. 

Cyrus A. Marcy, m. Frances Zehner.* 

Henry B. Marcy, killed in the Rebellion in 1864. 

Sarah Marcy, ;;/. Stacy Doan. 

Melissa Marcy, in. William Klaproth. 

Araminta C. Marcy, in. Daniel E. Ide. 

Ira N. Marcy. 

Jared Marcy, m. Emma Gregory. 

Albert Marcy, ;;/. Lilly Green. 

William H. Marcy, • in. Minne Weldon. 

Anna H. Marcy, vi. William Raudenbush 

Cyrus A. Marcy^ (Aveiy,^ Jared^ Ebenezerf Ebenezer^ John^) 
was born in Hanover; married Frances Zehner; lived in Ashley; 
removed to Sayre. They had: — 

Lucinda Marcy, 


Ada Marcy. 
Anna Marcy. 
Katie Marcy. 
George Marcy. 
Maud Marcy. 

Jared Marcy^ [Avery, ^ Jai^ed^ Ebenezerf Ebenezer^ John} was 
born in Hanover; lives in Ashley; married Emma Gregory. They 
had: — «» 

Daisey Marcy. 

Ray Marcy. 

Amy Marcy. 

Lucinda Marcy. 

Albert Marcy^ {Avery^ Jared^ Ebenezer;' Ebenezer^ yoh?i^) 
was born in Hanover; lives in Ashley; married Lilly Green. 
They had: — 

Arthur G. Marcy. 

William H. Marcy^ {Avery, ^ Jared ;^ Ebenezerf Ebenezer^ John^^ 
was born in Hanover; lives in Ashley; married Minne Weldon. 
They had: — 

Charles W. Marcy. 


John George Nagle^ was of German descent; was born in 
Northampton County in 1746; died in Hanover in 1823; came to 
Hanover about 181 3 with a family of grown-up children. They 
were : — 

Frederick Nagle. 

Christian Nagle, m. Sarah Steckel. 

Maria Nagle, in. Christian Burrier. 

Elizabeth Nagle, m. James Sterling. 

Catharine Nagle, ni. Isaac Derhammer. 

Mary Nagle, ;;/., went to Ohio. 

John Nagle, h, 1793, d. 1875, m. Susan Rimer. 

Christian Nagle^ [Jolm George^^ was born in Northampton 
County; came to Hanover in 181 3 with his father; married Sarah 
Steckel; lived on the Middle Road about two miles below Wilkes- 
Barre; died in 1857. They had: — 


William Nagle, m, Lydia Ann Downing 

George Nagle, m. Mary Rinehimer. 

Reuben Nagle, m. Jane Davis. 

Charles Nagle, h. about 1828, m. Mary Ann Custerd. 

Sarah Nagle, 7n. Peter Petty. 

Eliza Nagle, fit. William Watt. 

Rebecca Nagle, m. Elijah Edgerton. 

John I^gle^ {John George^) was born in Northampton County 
in 1793; came to Hanover with his father in 181 3; had a tannery 
on the Middle Road at Askam; removed to Wilkes-Barre in 1 830; 
married Susan Rimer; died in Wilkes-Barre in 1875. They had: — 

Ephraim Nagle, m. Sarah Edmonds. 

George M. Nagle, 6. 1835, ;;/. Sarah J. Fowler. 

Ephraim Nagle^ { John, ^ John George^) was born in Hanover; 
removed to New Jersey; died there; married Sarah Edmonds. 
They had: — 

William Nagle, in. 

Robert Nagle. 

Mary Nagle. 

John Nagle. 

Jacob Nagle. 

George M. Nagle^ [John ^ John George^) was born in Wilkes- 
Barre; always lived there-; married Sarah J. Fowler. They had: — 
John Ad. Nagle. 
Susan Nagle. 
Frank Nagle. 
Kate Nagle. 
Fred. Nagle. 
Maud Nagle. 
Jessie Nagle. 


Leonard Pfouts^ was of German descent; lived in Jersey 
Shore, Lycoming County, Pa.; married Mary Conover (called 
originally Covenhoven). They had: — 

Mary Pfouts, m. Joseph Barnes. 

Lucretia Pfouts, m. Leonard Eder. 


Benjamin F. Pfouts, b. 1809, d. 1874, m. Mary Frances Sively. 

Mary Ann Pfouts, m. Joseph Bailey. 

Sarah Pfouts, m. Jonathan Pursel. 

Robert Pfouts, m. Jane Pursel. 

Isabella Pfouts, m. Daniel Latcha. 

Lucinda Pfouts, m. William Lemon. 

John Pfouts, m. Rachel Lemon. 

Benjamin F. Pfouts^ [Leonard^) was born in Lycoming County 

in 1809; married Mary Frances Sively in Hanover in 1841; lived 

on the River Road in the old Sively homestead; died there in 

1874. They had: — 

r- o -nr i. A o ^ f 1st, Emma Quick. 

■ George S. Pfouts, b. 1 842, m. j ^^; ^^^jj^ ^^j^^^^j^ 

George S. Pfouts^ {Benjamin F.^ Leonard'^) was born in Han- 
over in 1842; lives on the River Road about two miles below 
Wilkes-Barre; married ist, Emma Quick, 2d, Adella Eckroth. 
They had: — 

1st, Fanny L. Pfouts. 
" George S. Pfouts. 

2d, . 


Wait Plumb,^ with his brother, John Plumb, was born in Eng- 
land; the estate was entailed upon the eldest son, and the others 
emigrated to America. John Plumbe was known in New London, 
Connecticut, as early as 1634; had a son John, and a grandson 
John. Wait also settled in Connecticut and had a son (among 
others) named: — 

Waitstill Plumb, h. d. m. 

Waitstill Plumb^ ( ^<:22V^) was born in Connecticut; married 
resided in Connecticut and died there. They had 

(among other sons and daughters) : — 

Waitstill John Plumb, 6. d. m. 

Waitstill John Plumb^ ( Waitstill^ Wait^') was born in Con- 
necticut; resided in Middletown; married and died there. They 


John Plumb, b. d. in. 

Wait Plumb, h. d. m. . 

Reuben Plumb, h. d. m. 

Charles Plumb, 6. about 1744, d. m. Susan Starr. 

JacobPlumb,6. about 1746, <3^. about 1822,;;/. Prudence Powers. 

John Plumb* (Waitstill JoJmf Waitstill^ Wait^) was born in 

Middletown, Connecticut; married ; died there. They 

had : — 

John Plumb, d. d. m. 

Keuben Flumb^ (Waitsti// John, ^ Waitstill^ Wait^^ was born in 

Connecticut; married 

George Plumb, b. 


; livec 

I and died there. The 

Sylvester Plumb, b. 


went South about 1800. 

Reuben Plumb, b. 



Amzi Plumb, b. 



Ichabod Plumb, b. 


m. Catharine Hinsdale. 

Anna Plumb, b. 


;;/. Kent. 

Charles Plumb* ( Waitstill Johnf Waitstill^ Wait^) was born in 
Connecticut about 1744, in Middletown; married Susan Starr; re- 
moved to Chester, Mass., about 1784; removed to Ohio about 
1809; died there. They had: — 

Rhoda Plumb, b. 1777, d. 1872, m. Jacob Plumb. 

Fanny Plumb, b. ifyg, d. 7n. Harry Wales. 

Clarissa Plumb, h. 1784, d. m. Isaac Streater. 

Seth Plumb, b. 1786, d. went to Baltimore. 

Samuel Plumb, b. 1788, d. m. Peggy Streater. 

James Plumb, 6. 1790, d. m. Susan . 

Jacob Plumb* {Waitstill Johnf Waitstill^ Wait^) was born in 
Middletown, Connecticut, about 1746; married Prudence Powers; 
removed to Chester, Massachusetts, in 1788; removed to Spring- 
field, New York, about 1806; removed to Mount Pleasant, Penn- 
sylvania, about 181 2; removed to Wyoming Valley about 18 14; 
died in Kingston, Luzerne County, Pa., in 1822; buried in Forty 
Fort Cemetery. They had: — 

Prudence Plumb, b. d. in. John Sizer. 


Esther Plumb, b. d. in. William Sizer. 

Jacob Plumb, h. 1776, d. 1853, ^- Rhoda Plumb. 

Comfort Plumb, b. lyj^, d. m. Betsey Black. 

Jacob Plumb^ {Jacob,^ Waitstill Johnf Waitstillf Wait^) was 
born in Middletown, Connecticut, in 1776; removed to Chester, 
Massachusetts, with his father about 1788; married his cousin, 
Rhoda Plumb; built the first carding machine ever built in the 
United States at Chester in 1801; removed to Springfield, New 
York, about 1806; removed to Mount Pleasant, Pennsylvania, about 
18 1 2, and built carding machines there; removed to Pittston, 
Luzerne County, in 181 3 or 18 14, and, it is believed, built the first 
carding machines in Wyoming Valley; built the first carding 
machine in Hanover at Behee's Mill in 1826-27; ^^^^ ^^ Prompton, 
Wayne County, Pa., in 1853. They had: — 

Maria Plumb, b. 1795, m. Ira Stearns. 

Harriet Plumb, b. I^gy, d. 1880, m. William Joseph. 

Clara Plumb, b. 1800, d. 1881, 7n. George Joseph. 

Charles Plumb, b. 1802, d. 183 1, m. Julia Anna Blackman. 

Simon H. Plumb, b. 1805, ^- 187 1, ni. Abby Greeley. 

Almira Plumb, b. 1807, ^- 1827, ;;/. William Morey. 

r 1st, Hosea Aldrich. 
Lovina Plumb, b. 18 14, m.l 2d, Rockwell Bun- 

( nell. 

Hiram Plumb, b. 181 8, m. Emma Jenkins. 

Comfort Plumb*^ [Jacob, ^ Waitstill jfohi^ Waitstill^ Wait^) was 
born in Middletown, Connecticut, in 1778; removed with the family 
to Chester, Massachusetts, about 1788; married Betsey Black; re- 
moved to Ohio about 181 3; died there about 1836. They had: — 

William Plumb, b. m. 

Fred. Plumb, m. 

And four other children, names unknown. 

Charles Plumb^^ [Jacob ^ Jacob ^ Waitstill yohnf Waitstill^ 
Wait^) was born in Chester, MaSs., in 1802; removed with the 
family to Springfield, N. Y., in 1806; came with the family to 
Mount Pleasant in 1811-12, and to Pittston in Wyoming Valley in 
1 8 14; to Hanover in 1826, where, with his father, he built carding 


machines in Behee's Mill; married Julia Anna Blackman, daughter 
of Elisha Blackman, of Hanover; died at Harford, Susquehanna 
County, Pa., in 1831. They had: — 

Henry Blackman Plumb, b. 1829, in. Emma L. Ruggles. 

Simon H. Plumb*^ {Jacob l" Jacob!" Waitstill Johnf Waitstill^ 
Wait}^ was born in Chester, Mass., in 1805; removed to Spring- 
field, N. Y., with his father's family in 1806; came to Mount 
Pleasant in 1811-12 with the family, and to Pittston in 18 14; to 
Wyoming in 1820 and to Hanover in 1826; removed to Harford, 
Susquehanna County, Pa., in 1830, and to Prompton in 1835; 
married Abby Greeley; died in ?rorhpton in 1871. They had: — 

Agnes M. Plumb, h. 1844. 

Hiram Plumb^ [Jacob^ Jacob^ Waitstill Johnf Waitstill^ Wait') 
was born in Wilkes-Barre in 181 8; removed with the family to 
Wyoming in 1820, to Hanover in 1826, to Harford m 1830, to 
Prompton in 1835; married Emma Jenkins; removed to Hones- 
dale in 1845 and to Philadelphia in 1862; resides in Philadelphia. 
They have no children. 

Henry Blackman Plumb^ {Charles,^ Jacob, ^ Jacob, '^ Waitstill 
Johiif Waitstill^ Wait}) was born in Hanover in 1829; removed to 
Honesdale in 1848; returned to Hanover in 1855; married Emma 
L. Ruggles; lives in Sugar Notch, at Plumbton. They had: — 

George H. R. Plumb, b. 1854. 


JosiAH Pell^ was born in New York City in 1734; married 
Elizabeth Jackson for a second wife; came to Hanover during the 
Revolutionary War; settled on the east side of Lee's creek on the 
River Road; died there in 1801. They had: — 

1st, Josiah Pell, b. 1760, d. , was in \ 
the Massacre July 3d, 1778, and ^escaped. / 

2d, Polly (Mary) Pell, b. 1792, d. i860, ;//. John James. 

" Samuel Pell, b. 1796, d. 1873, 7U. Margaret Line. 

'' Silas Pell, ^. 1800,^. 1836. 


Samuel Pell^ {Josiah}) was born in Hanover in 1796; lived on 
the old homestead; married Margaret Line; died in Wilkes-Barre 
in 1873. They had: — 

Mary Pell, b. 1832, m. Matthias H. Petty. 

Harriet Pell, <^. 1835, m. Maurice Hann. 

Anna Pell, b. 1842, m. M. H. Post. 

Emily Pell, b. 1847, m. John Lee. 


Darius Preston^ came from Connecticut to Hanover previous 
to 1790; lived on the Back Road near Ashley; married Naomi 
Hibbard. They had: — 

Hibbard Preston, m. Margaret Pease. 

Isabel Preston, m. Henry Barkman. 

Hannah Preston, 7n. David Pease. 

Jerusha Preston, m. Jacob Rudolph. 

Williston Preston, b 1802, d. 1884, m. Rachel Kreidler. 

Acena Preston, m. Daniel Barnes. 

Cyprian Preston, m. Christiann Wylie. 

Hibbard Preston^ [Darius^) was born in Hanover; married 
Margaret Pease; lived on the road that ran from Ashley to the 
Blackman Mines. They had: — ^ 

Silas Preston. 

Hibbard Preston. 

Naomi Preston. 

Sally Preston. 

Jerusha Preston. 

Williston Preston^ (Darius^) married Rachel Kreidler; had 
no children. 


Samuel Pease^ came from Connecticut; was born in Connecti- 
cut in 1760; lived in Hanover at Ashley; married the widow 
Day; died in 1846; was buried at Ashley. They had: — 

David Pease, in. Hannah Preston. 

Samuel Pease, ;;/. Prudence Biddle. . 

Sally Pease, in. Oliver Helme. 



Lydia Pease, ni. George Eicke. 

Margaret Pease, fjt. Hibbard Preston. 

David Pease^ [Samuel^) was born in Hanover; removed to 
Dundaff, Susquehanna County, Pa.; married Hannah Preston; died 
in Dundaff. They had: — 

Solomon Pease, m. 

Daniel Pease, in. 

Dariel Pease, in. 

Samuel Pease, in. 

Williston Pease, in. 


Peter Quick^ was born in New Jersey; married, lived and died 
there. They had: — 

Thomas Quick, in. Catharine Shook. 

James Quick, . in. 

Mary Quick, in. Kearney. 

Thomas Quick^ {Peter^) was born in New Jersey; removed to 
Northampton County, Pa.; married Catharine Shook; came to 
Hanover in 18 10; lived on the Middle Road below Solomon's 
Creek; died in Wilkes-Barre in 1866. They had: — 

Peter Quick, in. Melinda Morse. 

Maria Quick, lives with her brother Thomas in Wilkes-Barre. 

Eliza Quick, in. William Pryor. 

Susan Quick, m. Avery Hurlbut. 

T-u ^ • 1 / o f Sarah Bird (widow 

Thomas Quick, 6. 1 8 1 1 , m. | ^^ WebsterStewart) 

Peter Quick^ {Thomas,^ Peter^) was born in Northampton 
County, Pa.; came to Wilkes-Barre; removed to New York; lived 
and died there; married Melinda Morse. They had: — 

Alonzo Quick, in. Mary Frederick. 

Albert Quick, died in the Army in 1863, in. 

Harriet Quick, in. Ransom. 

Catharine Quick, ;;/. Saylor. 

Thomas Quick^ (Thomas^ Peter^) was born in Hanover in 1811 ; 
married Sarah Bird (widow of Webster Stewart); lives in Wilkes- 
Barre. They had: — 


Mary Quick, b. 1842, m. Walter T. Leas. 

Emma Quick, b. 1843, " m. George S. Pfouts. 

John B. Quick, b. 1847, ^^- Kate G. Yaple. 

John B. Quick^ (Thomas^ Thomas^ Peter^) was born in Wilkes- 
Barre in 1847; married Kate G. Yaple; resides in Wilkes-Barre. 
They had: — 

Walter L. Quick, b. 1873. 

Florence S. Quick, b. 1875. 


Two brothers by the name of Ruggles, or Rugles, came from 
France to America, the date not known; one settled in Connecticut, 
the other went South. From the Connecticut Ruggles descended: — 

Alfred Ruggles, 711. Rebecca . 

• Alfred Ruggles^ ( Ruggles^) was born in Connecticut; 

came to Hanover previous to 1791; married Rebecca ; re- 
moved to Ohio in 1809. They had: — 

Lorenzo Ruggles, b. 1791, d. 1868, m. Polly Bennett. 
David Ruggles, in. In the West. 

Ashbel Ruggles, b. 1797, d. 1856, in. Angelina Bennett. 

Peter Ruggles, 




' m. 

Ezra Ruggles, 





Leman Ruggles, 





Almon Ruggles, 





Polly Ruggles, 





Annis Ruggles, 





Samantha Ruggles, 





Tamar Ruggles, 





LnRF.Nzn l^TTr;r;TFq^ 



/^ h 



— Johnson. 

Ruggles^) was born in Han- 
over in 1791 ; lived on the Middle Road above Hoover Hill school- 
house; died in Wilkes-Barre in 1868; married Polly Bennett. 
They had : — 

Almon Ruggles, m. 

Alfred Ruggles, ^ m. 

Josiah Ruggles, m. 

Ziba Ruggles, m. 


Catlin Riiggles, b. 1820, m. Ruth Ann Edgerton. 

Lorenzo Ruggles, b. 1822, in. 

Mary Ruggles, in. John Labar. 

Jane Ruggles, in. John Rimer. 

Paulina Ruggles, b. 1829, m. Charles Whitesell. 

AsHBEL Ruggles^ {Alfred^ Riiggles^\ was born in Hanover 

in 1797; married Angelina Bennett; lived on the Back Road at 
Sugar Notch; removed to Wisconsin in 1843, and to Minnesota in 
1853; died in 1856. They had: — 

George B. Ruggles, b. 1830, m. Rachel Woodle. 

Sarah E. Ruggles, b. 1833, ^^- Jeremiah Bates. 

Emma L. Ruggles; b. 1835, d. 1859, in. Henry B. Plumb. . 

Harriet M. Ruggles, b. 1837, ^^- Amos Newell. 

Mary A. Ruggles, b. 1840, m. Wm. Cunningham. 

Martha A. Ruggles, b. 1843, m. Robert Richardson. 
Jasper W. Ruggles, b. 1846, d. 1864, in the Army at Little Rock. 

Orpha E. Ruggles, b. 1848, in. Daniel Sutherland. 

Ida Ruggles, b. 1850, d. 1874, in. John W. Graham. 

Catlin Ruggles* {Lorenzof Alfred'^) was born in Hanover in 
1820; married Ruth Ann Edgerton; removed to Three Rivers, 
Michigan, in 1865; resides in Michigan. They had: — 

Edward L Ruggles, h. 1845, m. Mary H. Hughes. 

S. Paulina Ruggles, h. 1847, o'^^- Charles H. Jones. 

Josiah L. Ruggles, h. 185 1, in. Mary'Reish. 

William Z. Ruggles, b. 1855, m. Emma Mcjury. 

Henry H. Ruggles, b. 1859, ^^- I^ydia H. Carner. 

George B. Ruggles'* (Ashbelf Alfred^ Ruggles^) was born 

in Hanover in 1830; went West with his father in 1843; married 
Rachel Woodle; lives in Newtonia, Missouri. They had: — 

W. A. Ruggles, 6. 1855,. m. 

Emma L. Ruggles, 6. 1857, ^^- " * 

Eliza Ruggles, b. 1859, m. 

George H. Ruggles, b. 186 1. 

Jasper W. Ruggles, b. 1867. 

Nellie G. Ruggles, b. 1874. 



Robert Robins^ was born in New Jersey in 1777; came to 
Hanover; resided at and cleared up a farm near Ashley; returned 
to New Jersey in 1817; married Margaret Sharps; returned to 
Hanover, (Nanticoke) in 1837; died there in 1856. They had: — 

John Robins, m. Sarah Carter. 

Cornelius Robins, doctor — unmarried — d. 1855. 

Elizabeth Robins, in. Philip Hortung. 

Jonathan Robins, in. Elizabeth Winters. 

Robert Robins, " m. Hellen Houpt. 

Isaac Robins, . in. Margaret Keithline. 

Jacob Robins ni. Maria Line. 

Tist, Margaret Al- 
William G. Robins, b. 1825, niA . bertson, 

( 2d, JosephineGeorge 

John Robins^ (Roberf) was born in New Jersey; came to Han- 
over with his father in 1837; married Sarah Carter; removed to 
Michigan. They had: — 

Eliza Ann Robins, . in. Henry Line. 

Robert Robins, ^ m. Dunn. 

Sarah Robins. in. 

Spencer Robins, m. Pringle. 

Charles Robins, m. 

' Christiann Robins, in. # 

Jonathan Robins^ (Roberf) was born in New Jersey; came to 
Hanover with his father in 1837; married Elizabeth Winters; lived 
on the cross-road near Dundee shaft; removed to Michigan. They 

Mary Robins, tn. ' 

Cornelius Robins, in. 

Ann Robins, ^ in. 

Robert Robins, m. . 

Belle Robins, m. 

Christiann Robins, in. 

Robert Robins^ [Robert^) was born in New Jersey; came to 
Hanover with his father in 1837; married Eleaner Houpt; re- 
moved to Iowa. They had: — 


Ella N. Robins, m. LymanHakesBennett 

Cornelius Robins, in. 

Linda Robins, m. 

Isaac Robins^ {Robert^^ was born in New Jersey; came to 
Hanover with his father in 1837; married Margaret Keithline; 
removed to Illinois. They had: — 

Edmond Robins, fn. 

Andrew Robins, m. 

Jacob Robins^ [Robert^^ was born in New Jersey; came to 

Hanover with his father in 1837; married Maria Line; removed to 
Kansas. They had: — 

Samuel Robins, m. 

Elizabeth Robins, m, 

Martha Robins, in. 

Christiann Robins, m. 

John Robins, in. 

Dr. William G. Robins^ (Robert^') was born in New Jersey in 
1825; came to Hanover v/ith his father in 1837; lives in Nanti- 
coke; married, 1st, Margaret Albertson, 2d, Josephine George. 
They had: — 

1st, Margaret Robins. 

2d, Edwin Robins. 

« " Harry Robins. 


Robins^ lived in New Jersey; the place and his name is 

not known. They had : — 

John Robins, <^. 1785, d. 1831, m. Mary Garrison. 
Abner Robins, enlisted 181 2, lived on the West Branch. 
Rebecca Robins, ni. Elliot. 

John Robins^ ( Robins^) was born in New Jersey in 1785; 

came to Hanover a boy of 18 years; married Mary Garrison, of 
Hanover, who died in 1862; owned the property at Sugar Notch; 
lived there; died there in 1831. They had: — 

Elizabeth Robins, b. 1806, ;;/. Lewis Whitlock. 

Mary Robins, b. 1808, d. 1880. 



Cornelius Robins, h. 1810, m. Hannah Wiggins. 

Abner Robins, h. 1812, ^. 1884, m. Catharine Faustnach. 

Margaret Robins, 6. 18 14, m. Nathan G. Howe. 

John G. Robins, h. 1820, d. 1855, no 

James H. Robins, b. 1822, m. Harriet Monega. 

T-r -D u- i o ^ f 1st, Mary A. Mill. 

Ellas Robins, b. 1826, inA ,' ^ \^ r\ 4. 

' ' [ 2d, Sarah Overton. 

Cornelius Robins^ (/okn,^ Robins^) was born in Hanover 

in 1810; resides in Kingston, Luzerne County, Pa.; married Hannah 
Wiggins, of Hanover. They had : — 

%[ary Robins, ^n. 

Abner Robins, lives in Plymouth, m. 

John Robins, " " Dallas, m. 

Elias Robins, " ** Kingston, m. 

Hester Robins, '' '' Scranton, m. 

Abner Robins^ [John^ Robins^) was born in Hanover in 

1812; resided in Lewistown; died there about 1884; married 
Catharine Faustnach. They had: — 

Elizabeth Robins, m. James Calvin. 

Jane Robins, m. 

Millicent W. Robins, m. M. W. Printzenhoff. 

Anna A. Robins. 

Carter Robins. 

James H. Robins^ {John^ Robins^) was born in Hanover 

in 1822; lived in Wilkes-Barre; married Harriet Monega. They 
had : — 

George Robins, lives in Cleveland, m. 

Augusta Robins, m. 

William A. Robins, gone West. 

Abi L. Robins, m. Calvin W. Parsons. 

Walter S. Robins, m. Florence Ida Line. 

Elias Robins^ {Jo/m^ Robms^) was born in Hanover in 

1826; , resides in Wilkes-Barre; married ist, Mary A. Mill, 2d, 
Sarah Overton. They had : — 



Francis Robins, 

Mary Elizabeth Robins. 

Norman Robins, 

;;/. Jesse T. Morgan. 
m. Ellen Learn. 


Conrad Rinehimer^ was born in Germany; came to this 
country from Germany one year and a half old, his parents dying 
on shipboard; was brought up in Northampton County; married 
Mary Kocher; came to Hanover in 1805 with his family; settled 
on the Middle Road — Hog Back; died in Hanover. They had: — 

George Rinehimer, b. 1791, 
Betsey Rinehimer, b. 1793, 
Joseph Rinehimer, b. 1795, 
Daniel Rinehimer, b. 1797, 
Conrad Rinehimer, b. 
Rose Ann Rinehimer, b. 

Peter Rinehimer. b. 181 1. 


Simon Rinehimer, b. 181 8, ^. 1858, 
John Rinehimer, b. d. 1883, 

m. Margaret Sims. 
111. John Hoffman. « 
m. Sally Rummage. 
;;/. Anna Sims. 

Hannah Fletcher. 

John Sorber. 

1st, Sally Ann 

2d, Susan Johnson. 

Lovina Kreidler. 




m. Amelia Washburn. 

George Rinehimer^ {Conrad^) was born in Northampton 
County in 1791 ; came to Hanover with his father in 1805 ; lives in 
Dorrance township; married Margaret Sims. They had: — . 

Susan Rinehimer, 
Daniel Rinehimer, 
Katy Rinehimer, 
Mary Rinehimer, 
William Rinehimer, 
Peter Rinehimer, 
Henry Rinehimer, 
Cornelius Rinehimer, 

in. Lazarus Lutz. 
in. Polly Miller. 
in. Andrew Travly. 
;//. Adam Halderman. 
in. Hannah Eroh. 
in. Elizabeth Stewart. 

m. Miller. . 

in. Cassimer. 

Joseph Rinehimer^ {Conrad^) v/as born in Northampton 
County, Pa., in 1795; came to Hanover with his father's family in 
1805; married Sally Rummage; lived here; died in Hanover in 
1847. They had: — 

Priscilla Rinehimer, ;;/. Solomon Freece. . 


Mary Rinehimer, m. George Nagle. 

Susan Rinehimer, m. Charles A. Zeigler. 

A. Lanning Rinehimer, b. 1833, in. Kate Bennett 

Isaiah Rinehimer, b. 1835, m. Elizabeth KeithHne. 

Jacob Rinehimer, b. 1837, m. 

Zebulon Rinehimer, b. 1846, <3^. 1881, m. 

Daniel Rinehimer^ {Co?trad^) was born in Northampton 
County in 1797; married Anna Sims; they had children, but many 
years ago went West to Ohio, and their family is not known. 

Conrad Rinehimer^ {^Corirad^) married Hannah Fletcher; they 
had a large family in Hanover; all went to Illinois in 1850. 
They had: — 

Lydia Ann Rinehimer. 

Emanuel Rinehimer. ' ^ 

Ellen Rinehimer. 

Josephine Rinehimer. 

Peter Rinehimer^ (^^;^;r(^<^^) was born in Hanover in 181 1; 
married ist, Sally Ann Graver, 2d, Susan Johnson; still lives in 
Hanover at Hog Back; has no children. 

Simon Rinehimer^ [Conrad^') was born in Hanover in 1818; 
lived on the Middle Road above Fisher's; died there in 1858; mar- 
ried Lovina Kreidler. They had:— 

John Rinehimer, in. Alma E. Blodget. 

Daniel Rinehimer, m. Martha Bowman. 

Mary Catharine Rinehimer, in. Alvah Dilley. * 

Sarah Rinehimer. in. Stettler. 

Thomas Rinehimer, in. Carrie Monia. 

John Rinehimer^ {Conrad^) was born in Hanover; always lived 
in Hanover, on the Middle Road; died in 1883; married Amelia 
Washburn. They had: — 

Augusta Rinehimer, m. Evi Martin. 

Sarah Rinehimer. 

Ida Rinehimer, in. George Reiswick. 



Isaiah Rinehimer^ [Joseph^ Conrad^) was born in Hanover in 
1835; always lived in Hanover; has a residence on the Stone 
House Lot on the Middle Road; married Elizabeth Keithline. 
They had: — 

Charles J. Rinehimer, b. 1858, in. Lovina Craig. 

George F. Rinehimer, h. i860. 

Andrew C. Rinehimer, h. 1862. 

Elmer E. Rinehimer, b. 1864. 

Mary R. Rinehimer, b. 1867. 

Martha M. Rinehimer, b. 1874. 

the rummage family. 

Jacob Rummage^ was born in 1767; came to Hanover from 
Northampton County about 1803; bought land on the Back Road 
(near Blackman's), now the Warrior Run property; brought a 
young family with him; lived and died in Hanover in 1835. They 

Conrad Rummage, b. about 1790, w. Katie Minnich. 

Jacob Rummage, b. 1792, d. 1858, m. Susan Minnich. 

John Rummage, b. 1804, ;;/. Polly Hoover. 

Christine Rummage, ;;/. Jacob Miller. 

Polly Rummage, ;;/. Jacob Shafer. 

Sally Rummage, m, Joseph Rinehimer. 

Conrad Rummage^ (^Jacob^) was born in Northampton County 
about 1790; came to Hanover with his father about 1803; rnarried 
Katie Minnich; lived and died in Hanover. They had:- — 

Peter Rummage, b. 18 14, in. Sally Ruth. 

Tv/r T) JO f Simon Peter Van- 

Mary Rummage, d. 1871, ;;/. | dermark. 

Polly Rummage, m. Peter Bowman. 

Conrad Rummage, d. in. Kate Saum. 

Eliza Rummage, ///. Mahlon Van Norman 

Jacob Rummage^ {Jacob^) was born in Northampton County in 
1792; came with his father to Hanover about 1803; lived and died 
on the homestead in 1858; married Susan Minnich. They had: — 

William Rummage, b. about 181 8, in. Katie Ann Burner. 

Zebulon Rummage, b. 1829, in. Harriet A. Price. 

Amelia Rummage, ;//. John Kulp. 


John Rummage^ {Jacob^) was born in Hanover in 1804; married 
Polly Hoover; removed to Wisconsin in 1845. They had: — 
William Rummage, b. 1832, vi. Belinda Sidmore. 

Sally Ann Rummage, b. 1833, m. Martin Sidmore. 

Gabriel Rummage, b. 1838, in. Elizabeth Gulp. 

Amelia Rummage, b. 1839, d. 1865, ;;/. Michael Doyle. 
Gatharine J. Rummage, b. 1843, in. Nathan Daniels. 

Eliza Rummage, b. 1845, in. Henry Willhelmy. 

Martha Rummage, b. 1848, in. William Greenawalt. 

William Rummage,^ [Jacob,^ Jacob^) was born in Hanover 
about 181 8; lives in Ross township, Luzerne Gounty, Pa.; married 
Katie Ann Burner. They had: — 

Gyrus Rummage, b. about 1840, in. Hulda Blakesley. 

William Lewis Rummage, ;;/. Etta Grockett, 

Euphemia Rummage, in. Samuel Shultz. 

Margaret Rummage, in. Glark Edwards. 

Susan Rummage, in. James Wagner. 

Thomas Rummage, in. Shaw. 

Zebulon Rummage^ {^Jacob^ Jacob^) was born in Wilkes-Barre 
in 1829; lived in Hanover; removed to Dallas township in i860; 
married Harriet A. Price. They had : — 

Sarah Elizabeth Rummage, i?i. Asa Holcomb. 

William J. Rummage, ;;/. Harriet Sutton. 

Ghester Irvin Rummage, 

Anna Augusta Rummage. 

Zebulon Orville Rummage. 

THE smiley family. 

Archibald Smiley^ was born in the north of Ireland; emi- 
grated to America; married; settled in Hanover previous to 1796; 
was married the second time in 1805 to Sarah Lewis, widow of 
William Brown; resided in Hanover; died there in 1830. They 

1st, Lettitia Smiley, b. 1799, m. Elias Garey. 

'' Thomas Smiley, b. 1800, in. Lovina Fisher. 

" Jane Smiley, b. 1803, in. Benjamin Garey. 

2d, Mary Smiley, b. i8o6, in. Henry Fisher. 



2d, Samuel Smiley, b. i8io, d. 1876, in. Susan Fisher. " 
'' Phebe Smiley, b. 18 12, ;;/. Ransom Bennett. 

" Archibald Smiley, <^. i8i4,<^. 1880, ;;^.Lydia Lueder. 
" . Sarah Smiley, b. 1817, <^. 1854, m. Samuel Carver. 
" Elvirah Smiley, b. 18 19, m. Daniel Carey. 

" Lewis Smiley, b. 1823, m. Lucy Ann pastman. 

Thomas Smiley^ {Archibald'^) was born in Hanover in 1800; 
married Lovina Fisher; removed to Wisconsin with his family; 
died there. They had : — 

m. Alia D. Scales. 
m. Lyman Inman. 
m. S. S. Allen. 
7n. Cyrus Dickey. 

John Smiley, h. about 1827, 
Mary Smiley, 
Martha Smiley, 
Cora Smiley, 
Susan Smiley. 
Archibald Smiley. 
Lovina Smiley. 
Alvira Smiley. 

Samuel Smiley^ {Arcliibald^^ was born in Hanover in 18 10; 
married Susan Fisher; removed to Wisconsin; died there in 1876. 
They had: — 

Milton Smiley, 6. about 1834, 

Sarah Smiley, 

Hannah Smiley, 

Mary Smiley, 

Margaret Smiley, 

Perry Smiley. 

Charles Smiley. 

in. Francis Owen. 
;//. Aaron Hollister. 
;//. Archibald Carver. 
m. Edward Sargent. 
in. Joseph Owens. 

Sterling Smiley. 

Archibald Smiley^ {Archibald^) was born in Hanover in 18 14; 
married Lydia Lueder; removed to Wisconsin; died therein 1880. 
They had: — 

Alvah Smiley. 
Ellen Smiley, 
Jane Smiley, 
Harriet Smiley, 
Maria Smiley, 
Lyman Smiley, 


in. John Beck. 
in. Clinton Smith. 
;//. Vina Inman. 


Lewis Smiley^ {Archibald^) was born in Hanover in 1823; 
married Lucy A. Eastman; removed to Wisconsin in 1841; lives 
there. They had: — 

Harvey L. Smiley. 

Ella M. Smiley, d. 

Charles Smiley, d. 


Abraham Sorber,^ of German descent, came to Hanover from 
Northampton County about 1783; brought a family of grown-up 
children; lived on the Middle Road; owned the Bobb place; sold 
to Bobb ; died in Hanover. They had : — 

John Sorber, removed to Butler township. 

George Sorber, b. 1778, d. i860, in. Elizabeth Ehra. 

Jacob Sorber, m. Cease. 

Henry Sorber, removed to Butler township. 

Elizabeth Sorber, m. John Croop. 

John Sorber^ [Abraham^) was born in Northampton County; 
came to Hanover with his father; married Betsey Sleppy; removed 
to Butler township. They had: — 

Jacob Sorber. •, 

Elizabeth Sorber. * 

George Sorber^ {Abraham^) was born in Northampton County 
in 1778; came, to Hanover with his father in 1783; always lived in 
Hanover; died in i860; married Elizabeth Ehra. They had: — 

Polly Sorber, b. 1 801, d. 1880, m. John Duffy. 

John Sorber, <5. 1803, m. Rose Ann Rinehimer. 

Adam Sorber, b. 1807, m. Sally Ann Hawk. 

George Sorber, in. Caroline Stair. 

Isaac Sorber, m. Catharine Hawk. 

Sarah Sorber, went West. 

Susan Sorber, d. in. Abram Shoemaker. 

John Sorber^ {George'^ Abraham}) was born in Hanover in 
1803; has always lived here; lives on the Middle Road near where 
he was born; married Rose Ann Rinehimer. They had: — 

William Sorber, b. 1829, in. Maria Sellers. 

Andrew Sorber, ni: Elizabeth Alexander. 


Mary Sorber, d. m. Albert Hendershot. 

Susan Sorber, m. Jacob Hoover. 

Jenette Sorber, d. m. Lewis Lincinbigler. 

Samuel Sorber, ;;/. Melinda Kibler. 

Euphemia Sorber, m. Henry George. 

Adam Sorber^ (^George ^ Abraham^) was born in Hanover; mar- 
ried Sally Ann Hawk; lived in Union township. They had: — 
George Sorber. 

John Sorber. - . " 

William Sorber. 
Henry Sorber. 

George Sorber^ {George,^ Abraham^) was born in Hanover; 
lives in Hanover; married Caroline Stair. They had: — 

William Sorber, m. Mary Kresgy. 

Charles Wesley Sorber, m. Sarah Hoover. 

Frank Sorber, m. Anna Elliot. 
George Sorber, 
Clara Sorber. 

Isaac Sorber'^' (George^ Abraham^) was born in Hanover; lives 
in Nanticoke; married Catharine Hawk. 


Andrew Shoemaker^ was of German descent; lived on the 
Back Road on the west side of the cross-road, now the eastern end 
of Sugar Notch borough ; removed with his whole family about 
1838. They had: — 

r 1st, Susan Sorber. 

Abram Shoemaker, m.l 2d, Mary (Saum) 

( Shoemaker. 

William Shoemaker, killed by a horse. 

Betsey Shoemaker, in. 

Sally Shoemaker, m. Joseph Hendershot. 

William Shoemaker, brother of Andrew, lived on the Middle 
Road a short distance above the Sugar Notch cross-road; married 
Myers; went West about 1850. They had: — 

Henry Shoemaker, d. m. Mary Saum. 

John Shoemaker, . m. 


Eleazer Shoemaker, b. 1830, m. Martha Brown. 

Lucinda Shoemaker, 7n, 


John George Sively^ was born in Germany; came to America 
previous to 1788; married Jane Baldwin in Philadelphia; lived and 
died near Easton, Pa., in 18 12. They had: — 

George Sively, b. 1789, d. 1854, m. Fanny Stewart. 

Anna Sively, in. Dr. John J. Rogers. 

George Sively^ (yjohit George^) was born in Easton in 1789; 
came to Wilkes-Barre in 1809; married Fanny Stewart in 181 2; 
resided in Hanover on the River Road about two miles below 
Wilkes-Barre; died there in 1854. They h-ad: — 

Stewart Sively, b. 1814, ^. 

Mary F. Sively, b. 18 17, ni. Benjamin F. Pfouts. 

THE sterling FAMILY. 

James Sterling was born in Ireland; came to Hanover about 
181 5; lived on the Back Road below Sugar Notch Mines; married 
Elizabeth Nagle. They had: — 

Charles Sterling. 

Sarah Sterling;, m. Levi Learn. 

Eliza Sterling, m. Albert Richards. 

Susan Sterling, in. Lee W. Stewart. 

John Sterling, went West. 

Lydia Sterling, in. Charles Dunn. 

James Sterling. 


Lazarus Stewart^ was born in Scotland ; emigrated with his 
family first to Ireland, then to Holland, and finally to America, and 
settled in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in 1729; died there. 
He had (among other children) two sons believed to have been 
named: — 

Robert Stewart, ni. 

Alexander Stewart, m. 


Robert Stewart^ {Lazarus^) was born in Scotland or Ireland 
came with his father's family to America in 1729; settled in 
Lancaster County; married ; died there. They had: — 

CaptainLazarusStewart,<^. 1734,^. 1778, ;;/. Martha Espy. 

James Stewart, d. 1783, m. Priscilla Espy. 

Alexander Stewart^ {Lazarus^') was born in Scotland or 
Ireland; came with his father's family to America in 1729; settled 
in Lancaster County; married - — ; died there. They had: — 

Lieut. Lazarus Stewart, Jr., d. 1778, in. Dorcas Hopkins. 

George Stewart, 111. Rebecca Fleming. 

Mary Stewart, in. George Espy. 

Captain Lazarus Stewart" {Robert^ Lazarus^) was born in 
Lancaster County, Pa. (now Dauphin), in 1734; served in the old 
French and Indian War of 1755 to 1763; was in Braddock's defeat; 
married Martha Espy; was captain of the " Paxton Boys ; " came 
to Hanover in Wyoming as a settler with forty Lancaster County 
men late in 1769, or in February, 1770; within the year 1770 his 
forty was reduced to thirty Lancaster County men, to whom were 
added ten New England men; by 1772 these were reduced to 
eighteen men, who hired another eighteen men, thus keeping 
up — according to an understanding with the Susquehanna Com- 
pany — their number to not less than thirty -six ; he was the fiery 
and daring Yankee leader of those stirring times; resided in a 
block-house of his own on his land (long known afterwards as the 
Alexander Jameson lot), about midv/ay between the River Road 
and the river bank, on the upper flats in Hanover about 90 rods 
below the Wilkes-Barre line; was killed at the head of his com- 
pany in the battle and massacre of Wyoming July 3, 1778. They 

James Stewart, in. Hannah Jameson. 

Josiah Stewart, ni. Mercy Chapman. 

Elizabeth Stewart, ;;/. Alexander Jameson. 

Mary Stewart, m. Rev. Andrew Gray. 

Priscilla Stewart, m. Avery Rathbone. 

Margaret Stewart, m. James Campbell. 

James Stewart^ {Robert^ Lazarus^) was born in Lancaster 
County; came to Hanover with his brother, the captain, in 1769 or 


1770; returned to Lancaster before the massacre of 1778 at 
Wyoming; married Priscilla Espy; lived in Lancaster County; 
died there in 1783. They had: — 

Lazarus Stewart, b. 1783, d. 1839, ^- Elizabeth Crisman. 

Lieut. Lazarus Stewart, Jr.^ {Alexander^ Lazarus^) was born 
in Lancaster County; married Dorcas Hopkins; came to Hanover 
with his cousin, Capt. Lazarus Stewart, in 1769 or 1770; lived on 
the River Road about two miles below Wilkes-Barre, the place 
afterwards known as the Sively place, now Mrs. Pfouts'; was 
Lieutenant of the Hanover militia company; was in the Wyoming 
Battle and Massacre July 3, 1778, and was killed there. They 

Fanny Stewart, b: 1777, d. 1855, 111. George Sively. 

James Stewart"* (Capt. Lazarus f Robert^ Lazarus^) was born in 
Lancaster County; came to Hanover with his father's family about 
1772; married Hannah Jameson; lived and died in Hanover. They 
had: — • 

Abigail Stewart, in. Abram Thomas. 

Martha Stewart, in. Abram Tolles. 

Lazarus Stewart. 

Caroline Stewart, ;^. Rev. John Sherman. 

Fanny Stewart, in. Benjamin A. Bidlack. 


JosiAH Stewart^ {Capt. Lazari^sf Robert^ Lazarus^^ was born in 
Lancaster County; came to Hanover with his father's family; mar- 
ried Mercy Chapman; removed to New York State, where he died. 
They had: — 

Sons and daughters, but the names are unknown. 

Lazarus Stewart* {James ^ Robert,^ Lazarus^) was born in 
Lancaster County in 1783; came to Hanover with his step-father, 
Capt. Andrew Lee, in 1804; married Elizabeth Crisman; resided 
in Wilkes-Barre; died there in 1839; buried in Hanover Cemetery. 
They had: — 

Webster Stewart, ;;/. Sarah Bird. 

Lee W. Stewart, in. Susan Sterling. 

Frank Stewart, in. Mary C. Wilson. 

Thomas Stewart. 




Webster Stewart'* {Lazarus^ Jainesf Robert^ Lazartts^) was 
born in Wilkes-Barre; lived and died in Wilkes-Barre; married 
Sarah Bird. They had: — 

Isabella Stewart, in. George Leal. 


Peter Steele/ the first one known by name, was born in New 
Buffalo, Perry County, Pa, or reared there; removed to North- 
umberland (the family was originally from Scotland, then Ireland, 
thence removed to America) first, then to Hanover sometime 
previous to 1790; lived on the River Road below the Red Tavern; 
died in Hanover in 1823. They had: — 

David Steele. 

Joseph Steele, b. 1773, d. 1858, 

Peter Steele. 

Jacob Steele. 

John Steele. 

Andrew Steele. 

Hannah Steele, 

Margaret Steele, 

Mary Steele, 

Elizabeth Steele, 

;;/. Sarah Ransom. 



m. Amos Franklin. 

in. Cyrus Fellows. 

r Truman Trescot (or 
■ \ Trescut). 

Joseph Steele^ {Peter^) was born in Perry County ; came to 
Hanover with his father's family previous to 1790; married Sarah 
Ransom, of Plymouth ; owned the ferry and lived there, a short 
distance below the Red Tavern; this was one of the principal 
ferries crossing the river; the road to it was, previous to 1802, six 
rods wide; died here in 1858. They had: — 

[ 1st, Susan B. Cris- 

George P. Steele, b.x%oi,d. 1870, m.\ 3^, LydTa'^Eldridge 

1^ (widow of Doak). 

Jane Steele, b. 1802, d. 1863, 

Chester Steele, b. 1805, d. 1858, 
Joseph Steele, b. 1809, 
Sarah Steele, b. 181 1, ^. 1883, 

1st, Joseph M. Reel. 
' 2d, Levi Adams. 
m. Elizabeth Edwards. 
m. Margaret Fisher. 
;;/. John Power. 


Olive Steele, b. 1820, in. James B. Ramsey. 
John Steele, b. 1822. 

Charles Steele, b. 1824, m. Miranda Myers. 

Margaret Steele, b. 1826, m. Edwin F. Ferris. 


Christian Saum^ was probably born in Northampton County; 

came to Hanover previous to 1796; married ; lived on 

the Back Road, the lot — No. 10 — adjoins the Ashley borough 
line; died there. They had: — ^ , / 

Catharine Salome Saum, h. d. 1859, ;;/. Valentine Keyser. 

Susan Saum, ' ;;/. Bennett. 

John Saum, b. 17 yy, d. 1854, in. Elizabeth Garrison. 

John Saum^ [Christian^^ was born in Northampton County in 
1777; came to Hanover with his father's family previous to 1796; 
married Elizabeth Garrison; lived on the old homestead of his 
father on the Back Road near the Ashley line; died there in 1854. 
They had: — 

David Saum, h. 1802, d. 1854, in. Mary Shireman. 

Elizabeth Saum, 6. 1805, d. i860, ;;/. Jacob Rimer. 

Christian Saum, b. 1809, in. Caroline Askam. 

Lovina Saum, 6, 1813, in. Joseph Frederick. 

Joseph Saum, b. 18 17, in. Katy Bridinger. 

Catharine Saum, 6, 1821, <^. 1847, in. Conrad Rummage. 

Tist, Henry Shoe- 
Mary Saum, b. 1824, in.{ J .. " c., 
•^ ' ^' ] 2d, Abram Shoe- 

(^ maker. 

Christian Saum^ {^John^ Christiaii^) w'as born in Hanover in 
1809; married Caroline Askam; lived on the Back Road leading 
to Blackman Mine, or near it; removed to Wisconsin about 
1851-52, with his family. They had: — 

Anna Saum, in. Jacob Clows (Clous). 

William Saum. 
John Saum. 



Jonathan Weeks^ came from Fairfield, Conn., to Wyoming 
with his wife Abigail and two sons, Jonathan and Philip, in 
1762-63; escaped the massacre of 1763; Philip and Thomas, his 
sons, came to Wyoming in 1769 with the first two hundred in the 
second attempt to settle the land; the father, with Jonathan and 
Bartholomew and two daughters, came soon afterward; in the 
battle of July 3, 1778, seven persons went out from his house to 
the battle — Philip, Jonathan and Bartholomew, his sons, Silas 
Benedict, who married his grand-daughter, Jabez Beers (probably 
the father of Philip's wife), Josiah Carman, another relative, and 
Robert Bates, a boarder; the whole seven lay dead on the fatal field 
that night. His children were: — 

Jonathan Weeks, b. d. 1778, slain ^ 

in the Massacre, 

Philip Weeks, b. d. 1778, killed in 1 ., . ., -r» 

^ \/r ' ' }m. Abigail Beers. 

Massacre, J ^ 

Bartholomew Weeks, b. d. 1778, 

slain in the Massacre, ^ 

Thomas Weeks, ^. d. lived in Wilkes-Barre in 1788. 

^ , , , f Weeks, m. 

Two daughters < ..j , 

^ [ Weeks, m. 

Jonathan Weeks^ {Jonathan^) was born in Connecticut; came 
to Wyoming first in 1762-63, and finally* in 1769-70; resided in 

Wilkes-Barre; married ; was slain in the massacre July 

3, 1778. They had (the family of Jonathan is uncertain): — 

John Weeks, 

Jerusha Weeks. 

Sarah Weeks. 

Joseph Weeks. 

Benjamin Weeks. 

Philip Weeks^ [Jonathan^) was born in Connecticut; came to 
Wyoming first in 1762-63, and finally in 1769 with the first two 
hundred settlers ; resided in the lower part of Wilkes-Barre on or 
near the present Sturdevant place; married Abigail Beers; was 
killed in the Wyoming Massacre July 3, 1778, being called back 
out of the river by the promises of the Indians to spare his life, 


but as soon as he got out of the water they fell upon him with 

spear and tomahawk and killed him at the water's edge; they 

knew him; his house was about a mile below their town of Maugh- 

wauwama on the elevated flats or terrace. They had: — 

Lydia Weeks, m. Silas Benedict. • 

Hulda Weeks, in. Comfort Carey. 

■Du-r \\7 \ A ^^. ^ f 1st, Amelia Durkee. 
Phihp Weeks, b. 1 774, d. m. | ^^ ' Campbell. 

Luther Weeks, b. 

Thomas Weeks^ [Jonathan^) was born in Connecticut; came to 
Wyoming with the first two hundred settlers in 1769; was not in 

the Wyoming Massacre; married ; lived in Wilkes-Barre 

near his brother Philip's place; was made guardian of Philip's 
children in 1788. The names *of his children are uncertain, but 
they are supposed to be : — 

Lydia Weeks. 

Abigail Weeks. 

Elizabeth Weeks, m. Nathan Waller. 

Philip Weeks^ [Philips Jonathan^) was born in Wilkes-Barre 
about 1774; was four years old when his father was killed in the 
massacre; his mother married Ishmael Bennett, and about 1788 
removed to Hanover, where Philip, Hulda and Luther grew up; 
Philip married ist, Amelia Durkee, daughter of Captain Durkee, 
who was killed in the Wyoming Massacre; removed to Oquago 

about 1804; married, 2d, Campbell. They had a number of 

children, but their names are not known. 


Three brothers, named Nathan Wade, Joseph Wade and Abner 
Wade, came from Connecticut here in the early settlement of the 
township, before the battle and massacre of 1778; they lived at 
Buttonwood; Nathan was 'killed in the Wyoming Massacre July 

Nathan Wade^ [Natha7t^) lived in Scrabbletown (Ashley); had 
a saw-mill there; his wife's name was Nancy Dilley. They had: — 
Polly Wade, m. Milan Barney. 
Ruth Wade, m. Amos Herrick. 
Edward Wade. m. Larch. 



Edward Wade"^ {Nathan^ Nathan}) was born in Hanover; lived 

and died in Hanover; married Larch. They had: — 

Nathan Wade, b. about 1828, went) j^ . a ,xr , 
,,/ ^ • o- ('>^^- Katy Ann VVoods. 

West in 1859, i 


Silas Wiggins^ came to Hanover previous to 1799; lived on 
the six-rod road below Hoover Hill on the Middle Road; it is 
not known where he came from; married Hannah Hoover; was 
an iron maker at the forge in Nanticoke; went up the river to 
New York about 1833 or 1834. They had: — 

Felix Wiggins, 
John Wiggins, 
Henry Wiggins, 
Silas Wiggins, 
George Wiggins, 
Barbara Wiggins, 
Hannah Wiggins, 
Mary Wiggins, 



m. Cornelius Robins. 
m. James Garrison. 


Ancient Historians 9, 10 

Atlantides, Atlantic Island . . 10 

Alligewi, Alligeni 21 

Ancient fortification 33 

Arrow heads 52 

Arrival of settlers in 1762 ... 66 

Arrested Yankees 69 

Articles of Government .... 80 

Assessment of 1775 91 

Arms, best taken 93 

Assessment of Westmoreland, 

1777 95 

Allegiance, new oath to Connec- 
ticut 97 

Assessment of 1780 117, 118 

Assembly, general 123 

Alexander Patterson 125 

Arrest of Col. Butler 125 

Arrest of Capt. Franklin . . . 125 

Arrest of Harvey 126 

Arrest of old men 126 

Assembly Committee arrive . . 126 
Arrest of husbands by soldiers 126 
Assembly Committee find noth- 
ing wrong 127 

Armstrong arrives t 130 

Armstrong's treachery 130 

Armstrong promises protection 130 

A pledge of honor 130, 131 

A soldier's faith 131 

Armstrong sent up higher . . . 132 
Armstrong hurries back to Wyo- 
ming 132 

Armstrong defeated 133 

Assembly caves in 133 

Activity' of Franklin 137 

Allen, Ethan 135 

Associates 146, 148, 153 

Allotment of lands 145, 147 

Amount of land in a settling 

right 152 

Arrangement with Stewart . . 147 
Associates mostly Pennsylva- 

nians 155